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Kingdom of Hawai’i
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Inoca.
[1]
[1]: Illinois State Museum, The Illinois, Identity (2000), http://www.museum.state.il.us/muslink/nat_amer/post/htmls/hi_decline.html |
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’No one knows what the Chinese word ’Fu-nan’ represents. The country to which it refers appears to have had its heartland in the Mekong delta area. The Chinese describe it as an empire, with a number of vassal states; since modern scholars doubt whether this is correct, they treat the Chinese information with suspicion, and the name ’Fu-nan’ belongs in inverted commas.’
[1]
’Chinese records noted a maritime kingdom situated on the lower reaches of the Mwaekong that flourished from the third to seventh cen- turies C.E. Referred to as FUNAN, this polity is believed to be the intermediary of the sea-going trade between IMPERIAL CHINA to the east and INDIA to the west.’
[2]
’The name of Funan is first mentioned in the Sanguo zhi, which was compiled in the late 3rd century and covers the period 220-280 AD.’
[3]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.66) [2]: (Ooi 2004, pp. 10-11) [3]: (Jacques and Lafond 2007, p. 46) |
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’No one knows what the Chinese word ’Fu-nan’ represents. The country to which it refers appears to have had its heartland in the Mekong delta area. The Chinese describe it as an empire, with a number of vassal states; since modern scholars doubt whether this is correct, they treat the Chinese information with suspicion, and the name ’Fu-nan’ belongs in inverted commas.
[1]
’Chinese records noted a maritime kingdom situated on the lower reaches of the Mekong that flourished from the third to seventh cen- turies C.E. Referred to as FUNAN, this polity is believed to be the intermediary of the sea-going trade between IMPERIAL CHINA to the east and INDIA to the west.’
[2]
’The name of Funan is first mentioned in the Sanguo zhi, which was compiled in the late 3rd century and covers the period 220-280 AD.’
[3]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.66) [2]: (Ooi 2004, pp. 10-11) [3]: (Jacques and Lafond 2007, p. 46) |
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Chen-la. ’The first inscription in the Khmer language, heavily influenced by Sanskrit vocabulary, is dated AD 612 and comes from Angkor Borei; in the following century there were many more. But the details of political geography in each generation are obscure. For some of what we know, we are again indebted to Chinese sources, which speak of a Khmer state called ’Chen-la’ (Zhenla). it is not clear what this name represents, but it is clearly an attempt to represent a foreign name with Chinese symbols.’
[1]
’Akin to the MONS of Burma, the KHMERS established CHENLA, which enla- compassed modern Cambodia and northeast Thailand.’
[2]
’The term Chenla, a Chinese name, was used from the seventh century C.E. to refesetr to the territory of modern Cambodia and northeast Thailand. Modern historians have also applied the term to the period of Cambodian history from the seventh to early ninth centuries C.E. The origin of the name is unknown. According to Sui shu (History of the Sui Dynasty, 581-618 C.E.), Chenla was a former vassal of the kingdom of Funan, and it gradually grew in power until King She-to-ssu-na of Chenla was able to assert his independence and conquer Fu- nan.’
[3]
’Chinese records spoke of Land CHENLA and Water CHENLA, the former accessible overland and the latter reached by sea.’
[2]
’At the beginning of the eighth century, in 711 and 717 C.E., two embassies from Chenla were received at the court of the Tang dynasty, together with embassies from a kingdom named Wentan. The Chiu T’ang shu (Old History of the Tang Dynasty) stated that from 706 C.E., Chenla was divided into two parts: Water Chenla and Land Chenla. Land Chenla was also called Wentan, and this kingdom sent three further embassies in 753 or 754, 771, and 799 C.E. An itinerary has survived from the end of the eighth century, describing an overland voyage to Wentan across the mountains from the re- gion of modern Hà T|nh in north-central Vietnam.The precise route of this journey is uncertain, but one of the destinations may have been the ancient city and temple site at Vat Phu in southern Laos. It is probable that the story of the division of Land and Water Chenla originated from the realization by the Tang court that the territory of Chenla comprised at least two major kingdoms—one that could be reached by sea, the other reached overland.’
[4]
’Chenla is a name derived from Chinese historical records often used to describe an essentially protohistoric period dated between AD 550 and 800 that followed seamlessly from late prehistory.’
[5]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, 79) [2]: (Ooi 2004, 11) [3]: (Southworth 2004, 324) [4]: (Southworth 2004, 325) [5]: (Higham 2014, 823) |
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’The second and apparently unrelated legend involves a hermit named Kambu, who was given an apsaras or celestial nymph name demure by the great god Shiva (the major patron deity of Khmer rulers). This this marriage sprang the Khmer royal line as well as the people themselves. The Khmer thus came to call their land Kambudesa or ’Country of Kambu’, later abridged to Kambuja; it is the latter that the modern name ’Cambodia’ is derived.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, p. 33) |
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’The second and apparently unrelated legend involves a hermit named Kambu, who was given an apsaras or celestial nymph name demure by the great god Shiva (the major patron deity of Khmer rulers). This this marriage sprang the Khmer royal line as well as the people themselves. The Khmer thus came to call their land Kasaltmbudesa or ’Country of Kambu’, later abridged to Kambuja; it is the latter that the modern name ’Cambodia’ is derived.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, p. 33) |
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’The second and apparently unrelated legend involves a hermit named Kambu, who was given an apsaras or celestial nymph name demure by the great god Shiva (the major patron deity of Khmer rulers). This this marriage sprang the Khmer royal line as well as the people themselves. The Khmer thus came to call their land Kasaltmbudesa or ’Country of Kambu’, later abridged to Kambuja; it is the latter that the modern name ’Cambodia’ is derived.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, p. 33) |
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’The second and apparently unrelated legend involves a hermit named Kambu, who was given an apsaras or celestial nymph name demure by the great god Shiva (the major patron deity of Khmer rulers). This this marriage sprang the Khmer royal line as well as the people themselves. The Khmer thus came to call their land Kambudesa or ’Country of Kambu’, later abridged to Kambuja; it is the latter that the modern name ’Cambodia’ is derived.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, p. 33) |
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The ruling dynasty is often known as the Chalukyas of Kalyani, to distinguish them from the Chalukyas of Badami, founding branch of the family.
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’The League of the Iroquois was originally a confederacy of 5 North American Indian tribes: the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca. A sixth tribe, the Tuscarora, joined the League in 1722 after migrating north from the region of the Roanoke River in response to hostilities with White colonists. [...] On the eve of European contact the Iroquois territory extended from Lake Champlain and Lake George west to the Genesee River and Lake Ontario and from the St. Lawrence River south to the Susquehanna River. Within these boundaries each of the original 5 tribes occupied an north-south oblong strip of territory; from east to west, they were the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca. The region was primarily lake and hill country dissected by numerous rivers. Deciduous forests of birch, beech, maple and elm dominated the region, giving way to fir and spruce forests in the north and in the higher elevations of the Adirondack Mountains. In aboriginal times fish and animal species were diverse and abundant.’
[1]
The Iroquois Confederacy’s original name was Haudenosaunee Confederacy: ’Iroquois, any member of the North American Indian tribes speaking a language of the Iroquoian family-notably the Cayuga, Cherokee, Huron, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca, and Tuscarora. The peoples who spoke Iroquoian languages occupied a continuous territory around Lakes Ontario, Huron, and Erie, in present-day New York state and Pennsylvania (U.S.) and southern Ontario and Quebec (Canada). That larger group should be differentiated from the Five Nations (later Six Nations) better known as the Iroquois Confederacy (self name Haudenosaunee Confederacy).’
[2]
[1]: Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois [2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Iroquois-people |
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’The League of the Iroquois was originally a confederacy of 5 North American Indian tribes: the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca. A sixth tribe, the Tuscarora, joined the League in 1722 after migrating north from the region of the Roanoke River in response to hostilities with White colonists. [...] On the eve of European contact the Iroquois territory extended from Lake Champlain and Lake George west to the Genesee River and Lake Ontario and from the St. Lawrence River south to the Susquehanna River. Within these boundaries each of the original 5 tribes occupied an north-south oblong strip of territory; from east to west, they were the Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Cayuga, and Seneca. The region was primarily lake and hill country dissected by numerous rivers. Deciduous forests of birch, beech, maple and elm dominated the region, giving way to fir and spruce forests in the north and in the higher elevations of the Adirondack Mountains. In aboriginal times fish and animal species were diverse and abundant.’
[1]
The Iroquois Confederacy’s original name was Haudenosaunee Confederacy: ’Iroquois, any member of the North American Indian tribes speaking a language of the Iroquoian family-notably the Cayuga, Cherokee, Huron, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca, and Tuscarora. The peoples who spoke Iroquoian languages occupied a continuous territory around Lakes Ontario, Huron, and Erie, in present-day New York state and Pennsylvania (U.S.) and southern Ontario and Quebec (Canada). That larger group should be differentiated from the Five Nations (later Six Nations) better known as the Iroquois Confederacy (self name Haudenosaunee Confederacy).’
[2]
[1]: Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois [2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Iroquois-people |
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The true "original name" as such is unknown, given that the ancient Canaanites left few writings, and we are forced to rely on references to them by other cultures. However, cognates of the form כנען (Cana’an) are most common.
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Kena’an. Cultural continuity with the earlier Canaanites.
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NB: Liverani (2014) "The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy" will help code this page.
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In the Hebrew, יהודה. Named after the most powerful of the pre-Exile tribes which were described as remaining loyal to the Davidic dynasty.
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’Garo’ is the most frequently used term in the ethnographic literature. However, A’chik is the preferred self-designated term. Therefore, out of respect, we generally prefer “A’chik” instead of "Garo", except for source titles and direct quotations. ‘The Garos constitute one of the most important tribal communities in East and West Garo Hills. The Garos call themselves A’chik (Hill man), Mande (Man) or A’chik Mande. Ethnically, the Garos belong the the Tibeto-Burman race, whose cradle is said to have been North-West China, between the upper waters of Yang-tse Kiang and Hoang-Ho. The Garos have a close affinity with the Bodos, Kacharis, Kochs and such allied tribes of Assam valley.’
[1]
‘As stated earlier, the Garos prefer to call themselves as “A’chik or A’chik manderang” and as such, the appropriate term for their land will be “A’chik A’song” or “A’chik Land”.’
[2]
‘The word ‘Mande’ generally indicated ‘human being’ to differentiate from other beings as ‘Mande or Matburung’ (man or animal) and “Mande or Me’mang” (man or ghost). It is exceptionally used in rare cases to indicate the whole community from others like ‘Mandema ba Rori’ ‘Mandema Nepali’ that is whether hill man or plain people and Nepali. But it is not commonly used for the whole community. A’chik is suffixed by the word Mande as “A’chik manderang”, and in short form as “A’chikrang”.’
[3]
The term ’Garo’ is not used as an ethnonym by the people themselves: ‘There remains an obscurity about the origin of the word ’Garo.’ They are known as ’Garos’ to outsiders; but the Garos always designate themselves as ’Achik’ (’hill man’).’
[4]
Many members of the group self-define as ‘Garo’ when talking to outsiders, but it can also be used as an offensive term (seems to depend on tone and context).
[5]
"At present, Bangladeshi Garos refer to themselves as Mandi (which literally means ’human being’), whereas Indian Garos generally call themselves as Achik (hill dweller). Historical data show that different groups used different names in the past, and that there was never one name for all". ‘The word ‘Garo’ is not a Garo word and hence it has no meaning in their language. In fact, they never utter the word among themselves nor do they like to be called by that name.’
[2]
The etymological history of the term ’Garo’ is unclear, but the word might be of Boro origin: ‘P.C. Bhattacharya in his ‘Notes on Boro, Garo and Shans’ pointed out the possibility of the word ‘Garo’ to be of Boro origin. The word ‘Garo’ has two morphemes, Gar + o and meaning ‘one who has left’ or ‘separated’. The Lexico Statistical Dating Analysis conducted by Robbins Burling and P.C. Bhattacharya evidently showed that the Boros and the Garos spoke the same language and that their linguistic separation took place in about the first millennium B.C.’
[6]
[1]: Burman, J. J. Roy 1995. “Christianity And Development Among The Garos”, 210 [2]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 38 [3]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 40 [4]: Roy, Sankar Kumar: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Garo [5]: Bal, Ellen. They Ask If We Eat Frogs: Garo Ethnicity in Bangladesh. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007: 72-4. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARMDH9MD [6]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 37 |
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’Garo’ is the most frequently used term in the ethnographic literature. However, A’chik is the preferred self-designated term. Therefore, out of respect, we generally prefer “A’chik” instead of "Garo", except for source titles and direct quotations. ‘The Garos constitute one of the most important tribal communities in East and West Garo Hills. The Garos call themselves A’chik (Hill man), Mande (Man) or A’chik Mande. Ethnically, the Garos belong the the Tibeto-Burman race, whose cradle is said to have been North-West China, between the upper waters of Yang-tse Kiang and Hoang-Ho. The Garos have a close affinity with the Bodos, Kacharis, Kochs and such allied tribes of Assam valley.’
[1]
‘As stated earlier, the Garos prefer to call themselves as “A’chik or A’chik manderang” and as such, the appropriate term for their land will be “A’chik A’song” or “A’chik Land”.’
[2]
‘The word ‘Mande’ generally indicated ‘human being’ to differentiate from other beings as ‘Mande or Matburung’ (man or animal) and “Mande or Me’mang” (man or ghost). It is exceptionally used in rare cases to indicate the whole community from others like ‘Mandema ba Rori’ ‘Mandema Nepali’ that is whether hill man or plain people and Nepali. But it is not commonly used for the whole community. A’chik is suffixed by the word Mande as “A’chik manderang”, and in short form as “A’chikrang”.’
[3]
The term ’Garo’ is not used as an ethnonym by the people themselves: ‘There remains an obscurity about the origin of the word ’Garo.’ They are known as ’Garos’ to outsiders; but the Garos always designate themselves as ’Achik’ (’hill man’).’
[4]
Many members of the group self-define as ‘Garo’ when talking to outsiders, but it can also be used as an offensive term (seems to depend on tone and context).
[5]
"At present, Bangladeshi Garos refer to themselves as Mandi (which literally means ’human being’), whereas Indian Garos generally call themselves as Achik (hill dweller). Historical data show that different groups used different names in the past, and that there was never one name for all". ‘The word ‘Garo’ is not a Garo word and hence it has no meaning in their language. In fact, they never utter the word among themselves nor do they like to be called by that name.’
[2]
The etymological history of the term ’Garo’ is unclear, but the word might be of Boro origin: ‘P.C. Bhattacharya in his ‘Notes on Boro, Garo and Shans’ pointed out the possibility of the word ‘Garo’ to be of Boro origin. The word ‘Garo’ has two morphemes, Gar + o and meaning ‘one who has left’ or ‘separated’. The Lexico Statistical Dating Analysis conducted by Robbins Burling and P.C. Bhattacharya evidently showed that the Boros and the Garos spoke the same language and that their linguistic separation took place in about the first millennium B.C.’
[6]
[1]: Burman, J. J. Roy 1995. “Christianity And Development Among The Garos”, 210 [2]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 38 [3]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 40 [4]: Roy, Sankar Kumar: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Garo [5]: Bal, Ellen. They Ask If We Eat Frogs: Garo Ethnicity in Bangladesh. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007: 72-4. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARMDH9MD [6]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 37 |
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’Garo’ is the most frequently used term in the ethnographic literature. However, A’chik is the preferred self-designated term. Therefore, out of respect, we generally prefer “A’chik” instead of "Garo", except for source titles and direct quotations. ‘The Garos constitute one of the most important tribal communities in East and West Garo Hills. The Garos call themselves A’chik (Hill man), Mande (Man) or A’chik Mande. Ethnically, the Garos belong the the Tibeto-Burman race, whose cradle is said to have been North-West China, between the upper waters of Yang-tse Kiang and Hoang-Ho. The Garos have a close affinity with the Bodos, Kacharis, Kochs and such allied tribes of Assam valley.’
[1]
‘As stated earlier, the Garos prefer to call themselves as “A’chik or A’chik manderang” and as such, the appropriate term for their land will be “A’chik A’song” or “A’chik Land”.’
[2]
‘The word ‘Mande’ generally indicated ‘human being’ to differentiate from other beings as ‘Mande or Matburung’ (man or animal) and “Mande or Me’mang” (man or ghost). It is exceptionally used in rare cases to indicate the whole community from others like ‘Mandema ba Rori’ ‘Mandema Nepali’ that is whether hill man or plain people and Nepali. But it is not commonly used for the whole community. A’chik is suffixed by the word Mande as “A’chik manderang”, and in short form as “A’chikrang”.’
[3]
The term ’Garo’ is not used as an ethnonym by the people themselves: ‘There remains an obscurity about the origin of the word ’Garo.’ They are known as ’Garos’ to outsiders; but the Garos always designate themselves as ’Achik’ (’hill man’).’
[4]
Many members of the group self-define as Garo when talking to outsiders, but it can also be used as an offensive term (seems to depend on tone and context).
[5]
"At present, Bangladeshi Garos refer to themselves as Mandi (which literally means ’human being’), whereas Indian Garos generally call themselves as Achik (hill dweller). Historical data show that different groups used different names in the past, and that there was never one name for all". ‘The word ‘Garo’ is not a Garo word and hence it has no meaning in their language. In fact, they never utter the word among themselves nor do they like to be called by that name.’
[2]
The etymological history of the term ’Garo’ is unclear, but the word might be of Boro origin: ‘P.C. Bhattacharya in his ‘Notes on Boro, Garo and Shans’ pointed out the possibility of the word ‘Garo’ to be of Boro origin. The word ‘Garo’ has two morphemes, Gar + o and meaning ‘one who has left’ or ‘separated’. The Lexico Statistical Dating Analysis conducted by Robbins Burling and P.C. Bhattacharya evidently showed that the Boros and the Garos spoke the same language and that their linguistic separation took place in about the first millennium B.C.’
[6]
[1]: Burman, J. J. Roy 1995. “Christianity And Development Among The Garos”, 210 [2]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 38 [3]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 40 [4]: Roy, Sankar Kumar: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Garo [5]: Bal, Ellen. They Ask If We Eat Frogs: Garo Ethnicity in Bangladesh. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007: 72-4. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARMDH9MD [6]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 37 |
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’Garo’ is the most frequently used term in the ethnographic literature. However, A’chik is the preferred self-designated term. Therefore, out of respect, we generally prefer “A’chik” instead of "Garo", except for source titles and direct quotations. ‘The Garos constitute one of the most important tribal communities in East and West Garo Hills. The Garos call themselves A’chik (Hill man), Mande (Man) or A’chik Mande. Ethnically, the Garos belong the the Tibeto-Burman race, whose cradle is said to have been North-West China, between the upper waters of Yang-tse Kiang and Hoang-Ho. The Garos have a close affinity with the Bodos, Kacharis, Kochs and such allied tribes of Assam valley.’
[1]
‘As stated earlier, the Garos prefer to call themselves as “A’chik or A’chik manderang” and as such, the appropriate term for their land will be “A’chik A’song” or “A’chik Land”.’
[2]
‘The word ‘Mande’ generally indicated ‘human being’ to differentiate from other beings as ‘Mande or Matburung’ (man or animal) and “Mande or Me’mang” (man or ghost). It is exceptionally used in rare cases to indicate the whole community from others like ‘Mandema ba Rori’ ‘Mandema Nepali’ that is whether hill man or plain people and Nepali. But it is not commonly used for the whole community. A’chik is suffixed by the word Mande as “A’chik manderang”, and in short form as “A’chikrang”.’
[3]
The term ’Garo’ is not used as an ethnonym by the people themselves: ‘There remains an obscurity about the origin of the word ’Garo.’ They are known as ’Garos’ to outsiders; but the Garos always designate themselves as ’Achik’ (’hill man’).’
[4]
Many members of the group self-define as Garo when talking to outsiders, but it can also be used as an offensive term (seems to depend on tone and context).
[5]
"At present, Bangladeshi Garos refer to themselves as Mandi (which literally means ’human being’), whereas Indian Garos generally call themselves as Achik (hill dweller). Historical data show that different groups used different names in the past, and that there was never one name for all". ‘The word ‘Garo’ is not a Garo word and hence it has no meaning in their language. In fact, they never utter the word among themselves nor do they like to be called by that name.’
[2]
The etymological history of the term ’Garo’ is unclear, but the word might be of Boro origin: ‘P.C. Bhattacharya in his ‘Notes on Boro, Garo and Shans’ pointed out the possibility of the word ‘Garo’ to be of Boro origin. The word ‘Garo’ has two morphemes, Gar + o and meaning ‘one who has left’ or ‘separated’. The Lexico Statistical Dating Analysis conducted by Robbins Burling and P.C. Bhattacharya evidently showed that the Boros and the Garos spoke the same language and that their linguistic separation took place in about the first millennium B.C.’
[6]
[1]: Burman, J. J. Roy 1995. “Christianity And Development Among The Garos”, 210 [2]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 38 [3]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 40 [4]: Roy, Sankar Kumar: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Garo [5]: Bal, Ellen. They Ask If We Eat Frogs: Garo Ethnicity in Bangladesh. Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007: 72-4. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARMDH9MD [6]: Sangma, Mihir N. 1995. “Garos: The Name, Meanings, And Its Origin”, 37 |
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concentrated in the Indus and Saraswati Valleys and stretched from Gujarat in the south and the Makran coast and the Kachi plain in the west to the foothills of the Himalayas and the northern edge of the Ganges-Jamuna doab in the north and east.
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"The Japanese word Jomon literally means cord-marked, a term given to decoration applied to pottery with the impressions of twisted cords. The term was first used in the report of what is widely regarded as the first scientific archaeological excavation in Japan, at the Omori shell mounds near present-day Tokyo, written by Edward Sylvester Morse, in 1879. This term was subsequently used to refer to the archaeological period during which this pottery was used."
[1]
[1]: (Kaner & Nakamura 2004, i) |
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"The Japanese word Jomon literally means cord-marked, a term given to decoration applied to pottery with the impressions of twisted cords. The term was first used in the report of what is widely regarded as the first scientific archaeological excavation in Japan, at the Omori shell mounds near present-day Tokyo, written by Edward Sylvester Morse, in 1879. This term was subsequently used to refer to the archaeological period during which this pottery was used."
[1]
[1]: (Kaner & Nakamura 2004, i) |
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"The Japanese word Jomon literally means cord-marked, a term given to decoration applied to pottery with the impressions of twisted cords. The term was first used in the report of what is widely regarded as the first scientific archaeological excavation in Japan, at the Omori shell mounds near present-day Tokyo, written by Edward Sylvester Morse, in 1879. This term was subsequently used to refer to the archaeological period during which this pottery was used."
[1]
[1]: (Kaner & Nakamura 2004, i) |
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"The Japanese word Jomon literally means cord-marked, a term given to decoration applied to pottery with the impressions of twisted cords. The term was first used in the report of what is widely regarded as the first scientific archaeological excavation in Japan, at the Omori shell mounds near present-day Tokyo, written by Edward Sylvester Morse, in 1879. This term was subsequently used to refer to the archaeological period during which this pottery was used."
[1]
[1]: (Kaner & Nakamura 2004, i) |
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"The Japanese word Jomon literally means cord-marked, a term given to decoration applied to pottery with the impressions of twisted cords. The term was first used in the report of what is widely regarded as the first scientific archaeological excavation in Japan, at the Omori shell mounds near present-day Tokyo, written by Edward Sylvester Morse, in 1879. This term was subsequently used to refer to the archaeological period during which this pottery was used."
[1]
[1]: (Kaner & Nakamura 2004, i) |
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"The Japanese word Jomon literally means cord-marked, a term given to decoration applied to pottery with the impressions of twisted cords. The term was first used in the report of what is widely regarded as the first scientific archaeological excavation in Japan, at the Omori shell mounds near present-day Tokyo, written by Edward Sylvester Morse, in 1879. This term was subsequently used to refer to the archaeological period during which this pottery was used."
[1]
[1]: (Kaner & Nakamura 2004, i) |
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It is unclear whether ’Iban’ or ’Dayak’ was the name used originally. There is some variation concerning the usage of ethnonyms among the Iban of Borneo. ’The name "Iban" is of uncertain origin. Early scholars regarded it as originally a Kayan term, HIVAN, meaning "wanderer." The use of the name by those Iban in closer association with Kayan gives support to this possibility. Other Iban, of Sarawak’s First and Second Divisions, used the name "Dayak", and even today consider "Iban" a borrowed term. The participation of a few Iban in alliances with Malays for coastal piracy in the 19th century led to their being called "Sea Dayaks." Iban are to be encountered in all of the political divisions of the island of Borneo, but in the largest numbers in the Malaysian state of Sarawak, on the northwest coast. They have lived predominantly in the middle-level hills of the island, and during the last 150 years, fully half have moved onto the delta plains.’
[1]
’Iban’ is the more commonly used term in the ethnographic literature. ’Dayak’ is sometimes used to signify the entire tribal population of Borneo: ’Dayak, also spelled Dyak, Dutch Dajak, the non-Muslim indigenous peoples of the island of Borneo, most of whom traditionally lived along the banks of the larger rivers. Their languages all belong to the Indonesian branch of the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) language family. Dayak is a generic term that has no precise ethnic or tribal significance. Especially in Indonesian Borneo (Kalimantan), it is applied to any of the (non-Muslim) indigenous peoples of the interior of the island (as opposed to the largely Malay population of the coastal areas). In Malaysian Borneo (Sarawak and Sabah), it is used somewhat less extensively and is often understood locally to refer specifically to Iban (formerly called Sea Dayak) and Bidayuh (formerly called Land Dayak) peoples. [...] Although lines of demarcation are often difficult to establish, the most prominent of the numerous Dayak subgroups are the Kayan (in Kalimantan usually called Bahau) and Kenyah, primarily of southeastern Sarawak and eastern Kalimantan; the Ngaju of central and southern Kalimantan; the Bidayuh of southwestern Sarawak and western Kalimantan; and the Iban of Sarawak.’
[2]
Iban was chosen due to its prevalence in the ethnographic record. For ethnonyms, see the code below.
[1]: Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr. and John Beierle: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iban [2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Dayak |
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|
It is unclear whether ’Iban’ or ’Dayak’ was the name used originally. There is some variation concerning the usage of ethnonyms among the Iban of Borneo. ’The name "Iban" is of uncertain origin. Early scholars regarded it as originally a Kayan term, HIVAN, meaning "wanderer." The use of the name by those Iban in closer association with Kayan gives support to this possibility. Other Iban, of Sarawak’s First and Second Divisions, used the name "Dayak", and even today consider "Iban" a borrowed term. The participation of a few Iban in alliances with Malays for coastal piracy in the 19th century led to their being called "Sea Dayaks." Iban are to be encountered in all of the political divisions of the island of Borneo, but in the largest numbers in the Malaysian state of Sarawak, on the northwest coast. They have lived predominantly in the middle-level hills of the island, and during the last 150 years, fully half have moved onto the delta plains.’
[1]
’Iban’ is the more commonly used term in the ethnographic literature. ’Dayak’ is sometimes used to signify the entire tribal population of Borneo: ’Dayak, also spelled Dyak, Dutch Dajak, the non-Muslim indigenous peoples of the island of Borneo, most of whom traditionally lived along the banks of the larger rivers. Their languages all belong to the Indonesian branch of the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) language family. Dayak is a generic term that has no precise ethnic or tribal significance. Especially in Indonesian Borneo (Kalimantan), it is applied to any of the (non-Muslim) indigenous peoples of the interior of the island (as opposed to the largely Malay population of the coastal areas). In Malaysian Borneo (Sarawak and Sabah), it is used somewhat less extensively and is often understood locally to refer specifically to Iban (formerly called Sea Dayak) and Bidayuh (formerly called Land Dayak) peoples. [...] Although lines of demarcation are often difficult to establish, the most prominent of the numerous Dayak subgroups are the Kayan (in Kalimantan usually called Bahau) and Kenyah, primarily of southeastern Sarawak and eastern Kalimantan; the Ngaju of central and southern Kalimantan; the Bidayuh of southwestern Sarawak and western Kalimantan; and the Iban of Sarawak.’
[2]
Iban was chosen due to its prevalence in the ethnographic record. For ethnonyms, see below.
[1]: Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr. and John Beierle: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iban [2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Dayak |
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Old Kingdom of Hatti.
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"The term ’Tabal’ is something of an Assyrian administrative convenience. A regional designator rather than a political one, Tabal encompassed a number of city-states, whose porous, shifting borders no doubt made the generalization expedient."
[1]
[2]
"Beyond the Taurus there was Tabal, a confederation of minor kingdoms, which at times managed to gain independence. All these states were concentrated in the valleys and the plains between the mountains, and were separated from each other by the Taurus Mountains. Therefore, the states were located in key positions, allowing control over cultivated areas, the necessary routes for communication, and access to those natural resources necessary for the manufacture of iron."
[3]
"Tabal is employed as a blanket designation in an Assyrian administrative note written sometime between 743 and 738 BC, which lists the tribute payments of nine kings of Tabal"
[4]
[1]: (Melville 2010, 87-109) Melville, Sarah. "Kings of Tabal: Politics [2]: Competition, and Conflict in a Contested Periphery." in Richardson, Seth. ed. 2010. Rebellions and Peripheries in the Mesopotamian World. American Oriental Series 91. Eisenbrauns. Winona Lake. [3]: (Liverani 2014, 451) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. [4]: Radner, Karen. 2013. Tabal and Phrygia: problem neighbours in the West. Assyrian empire builders. University College London http://www.ucl.ac.uk/sargon/essentials/countries/tabalandphrygia/ |
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Named after King Lydus, of the Atyad dynasty, who ruled before the Mermnad dysnasty according to Herodotus.
[1]
Homer said original name was Maionia or Maeonia.
[2]
[1]: Roosevelt, C.H. 2012. Iron Age Western Anatolia. In Potts, D.T. (ed.) A Companion to the Archaeology of the Near East. London: Blackwell. p. 897-913 [2]: (Rich 2012) Rich, Kurt M V. 2012. Chasing the Golden Hoard: A Tale of Theft, Repatriation, Greed & Deceit. Authorhouse. |
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"The term ’Papal State’ is a modern one, hardly used by contemporaries to refer to the papal patrimony in the long period with which this book is concerned."
[1]
The term "Papal States" was not adopted until around 1200.
[2]
"It is still a matter of contention at what period the term ’papal states’ may be used to describe those areas where the pope was traditionally overlord, but certainly by the beginning of the thirteenth century popes were great feudatories in central Italy."
[3]
Eighth century popes called their state "The Republic of St. Peter". Terms such as "Papal States" are anachronistic when applied to the eighth and ninth centuries. Terms such as this only appear in late middle ages.
[4]
[1]: (Partner 1972, xii) Peter Partner. 1972. The Lands of St Peter. The Papal State In The Middle Ages And The Early Renaissance. University of California Press. Berkeley. [2]: Vauchez, 356 [3]: (Rist 2009) Rebecca Rist. 2009. The Papacy and Crusading In Europe, 1198-1245. Continuum. London. [4]: (Noble 2011, xxi) T F X Noble. 2011. The Republic of St. Peter: The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825, University of Pennsylvania Press. |
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"The term ’Papal State’ is a modern one, hardly used by contemporaries to refer to the papal patrimony in the long period with which this book is concerned."
[1]
The term "Papal States" was not adopted until around 1200.
[2]
"It is still a matter of contention at what period the term ’papal states’ may be used to describe those areas where the pope was traditionally overlord, but certainly by the beginning of the thirteenth century popes were great feudatories in central Italy."
[3]
Eighth century popes called their state "The Republic of St. Peter". Terms such as "Papal States" are anachronistic when applied to the eighth and ninth centuries. Terms such as this only appear in late middle ages.
[4]
[1]: (Partner 1972, xii) Peter Partner. 1972. The Lands of St Peter. The Papal State In The Middle Ages And The Early Renaissance. University of California Press. Berkeley. [2]: Vauchez, 356 [3]: (Rist 2009) Rebecca Rist. 2009. The Papacy and Crusading In Europe, 1198-1245. Continuum. London. [4]: (Noble 2011, xxi) T F X Noble. 2011. The Republic of St. Peter: The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825, University of Pennsylvania Press. |
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|
"The term ’Papal State’ is a modern one, hardly used by contemporaries to refer to the papal patrimony in the long period with which this book is concerned."
[1]
The term "Papal States" was not adopted until around 1200.
[2]
"It is still a matter of contention at what period the term ’papal states’ may be used to describe those areas where the pope was traditionally overlord, but certainly by the beginning of the thirteenth century popes were great feudatories in central Italy."
[3]
Eighth century popes called their state "The Republic of St. Peter". Terms such as "Papal States" are anachronistic when applied to the eighth and ninth centuries. Terms such as this only appear in late middle ages.
[4]
[1]: (Partner 1972, xii) Peter Partner. 1972. The Lands of St Peter. The Papal State In The Middle Ages And The Early Renaissance. University of California Press. Berkeley. [2]: Vauchez, 356 [3]: (Rist 2009) Rebecca Rist. 2009. The Papacy and Crusading In Europe, 1198-1245. Continuum. London. [4]: (Noble 2011, xxi) T F X Noble. 2011. The Republic of St. Peter: The Birth of the Papal State, 680-825, University of Pennsylvania Press. |
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Stato Pontificio
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Statum Pontificum
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Statum Pontificium
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’The Yakut, who prefer to call themselves "Sakha," [...] are the farthest-north Turkic people, with a consciousness of having once lived farther south kept alive by legends and confirmed by historical and archaeological research.’
[1]
[1]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut |
||||||
|
’The Yakut, who prefer to call themselves "Sakha," [...] are the farthest-north Turkic people, with a consciousness of having once lived farther south kept alive by legends and confirmed by historical and archaeological research.’
[1]
[1]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut |
||||||
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The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations. These groups include the Achuar who straddle the Ecuadorian-Peruvian border near the Pastaza River; the Aguarun settled near the Marañon River in Peru, and the Wampis in Peru who straddle the Santiago River.’
[1]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro |
||||||
|
The term "Jivaro" is frequently found in our sources to refer to a number of peoples in the Ecuador-Peru region, namely speakers of the Chicham and Shiwiar language groups including the Achuar, Awajun, and Wampis peoples. The term is, however, highly offensive to contemporary populations, as it was repurposed by many Spanish colonial writers to indicate a ’barbaric’ or ’savage’ nature. While much of the scholarship we rely on uses this term, out of respect, we use the word “Shuar” instead of "Jivaro", except for source titles and direct quotations. These groups include the Achuar who straddle the Ecuadorian-Peruvian border near the Pastaza River; the Aguarun settled near the Marañon River in Peru, and the Wampis in Peru who straddle the Santiago River.’
[1]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro |
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Wagadu. "Visitors from North Africa began referring to the Soninke state as Ghana, but the Soninke themselves and other Mande peoples know the ancient kingdom as Wagadu."
[1]
The Soninke "were the most northern of the Mande peoples, and they called their area Wagadu."
[2]
[1]: (Conrad 2010, 38) [2]: (Conrad 2010, 23) |
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Kidarite Kingdom.
[1]
The term "Kidarites" reflects the dynastic name, derived from King Kidara; the people were Chionites or Huns.
[2]
[1]: (Zeimal 1996, 123) Zeimal, E. V. The Kidarite Kingdom In Central Asia. in Litvinsky, B. A. ed. and Iskender-Mochiri, I. ed. 1996. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume III. The crossroads of civilizations: A.D. 250 to 750. pp.123-137. unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/001046/104612e.pdf [2]: (Zeimal 1996, 124) Zeimal, E. V. The Kidarite Kingdom In Central Asia. in Litvinsky, B. A. ed. and Iskender-Mochiri, I. ed. 1996. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume III. The crossroads of civilizations: A.D. 250 to 750. pp.123-137. unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/001046/104612e.pdf |
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Early phase 752 - 840 CE
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"Effective Abbasid rule in Yemen ended when Muhammad bin ’Ubaidallah bin Ziyad, appointed in 822 by Ma’mum to govern the Tihama, threw off all pretense of obedience of Baghdad beyond causing the Friday prayers to be said in the caliph’s name, and founded the Banu Ziyad state, laying out and building the city of Zabid as its capital."
[1]
[1]: (Stookey 1978, 45) Robert W Stookey. 1978. Yemen: The Politics of the Yemen Arab Republic. Westview Press. Boulder. |
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||||||
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Quasi-Polity. The 12th century was characterized by decentralization.
[1]
An "era of the ’war lords’" existed "until Rasulid times."
[2]
[1]: (Stookey 1978, 76) Robert W Stookey. 1978. Yemen: The Politics of the Yemen Arab Republic. Westview Press. Boulder. [2]: (Stookey 1978, 45) Robert W Stookey. 1978. Yemen: The Politics of the Yemen Arab Republic. Westview Press. Boulder. |
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"The term Tairona is a general, if not very accurate, label for the contact period Indian groups of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta and the adjacent areas of the Caribbean coast (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1953: 17-27; Bischof 1971; 1982-83). The word also applies to the archaeological culture created by their ancestors from around A.D. 800 to the Spanish Conquest."
[1]
[1]: (Bray 2003, 301) |
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’Orokaiva’ as an ethnic umbrella term was introduced in the colonial period: ’In the central part of the Northern District of Papua there is a concentration of approximately 26,000 people who are known collectively as the Orokaiva. The term Orokaiva came into use some years after European contact, and before that time the Orokaiva did not recognize themselves as a single group, nor did they all interact for any common purpose. Although they do not claim common ancestry, the various sub-groups possess a relatively homogeneous cultural heritage. The Orokaiva speak several dialects which are mutually intelligible and belong to a common language. [The term Orokaiva has no precise connotation but is here used in its widest sense to include such culturally related groups as the Notu, Binandere, Aiga and Sangara. The word is often used in a more restricted sense to refer to those people (predominantly speakers of the Kombu-Sangara dialects) who are served by the Higaturu Local Government Council.]’
[1]
’"Orokaiva" is the name for a number of culturally similar tribes in Papua New Guinea who speak mutually intelligible dialects. Although the tribes did not have an inclusive name for themselves until "Orokaiva" was introduced by Westerners, they generally distinguished among themselves as the river people (UMO-KE) saltwater people (EVA’EMBO), and inland people (PERIHO).’
[2]
We follow the ethnographic record and the Human Relations Area Files in employing the term Orokaiva. For ethnonyms and sub-groups, see below.
[1]: Crocombe, R. G., and G. R. (Geoffrey Robert) Hogbin 1963. “Land, Work, And Productivity At Inonda”, 1 [2]: Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva |
||||||
|
’Orokaiva’ as an ethnic umbrella term was introduced in the colonial period: ’In the central part of the Northern District of Papua there is a concentration of approximately 26,000 people who are known collectively as the Orokaiva. The term Orokaiva came into use some years after European contact, and before that time the Orokaiva did not recognize themselves as a single group, nor did they all interact for any common purpose. Although they do not claim common ancestry, the various sub-groups possess a relatively homogeneous cultural heritage. The Orokaiva speak several dialects which are mutually intelligible and belong to a common language. [The term Orokaiva has no precise connotation but is here used in its widest sense to include such culturally related groups as the Notu, Binandere, Aiga and Sangara. The word is often used in a more restricted sense to refer to those people (predominantly speakers of the Kombu-Sangara dialects) who are served by the Higaturu Local Government Council.]’
[1]
’"Orokaiva" is the name for a number of culturally similar tribes in Papua New Guinea who speak mutually intelligible dialects. Although the tribes did not have an inclusive name for themselves until "Orokaiva" was introduced by Westerners, they generally distinguished among themselves as the river people (UMO-KE) saltwater people (EVA’EMBO), and inland people (PERIHO).’
[2]
We have followed the ethnographic record and the Human Relations Area Files in employing the term Orokaiva. For ethnonyms and sub-groups, see below.
[1]: Crocombe, R. G., and G. R. (Geoffrey Robert) Hogbin 1963. “Land, Work, And Productivity At Inonda”, 1 [2]: Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva |
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"Before the arrival of Iranian peoples in Central Asia, Sogdiana had already experienced at least two urban phases. The first was at Sarazm (4th-3rd m. BCE), a town of some 100 hectares has been excavated, where both irrigation agriculture and metallurgy were practiced (Isakov). It has been possible to demonstrate the magnitude of links with the civilization of the Oxus as well as with more distant regions, such as Baluchistan."
[1]
[1]: De la Vaissière, Encyclopedia Iranica online, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/sogdiana-iii-history-and-archeology |
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"Before the arrival of Iranian peoples in Central Asia, Sogdiana had already experienced at least two urban phases. The first was at Sarazm (4th-3rd m. BCE), a town of some 100 hectares has been excavated, where both irrigation agriculture and metallurgy were practiced (Isakov). It has been possible to demonstrate the magnitude of links with the civilization of the Oxus as well as with more distant regions, such as Baluchistan."
[1]
[1]: De la Vaissière, Encyclopedia Iranica online, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/sogdiana-iii-history-and-archeology |
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"The ’Andronovo culture’ is a convenient way of referring to the various communities sharing a broadly similar culture that occupied the Kazakh steppe in the period 1800-1200 BC. It represents the consolidation of disparate groups whose livelihood was based on the herding of cattle and sheep, with some recourse to small-scale crop growing, who chose to decorate their pottery in similar ways and to use bronze tools and weapons of broadly similar kinds."
[1]
[1]: (Cunliffe 2015, 142) Cunliffe, Barry. 2015. By Steppe, Desert, and Ocean: The Birth of Eurasia. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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Hmong. The Hmong population was composed of various sub-groups: ’Bai Miao (White), Cowrie Shell Miao, Hei Miao (Black), Hmong, Hua Miao (Flowery), Hung Miao (Red), Magpie Miao, Qing Miao (Blue/Green)’
[1]
The term ’Miao’ is of Chinese origin: ’The various Miao groups are for the most part an unstratified agricultural people found in the uplands of several provinces of China and related to the Hmong of Southeast Asia. They are distinguished by language, dress, historical traditions, and cultural practice from neighboring ethnic groups and the dominant Han Chinese. They are not culturally homogeneous and the differences between local Miao cultures are often as great as between Miao and non-Miao neighbors. The term "Miao" is Chinese, and means "weeds" or "sprouts."’
[1]
’Miao is the official Chinese term for four distinct groups of people who are only distantly related through language or culture: the Hmu people of southeast Guizhou, the Qo Xiong people of west Hunan, the A-Hmao people of Yunnan, and the Hmong people of Guizhou, Sichuan, Guangxi, and Yunnan (see China: People). [...] The Miao are related in language and some other cultural features to the Yao; among these peoples the two groups with the closest degree of relatedness are the Hmong (Miao) and the Iu Mien (Yao).’
[2]
[1]: Diamond, Norma: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Miao [2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Miao |
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"Table 3.2 Chronology of the Neolithic period in the Ancient Near East." Khuzistan: Muhammad Jaffar 7000-6300 BCE; Susiana A 6300-5800 BCE; Tepe Sabz 5800-5400 BCE; Kazineh / Susiana B (not sure if two terms for same period or earlier/later) 5400-5000 BCE.
[1]
’
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 46) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. |
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"Table 3.2 Chronology of the Neolithic period in the Ancient Near East." Khuzistan: Muhammad Jaffar 7000-6300 BCE; Susiana A 6300-5800 BCE; Tepe Sabz 5800-5400 BCE; Kazineh / Susiana B (not sure if two terms for same period or earlier/later) 5400-5000 BCE.
[1]
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 46) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. |
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"Table 3.2 Chronology of the Neolithic period in the Ancient Near East." Khuzistan: Muhammad Jaffar 7000-6300 BCE; Susiana A 6300-5800 BCE; Tepe Sabz 5800-5400 BCE; Kazineh / Susiana B (not sure if two terms for same period or earlier/later) 5400-5000 BCE.
[1]
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 46) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. |
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"If we accept the evidence in favour of Seneb-Kay and the seven other similar tombs representing an independent kingdom, the "Abydos Dynasty," then we may plausibly suggest that this was a kingdom geographically flanked by a mosaic of potential political rivals. To the south lay the Theban kingdom ruled by the 16th Dynasty. To the nnorth the Hyksos 15th Dynasty and a possible array of vassal rulers would have dominated the Nile Delta. At the beginning of this era the vestiges of the 13th Dynasty may have still controlled the area around the Middle Kingdom royal capital at Itj-Tawy, even after secession of Upper Egypt (Ilin-Tomich 2014)."
[1]
[1]: (Wegner 2015, 77) Wegner, Josef. 2015. A royal necropolis at South Abydos: New light on Egypt’s Second Intermediate Period. Near Eastern archaeology. Volume 78. Issue 2. 68-78. |
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"The inhabitants of a Mossi state are not and were never all ‘true’ Mossi. Strictly speaking, this name applies only to the nobility (nakombse; snakombga) and to state officials and their descendants."
[1]
[1]: (Zahan 1967: 156) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TVIRPGXD/collection. |
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"The identification of the Sapes provides little difficulty. All the records testify that they were not a single tribe, but rather a loose community sharing a common culture. It comprised the Bulloms, Temnes, Limbas, Bagas, Nalus and an ethnic group variously known as the Cocolis, Landumas or Tyapis. One Portuguese observer drew a meaningful parallel when he commented that ’all these nations are called in general "Sapes", in the same way that in Spain several nations are called "Spaniards" ’. [...] One strong bond was provided by the fact that they shared the institution of the ’secret society’. Equally important, however, was their lack of political integration. The Sapes in no sense constituted a unitary state, and this was of crucial importance when they faced the Mane invaders."
[1]
[1]: (Rodney 1967: 219) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/G8G96NVQ/collection. |
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Technically speaking, this is only the name of the capital of the polity, but is frequently used to refer either to the presumed capital’s archaeological site or to the state of which it is presumed to have been the capital. “Archaeologists interchange the name Great Zimbabwe when referring both to muzinda (capital) and nyika (State)....”
[1]
[1]: (Chirikure 2021, 26) Shadreck Chirikure, Great Zimbabwe: Reclaiming a ‘Confiscated’ Past (Routledge, 2021). Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/MWWKAGSJ/collection |
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“According to the written history, the origin of present Anuradhapura has connections with the migrations that happened during the 5th to 6th century BCE, from India. Accordingly, the name Anuradhapura is due to two ‘Anuradha’s settled at this site during different periods. The first Anuradha was a man, among the one of 700 followers of Vijaya (prince), who came from India, and landed on the north-west coast in Sri Lanka during the 5th to 6th century. Vijaya was the first king of this civilization. The second Anuradha was a prince, one of six brothers of princess Bhaddakachana, the daughter of a Sakyan king, who arrived in Sri Lanka with thirty-two maidens for the consecration of Panduvasudeva (444 BCE–414 BCE). Her six brothers arrived later to Sri Lanka and settled down at different places, according to their wish. One of her brothers, Anuradha, built Anuradhagama. ‘Anuradha built a tank, and when he had built a palace to the south of this, he took up his abode there.’ This gives an important insight to the long history of urbanism, settlement and the agriculture and irrigation of Sri Lanka. For the building of a tank, he might have utilized indigenous knowledge and work- force (of pre-Vijaya); the storage of water should be for the irrigation and cultivation, as Malwathu Oya nearby was well enough for the daily consumption. This geographical and historical information is evidence of the anthropological ethnographical experience of the natural landscape location of Anuradhapura as important for a human settlement, which guides the dwelling, process of dwelling and the orientation of the place.”
[1]
“In the Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle, the time before the arrival of the first Aryan settlers is not described in detail. The chronicle refers to the island being inhabited by spirits and nagas—snakes or snake demons. It is assumed that this is the Aryans’ mythical conception of an indigenous population of hunters and gatherers. This indigenous population was first challenged by the arrival of the first Aryan settlers from North India. In the fifth century BC these Aryan settlers started to occupy parts of the island. They either pushed back the aboriginal inhabitants into the interior of the island or, at times, mixed with them. The Aryans were organised in clans. The Sinhalas, the most powerful clan, settled in the northern Dry Zone and introduced the cultivation of rice and the use of iron to the island. From intermarriages of the Aryans with the aboriginal people of Ceylon and with immigrants of South Indian Dravidian stock sprang the Sinhalese as an ethnic group. A regular supply of water was crucial for survival in the Dry Zone. Rainfall was not reliable and provided the settlers with only a single crop per year. Thus, the settlers started to develop considerable skills in the construction of irrigation works. At first, these works aimed at the conservation and storage of surplus water for the dry season, later the settlers also constructed works for the equal distribution of water in the region. The first large scale tank for the storage of water was constructed near the village of Anuradhagama which was later chosen as the capital of the region—under the name of Anuradhapura.”
[2]
[1]: (De Silva 2019, 166-168) De Silva, Wasana. 2019. ‘Urban agriculture and Buddhist concepts for wellbeing: Anuradhapura Sacred City, Sri Lanka’. International Journal of Design & Nature and Ecodynamics. Vol 14: 3. Pp 163-177. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/JIJEFKG3/collection [2]: (Wenzlhuemer, R. 2008, 19) Wenzlhuemer, Roland. 2008. From Coffee to Tea Cultivation in Ceylon, 1880–1900: An Economic and Social History. Leiden and Boston: Brill. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/EMUGE5WD/collection |
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“According to the written history, the origin of present Anuradhapura has connections with the migrations that happened during the 5th to 6th century BCE, from India. Accordingly, the name Anuradhapura is due to two ‘Anuradha’s settled at this site during different periods. The first Anuradha was a man, among the one of 700 followers of Vijaya (prince), who came from India, and landed on the north-west coast in Sri Lanka during the 5th to 6th century. Vijaya was the first king of this civilization. The second Anuradha was a prince, one of six brothers of princess Bhaddakachana, the daughter of a Sakyan king, who arrived in Sri Lanka with thirty-two maidens for the consecration of Panduvasudeva (444 BCE–414 BCE). Her six brothers arrived later to Sri Lanka and settled down at different places, according to their wish. One of her brothers, Anuradha, built Anuradhagama. ‘Anuradha built a tank, and when he had built a palace to the south of this, he took up his abode there.’ This gives an important insight to the long history of urbanism, settlement and the agriculture and irrigation of Sri Lanka. For the building of a tank, he might have utilized indigenous knowledge and work- force (of pre-Vijaya); the storage of water should be for the irrigation and cultivation, as Malwathu Oya nearby was well enough for the daily consumption. This geographical and historical information is evidence of the anthropological ethnographical experience of the natural landscape location of Anuradhapura as important for a human settlement, which guides the dwelling, process of dwelling and the orientation of the place.”
[1]
“In the Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle, the time before the arrival of the first Aryan settlers is not described in detail. The chronicle refers to the island being inhabited by spirits and nagas—snakes or snake demons. It is assumed that this is the Aryans’ mythical conception of an indigenous population of hunters and gatherers. This indigenous population was first challenged by the arrival of the first Aryan settlers from North India. In the fifth century BC these Aryan settlers started to occupy parts of the island. They either pushed back the aboriginal inhabitants into the interior of the island or, at times, mixed with them. The Aryans were organised in clans. The Sinhalas, the most powerful clan, settled in the northern Dry Zone and introduced the cultivation of rice and the use of iron to the island. From intermarriages of the Aryans with the aboriginal people of Ceylon and with immigrants of South Indian Dravidian stock sprang the Sinhalese as an ethnic group. A regular supply of water was crucial for survival in the Dry Zone. Rainfall was not reliable and provided the settlers with only a single crop per year. Thus, the settlers started to develop considerable skills in the construction of irrigation works. At first, these works aimed at the conservation and storage of surplus water for the dry season, later the settlers also constructed works for the equal distribution of water in the region. The first large scale tank for the storage of water was constructed near the village of Anuradhagama which was later chosen as the capital of the region—under the name of Anuradhapura.”
[2]
[1]: (De Silva 2019, 166-168) De Silva, Wasana. 2019. ‘Urban agriculture and Buddhist concepts for wellbeing: Anuradhapura Sacred City, Sri Lanka’. International Journal of Design & Nature and Ecodynamics. Vol 14: 3. Pp 163-177. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/JIJEFKG3/collection [2]: (Wenzlhuemer, R. 2008, 19) Wenzlhuemer, Roland. 2008. From Coffee to Tea Cultivation in Ceylon, 1880–1900: An Economic and Social History. Leiden and Boston: Brill. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/EMUGE5WD/collection |
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"The question of the Empire’s Dutchness is hard to answer because the term ‘Dutch’ is both too broad and too narrow. In terms of the ruling group of regents, it is more appropriate to talk of a Holland–Zeeland Empire since the other provinces, not to mention the ‘inland colonies’ of Brabant, Limburg and Drenthe, generally invested much less in overseas expansion. ‘Dutch’ in this sense is an anachronism that relies on the notion of a ‘national’ past that was constructed as such only in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. [...] Certainly, Dutch contemporaries themselves neither regarded it as an empire, nor did they feel any sympathies for the very idea of empire. Had they not succeeded in repelling such an empire in a tremendously bloody uprising lasting a staggering eighty years?"
[1]
[1]: (Emmer and Gommans 2020: 5, 10) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/AI9PPN7Q/collection. |
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“According to the written history, the origin of present Anuradhapura has connections with the migrations that happened during the 5th to 6th century BCE, from India. Accordingly, the name Anuradhapura is due to two ‘Anuradha’s settled at this site during different periods. The first Anuradha was a man, among the one of 700 followers of Vijaya (prince), who came from India, and landed on the north-west coast in Sri Lanka during the 5th to 6th century. Vijaya was the first king of this civilization. The second Anuradha was a prince, one of six brothers of princess Bhaddakachana, the daughter of a Sakyan king, who arrived in Sri Lanka with thirty-two maidens for the consecration of Panduvasudeva (444 BCE–414 BCE). Her six brothers arrived later to Sri Lanka and settled down at different places, according to their wish. One of her brothers, Anuradha, built Anuradhagama. ‘Anuradha built a tank, and when he had built a palace to the south of this, he took up his abode there.’ This gives an important insight to the long history of urbanism, settlement and the agriculture and irrigation of Sri Lanka. For the building of a tank, he might have utilized indigenous knowledge and work- force (of pre-Vijaya); the storage of water should be for the irrigation and cultivation, as Malwathu Oya nearby was well enough for the daily consumption. This geographical and historical information is evidence of the anthropological ethnographical experience of the natural landscape location of Anuradhapura as important for a human settlement, which guides the dwelling, process of dwelling and the orientation of the place.”
[1]
“In the Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle, the time before the arrival of the first Aryan settlers is not described in detail. The chronicle refers to the island being inhabited by spirits and nagas—snakes or snake demons. It is assumed that this is the Aryans’ mythical conception of an indigenous population of hunters and gatherers. This indigenous population was first challenged by the arrival of the first Aryan settlers from North India. In the fifth century BC these Aryan settlers started to occupy parts of the island. They either pushed back the aboriginal inhabitants into the interior of the island or, at times, mixed with them. The Aryans were organised in clans. The Sinhalas, the most powerful clan, settled in the northern Dry Zone and introduced the cultivation of rice and the use of iron to the island. From intermarriages of the Aryans with the aboriginal people of Ceylon and with immigrants of South Indian Dravidian stock sprang the Sinhalese as an ethnic group. A regular supply of water was crucial for survival in the Dry Zone. Rainfall was not reliable and provided the settlers with only a single crop per year. Thus, the settlers started to develop considerable skills in the construction of irrigation works. At first, these works aimed at the conservation and storage of surplus water for the dry season, later the settlers also constructed works for the equal distribution of water in the region. The first large scale tank for the storage of water was constructed near the village of Anuradhagama which was later chosen as the capital of the region—under the name of Anuradhapura.”
[2]
[1]: (De Silva 2019, 166-168) De Silva, Wasana. 2019. ‘Urban agriculture and Buddhist concepts for wellbeing: Anuradhapura Sacred City, Sri Lanka’. International Journal of Design & Nature and Ecodynamics. Vol 14: 3. Pp 163-177. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/JIJEFKG3/collection [2]: (Wenzlhuemer, R. 2008, 19) Wenzlhuemer, Roland. 2008. From Coffee to Tea Cultivation in Ceylon, 1880–1900: An Economic and Social History. Leiden and Boston: Brill. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/EMUGE5WD/collection |
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“According to the written history, the origin of present Anuradhapura has connections with the migrations that happened during the 5th to 6th century BCE, from India. Accordingly, the name Anuradhapura is due to two ‘Anuradha’s settled at this site during different periods. The first Anuradha was a man, among the one of 700 followers of Vijaya (prince), who came from India, and landed on the north-west coast in Sri Lanka during the 5th to 6th century. Vijaya was the first king of this civilization. The second Anuradha was a prince, one of six brothers of princess Bhaddakachana, the daughter of a Sakyan king, who arrived in Sri Lanka with thirty-two maidens for the consecration of Panduvasudeva (444 BCE–414 BCE). Her six brothers arrived later to Sri Lanka and settled down at different places, according to their wish. One of her brothers, Anuradha, built Anuradhagama. ‘Anuradha built a tank, and when he had built a palace to the south of this, he took up his abode there.’ This gives an important insight to the long history of urbanism, settlement and the agriculture and irrigation of Sri Lanka. For the building of a tank, he might have utilized indigenous knowledge and work- force (of pre-Vijaya); the storage of water should be for the irrigation and cultivation, as Malwathu Oya nearby was well enough for the daily consumption. This geographical and historical information is evidence of the anthropological ethnographical experience of the natural landscape location of Anuradhapura as important for a human settlement, which guides the dwelling, process of dwelling and the orientation of the place.”
[1]
“In the Mahavamsa, the Great Chronicle, the time before the arrival of the first Aryan settlers is not described in detail. The chronicle refers to the island being inhabited by spirits and nagas—snakes or snake demons. It is assumed that this is the Aryans’ mythical conception of an indigenous population of hunters and gatherers. This indigenous population was first challenged by the arrival of the first Aryan settlers from North India. In the fifth century BC these Aryan settlers started to occupy parts of the island. They either pushed back the aboriginal inhabitants into the interior of the island or, at times, mixed with them. The Aryans were organised in clans. The Sinhalas, the most powerful clan, settled in the northern Dry Zone and introduced the cultivation of rice and the use of iron to the island. From intermarriages of the Aryans with the aboriginal people of Ceylon and with immigrants of South Indian Dravidian stock sprang the Sinhalese as an ethnic group. A regular supply of water was crucial for survival in the Dry Zone. Rainfall was not reliable and provided the settlers with only a single crop per year. Thus, the settlers started to develop considerable skills in the construction of irrigation works. At first, these works aimed at the conservation and storage of surplus water for the dry season, later the settlers also constructed works for the equal distribution of water in the region. The first large scale tank for the storage of water was constructed near the village of Anuradhagama which was later chosen as the capital of the region—under the name of Anuradhapura.”
[2]
[1]: (De Silva 2019, 166-168) De Silva, Wasana. 2019. ‘Urban agriculture and Buddhist concepts for wellbeing: Anuradhapura Sacred City, Sri Lanka’. International Journal of Design & Nature and Ecodynamics. Vol 14: 3. Pp 163-177. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/JIJEFKG3/collection [2]: (Wenzlhuemer, R. 2008, 19) Wenzlhuemer, Roland. 2008. From Coffee to Tea Cultivation in Ceylon, 1880–1900: An Economic and Social History. Leiden and Boston: Brill. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/EMUGE5WD/collection |
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“In the 19th century the Jukun were the rulers of the most prominent successor state - the Kingdom of Wukari - which claimed continuity with the town Kororofa (remark the difference between the town Kororofa and the kingdom or empire Kwararafa).”
[1]
[1]: Dinslage, S., & Leger, R. (1996). Language and Migration the Impact of the Jukun on Chadic Speaking Groups in the Benue-Gongola Basin. Berichte Des Sonderforschungsbereichs – Universität Frankfurt Am Main., 268(8), 67–75: 68. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/8TZKHY4E/collection |
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“At its political and economic peak in the 16th and 17th centuries, the coastal kingdom of Allada stretched from the port of Offra – now the suburb of Godomey in the current Republic of Benin’s commercial capital of Cotonou – approximately 50 miles north into the hinterland beyond its capital city, also known as Allada.”
[1]
[1]: Aderinto, Saheed. African Kingdoms: An Encyclopedia of Empires and Civilizations. ABC- CLIO, 2017: 7. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/EB5TWDG7/collection |
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“At that time the country was known as Igodomingodo. (Egharevba 1953:4)”
[1]
Name sometimes rendered in English as Igodo monarchy or Igodo dynasty. “The first dynasty in Benin has been referred to as the Igobo monarchy and was apparently founded in c. 942-969. For more details about the Igodo dynasty refer to Egharevba (1960, 1-5) and Egharevba (1965) (also appearing with twelve other publications by the same author in a Kraus Reprint, Nendeln, 1973).”
[2]
[1]: Eisenhofer, S. (1995). The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba. History in Africa, 22, 141–163: 146. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WR8MRZAW/collection [2]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 422. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection |
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“At that time the country was known as Igodomingodo. (Egharevba 1953:4)”
[1]
Name sometimes rendered in English as Igodo monarchy or Igodo dynasty. “The first dynasty in Benin has been referred to as the Igobo monarchy and was apparently founded in c. 942-969. For more details about the Igodo dynasty refer to Egharevba (1960, 1-5) and Egharevba (1965) (also appearing with twelve other publications by the same author in a Kraus Reprint, Nendeln, 1973).”
[2]
[1]: Eisenhofer, S. (1995). The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba. History in Africa, 22, 141–163: 146. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WR8MRZAW/collection [2]: Sargent, R. A. (1986). From A Redistribution to an Imperial Social Formation: Benin c.1293-1536. Canadian Journal of African Studies / Revue Canadienne Des Études Africaines, 20(3), 402–427: 422. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AUEZSTBR/collection |
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“The Kingdom of Whydah (Hueda),1 situated on the "Slave Coast" of West Africa (in what is today the Republic of Benin), emerged as an independent power only in the late seventeenth century.”
[1]
[1]: Law, Robin. “‘The Common People Were Divided’: Monarchy, Aristocracy and Political Factionalism in the Kingdom of Whydah, 1671-1727.” The International Journal of African Historical Studies, vol. 23, no. 2, 1990, pp. 201–29: 201. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/8JKAH2V5/collection |
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“The Aro confederacy emerged uniquely as a state in southeastern Nigeria in ca. 1690-1720, according to the dating structure worked out by the author (Nwauwa 1990).”
[1]
[1]: Nwauwa, A. O. (1995). The Evolution of the Aro Confederacy in Southeastern Nigeria, 1690–1720. A Theoretical Synthesis of State Formation Process in Africa. Anthropos, 90(4/6), 353–364: 353. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/G4DWA3GQ/collection |
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“The Sokoto caliphate originated in 1804, when the Fulbe Islamic scholar Shehu Usumanu dan Fodio declared an Islamic reformist movement, or jihad, in northern Nigeria. The state that he founded eventually spread to encompass all of northern Nigeria, the northern Republic of Benin, and southern Niger, with the Shehu as caliph, or spiritual and political leader. In 1806 the various groups of seminomadic pastoral Fulbe residing in northern Cameroon joined the jihad under the leadership of the respected Islamic scholar Modibo Adama. The region was incorporated into the larger caliphate as the emirate of Adamawa, named after its founder.”
[1]
[1]: Delancey, Mark D. “The Spread of the Sooro: Symbols of Power in the Sokoto Caliphate.” Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians, vol. 71, no. 2, 2012, pp. 168–75: 168–169. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/87XHFF23/collection |
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“The Igala country (referred to in early reports and maps as Atagara or, sometimes, Okpoto) occupies an area of some 5,000 square miles contained within an angle formed by the junction of the Rivers Niger and Benue; it is administered by a Chief who- himself of alien (Jukun) ancestry-bears the title of Ata Gala and has his headquarters at Idah, on the Niger.”
[1]
[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 394. zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection |
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“Bawo, who succeeded his father, had six sons, three sets of twins, who became the rulers of Kano and Daura, Gobir and Zazzau (Zegzeg or Zaria) and Katsina and Rano respectively. Together with Biram, which was ruled by Bayajidda’s son by the Bornu princess, these seven states formed the hausa bakwai (the seven Hausa states).”
[1]
[1]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann; University of California Press: 270. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection |
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“Conventional histories of the Western Sudan are dominated by great empires - Ghana, Mali, Songhai, Kanem-Borno - but each was an agglomeration of polities, and each was surrounded by independent states.”
[1]
[1]: Isichei, E. (1997). A History of African Societies to 1870. Cambridge University Press: 223. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z4GK27CI/collection |
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“The Dahomeans, Dalzel states, were formerly called Foys and inhabited a small territory somewhat to the south of Abomey. Tacoodonou, chief of the Foys, treacherously murdered a neighboring chief, seized his town, Calmina (Kano), and subjugated the people. He then turned northward to Abomey, reduced it after an extended siege, and captured the chief, whose name was Da. In fulfillment of a vow, he ripped open Da’s belly, and built a compound over the deceased’s grave. He called this compound Da-Homey or, literally, in the language of the Foy (Fon), Da’s Belly. From that day forth, the Foys referred to themselves as Dahomeans and the area under their sovereignty was known as Dahomey. This phase of conquest began in the early years of the seventeenth century and was accomplished by 1625.”
[1]
[1]: Diamond, S. (1996). DAHOMEY: THE DEVELOPMENT OF A PROTO-STATE: An Essay in Historical Reconstruction. Dialectical Anthropology, 21(2), 121–216: 130. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/MW2G58RP/collection |
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"The Fipa lived on the south-western rim of the plateau. During the previous centuries the established population had been augmented by immigrants from the west, from Luba country in modern Zaire, who created several ritual chieftainships. The central one - Milansi,’the eternal village* -was headed by a dynasty of ironsmiths. Some-what later these dynasties were superseded by new immigrants, of unknown origin, named Twa. Organised as a single clan, in contrast to Fipa neighbourhoods, the Twa usurped power by force and cunning and established themselves as an aristocracy. The Milansi dynasty retained ritual power and the right to install the Twa chief, but the Twa exercised a territorial, administrative authority through appointed officials who transmitted orders to elected village headmen.While originating from the mingling of peoples, the Fipa state - for here the word is legitimate - was more stratified, had more precise borders, and was governed in a more strictly administrative manner than the other polities of the plateau."
[1]
[1]: (Iliffe 1979: 24) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/SB2AJMVC/collection. |
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"Karagwe, Nkore, and Buhaya formed small neighboring states to the major kingdoms of Bunyoro and Buganda in the Great Lakes region. Karagwe and Nkore were individual polities, while Buhaya refers to an area along the western side of Lake Victoria in which seven small states were recognized: Kiamutwara, Kiziba, Ihangiro, Kihanja, Bugabo, Maruku, and Missenye."
[1]
[1]: (Shillington 2005: 591) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AWA9ZT5B/collection. |
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| 493 | Holy Roman Empire - Ottonian-Salian Dynasty | Holy Roman Empire - Ottonian-Salian Dynasty | Confident | - | ||
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| 495 | Holy Roman Empire - Hohenstaufen and Welf Dynasties | German Kingdom - Hohenstaufen and Welf Dynasties | Confident | - | ||
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| 502 | Polish Kingdom - Piast Dynasty Fragmented Period | Polish Kingdom - Piast Dynasty Fragmented Period | Confident | - | ||
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| 504 | Hungary Kingdom - Anjou and Later Dynasties | Hungary Kingdom - Anjou and Later Dynasties | Confident | - | ||
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