No General Descriptions provided.
West Burkina Faso Red I |
continuity |
Preceding: West Burkina Faso Yellow I (bf_west_burkina_faso_yellow_5) [continuity] | |
Succeeding: West Burkina Faso Red I (bf_west_burkina_faso_red_1) [continuity] |
quasi-polity |
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Year Range | West Burkina Faso Yellow II (bf_west_burkina_faso_yellow_6) was in: |
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Quasipolity. As the following quotes suggests, houses where still highly independent, and differientiation was emerging within settlements rather than between them. "While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
"A true village emerged with the establishment of a second house (Mound 1) c. ad 450, and by the end of the first millennium ad the community had expanded to six houses. At first, these were economically generalized houses (potting, iron metallurgy, farming and herding) settled distantly apart with direct access to farming land that appear to have exercised some autonomy.Over the course ofYellow II and Red I, the founding house began to centralize control over ancestry (materialized in a cemetery monument), iron production, livestock wealth and even spatial syntax, with a shift in the location of new houses towards Mound 4." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 22)
"A true village emerged with the establishment of a second house (Mound 1) c. ad 450, and by the end of the first millennium ad the community had expanded to six houses. At first, these were economically generalized houses (potting, iron metallurgy, farming and herding) settled distantly apart with direct access to farming land that appear to have exercised some autonomy.Over the course ofYellow II and Red I, the founding house began to centralize control over ancestry (materialized in a cemetery monument), iron production, livestock wealth and even spatial syntax, with a shift in the location of new houses towards Mound 4." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 22)
"Over the course ofYellow II and Red I, the founding house began to centralize control over ancestry (materialized in a cemetery monument), iron production, livestock wealth and even spatial syntax, with a shift in the location of new houses towards Mound 4. They may have restricted access to spatio-cosmic origins in their role as village founders (from a spatially distant locale) and exercised a privileged social role derived from initial pacts with the local divinities. By Red I the founding house controlled iron production, itself an extension of spatio-cosmic origins as the divinities of the deep earth are conceptually distant and primordial (and dangerous), and need to be maintained properly." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 22)
As the following quotes suggests, houses where still highly independent, and differientiation was emerging within settlements rather than between them. "While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
"The false huts that were set atop the burials may have served as altars for petitioning the village ancestors, as documented amongst Gourounsi villages in the early twentieth century (Tauxier 1912). The burials of individuals from other mounds may have been restricted to their respective residential areas, and lacked false huts. The mortuary program was likely a materialization of Mound 4’s authority over a village community, and consequently over the village earth and ancestral shrines./"Widespread among modern Voltaic societies is the belief that the well-being of a community is assured by the special relationship between a village founder and the local spirits. The demographic growth of a village represents success in this pact, as maintained by a series of sacrificial petitions, although the political role of the descendents of a village’s founder varies according to society." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
levels. As the following quotes suggests, houses where still highly independent, and differientiation was emerging within settlements rather than between them. "While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
levels. The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
levels. The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
levels. The following suggests some hierarchy of rule. "With the founding of the third household (Mound 11) at the start of Yellow II (Figure 8), the village was now arranged in a north/south line, with adjacent farming land to each house. However, during Yellow II, it appears that Mound 4’s inhabitants extended corporate control over the territory as head of a village community, a sociopolitical model based in common descent. [...] While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
"For example, concurrent with the founding of Mound 11, a cemetery was established to the west of Mound 4, between their iron furnace and habitations. This cemetery was a mounded burial monument that was likely for the dead of Mound 4. The false huts that were set atop the burials may have served as altars for petitioning the village ancestors, as documented amongst Gourounsi villages in the early twentieth century (Tauxier 1912). The burials of individuals from other mounds may have been restricted to their respective residential areas, and lacked false huts. The mortuary program was likely a materialization of Mound 4’s authority over a village community, and consequently over the village earth and ancestral shrines." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
Luxury Precious Metal: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Ruler: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Elite: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Common People: | Suspected Unknown |
‘‘‘ The only metal mentioned in the literature consulted is iron. There is some evidence that ironworking was an exclusive practice and connected to emerging social inequality, but it remains unclear whether it was considered a “precious” metal. “At Kirikongo, increasing centralization is associated with a gradual co-option of iron metallurgy. Iron metallurgy as an avenue to inequality would provide an alternative spiritual power, de- rived from profound excavation and transformation in the realm of divinities (the earth). It is this power that today makes smiths held in high esteem and occasionally feared. The spiritual power of the Bwa smith is separate from the political process, but at Kirikongo the emergence of smith-elites at Mound 4 marks the possible combination of multiple spiritually derived sources of power, from those based upon their role as village founder (over nature and ancestry), to a new cult (iron) that may have been manipulated owing to its mysterious nature. In short, between Yellow II and Red I, the inhabitants of Mound 4 likely employed their ancestral priority to assume control of the village territory, then co-opted another source of authority using the spiritual power of iron.” [Dueppen 2012, p. 30]
Luxury Spices Incense And Dyes: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Ruler: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Elite: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Common People: | Suspected Unknown |
“The lack of evidence for trade provides a sharp contrast to contemporary Iron Age societies in northern Burkina Faso, whose sites contained items connected with the trans-Saharan trade (Magnavita 2009; Magnavita et al. 2002), as well as sites in the Inland Niger Delta like Jenne-Jeno (Mcintosh 1995), whose very position in a flood- plain environment required extensive trading net- works even for basic materials (iron ore, sand- stone for grinding tools). However, it should be noted that the primary commodities historically traded in western Burkina Faso, including mineral salt and textiles, would likely not appear archaeologically.” [Dueppen 2012, p. 26]
Luxury Manufactured Goods: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Ruler: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Common People: | Inferred Absent |
Not mentioned in recent and seemingly comprehensive literature (e.g. Dueppen 2012 [Dueppen 2012]
Luxury Glass Goods: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Ruler: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Common People: | Inferred Absent |
Not mentioned in recent and seemingly comprehensive literature (e.g. Dueppen 2012 [Dueppen 2012]
Luxury Fabrics: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Ruler: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Elite: | Suspected Unknown |
Consumption by Common People: | Suspected Unknown |
“The lack of evidence for trade provides a sharp contrast to contemporary Iron Age societies in northern Burkina Faso, whose sites contained items connected with the trans-Saharan trade (Magnavita 2009; Magnavita et al. 2002), as well as sites in the Inland Niger Delta like Jenne-Jeno (Mcintosh 1995), whose very position in a flood- plain environment required extensive trading net- works even for basic materials (iron ore, sand- stone for grinding tools). However, it should be noted that the primary commodities historically traded in western Burkina Faso, including mineral salt and textiles, would likely not appear archaeologically.” [Dueppen 2012, p. 26]
Luxury Statuary: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Ruler: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Common People: | Inferred Absent |
Not mentioned in recent and seemingly comprehensive literature (e.g. Dueppen 2012 [Dueppen 2012]
Luxury Precious Stone: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Ruler: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Common People: | Inferred Absent |
Not mentioned in recent and seemingly comprehensive literature (e.g. Dueppen 2012 [Dueppen 2012]
Luxury Fine Ceramic Wares: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Ruler: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Absent |
Consumption by Common People: | Inferred Absent |
Not mentioned in recent and seemingly comprehensive literature (e.g. Dueppen 2012 [Dueppen 2012]