No General Descriptions provided.
| West Burkina Faso Red I |
| continuity |
| Preceding: West Burkina Faso Yellow I (bf_west_burkina_faso_yellow_5) [continuity] | |
| Succeeding: West Burkina Faso Red I (bf_west_burkina_faso_red_1) [continuity] |
| quasi-polity |
| Year Range | West Burkina Faso Yellow II (bf_west_burkina_faso_yellow_6) was in: |
|---|
Quasipolity. As the following quotes suggests, houses where still highly independent, and differientiation was emerging within settlements rather than between them. "While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
"A true village emerged with the establishment of a second house (Mound 1) c. ad 450, and by the end of the first millennium ad the community had expanded to six houses. At first, these were economically generalized houses (potting, iron metallurgy, farming and herding) settled distantly apart with direct access to farming land that appear to have exercised some autonomy.Over the course ofYellow II and Red I, the founding house began to centralize control over ancestry (materialized in a cemetery monument), iron production, livestock wealth and even spatial syntax, with a shift in the location of new houses towards Mound 4." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 22)
"A true village emerged with the establishment of a second house (Mound 1) c. ad 450, and by the end of the first millennium ad the community had expanded to six houses. At first, these were economically generalized houses (potting, iron metallurgy, farming and herding) settled distantly apart with direct access to farming land that appear to have exercised some autonomy.Over the course ofYellow II and Red I, the founding house began to centralize control over ancestry (materialized in a cemetery monument), iron production, livestock wealth and even spatial syntax, with a shift in the location of new houses towards Mound 4." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 22)
"Over the course ofYellow II and Red I, the founding house began to centralize control over ancestry (materialized in a cemetery monument), iron production, livestock wealth and even spatial syntax, with a shift in the location of new houses towards Mound 4. They may have restricted access to spatio-cosmic origins in their role as village founders (from a spatially distant locale) and exercised a privileged social role derived from initial pacts with the local divinities. By Red I the founding house controlled iron production, itself an extension of spatio-cosmic origins as the divinities of the deep earth are conceptually distant and primordial (and dangerous), and need to be maintained properly." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 22)
As the following quotes suggests, houses where still highly independent, and differientiation was emerging within settlements rather than between them. "While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
"The false huts that were set atop the burials may have served as altars for petitioning the village ancestors, as documented amongst Gourounsi villages in the early twentieth century (Tauxier 1912). The burials of individuals from other mounds may have been restricted to their respective residential areas, and lacked false huts. The mortuary program was likely a materialization of Mound 4’s authority over a village community, and consequently over the village earth and ancestral shrines./"Widespread among modern Voltaic societies is the belief that the well-being of a community is assured by the special relationship between a village founder and the local spirits. The demographic growth of a village represents success in this pact, as maintained by a series of sacrificial petitions, although the political role of the descendents of a village’s founder varies according to society." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
levels. As the following quotes suggests, houses where still highly independent, and differientiation was emerging within settlements rather than between them. "While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
levels. The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
levels. The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
levels. The following suggests some hierarchy of rule. "With the founding of the third household (Mound 11) at the start of Yellow II (Figure 8), the village was now arranged in a north/south line, with adjacent farming land to each house. However, during Yellow II, it appears that Mound 4’s inhabitants extended corporate control over the territory as head of a village community, a sociopolitical model based in common descent. [...] While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
The following quote suggests the emergence of social differentiation in this period, but little appears to be understood about this phenomenon apart from the appearance of specialised smiths and the formation of senior and cadet social segments. "During Yellow II, the inhabitants of Mound 4 began a process that eventually led to centralization of iron production, as described in detail above. Iron ore extraction involves profound digging in the earth, the realm of spirits, and historically in Bwa society the practice is reserved solely for specialized smiths, who also excavate burials (see discussions below). The mid first millennium A.D. therefore witnessed a transformation from redundant social and economic roles for houses to specialization in at least one craft activity. While houses were still highly independent, even producing their own pottery, a formalized village structure was likely present with both cadet and senior social segments, founded upon common descent with a common ancestor." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)
"For example, concurrent with the founding of Mound 11, a cemetery was established to the west of Mound 4, between their iron furnace and habitations. This cemetery was a mounded burial monument that was likely for the dead of Mound 4. The false huts that were set atop the burials may have served as altars for petitioning the village ancestors, as documented amongst Gourounsi villages in the early twentieth century (Tauxier 1912). The burials of individuals from other mounds may have been restricted to their respective residential areas, and lacked false huts. The mortuary program was likely a materialization of Mound 4’s authority over a village community, and consequently over the village earth and ancestral shrines." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 28)