The Kachi Plain, in modern-day Pakistan, is hemmed in on two of its three sides by the mountains of Baluchistan, while its southeastern side opens up to the Indus Valley.
[1]
The earliest evidence for agriculture here was found in Mehrgarh and dates to 7000 BCE. By 5500, the people of Mehrgarh had begun to rely more on bovine and ovicaprine pastoralism for their meat, as opposed to hunting. Starting from around this time, there is also an increase in the number of known farming settlements in the region, most notably Kili Ghul Mohammad, Anjira, Siah Damb, and Rana Gundai. There is evidence for an increased range of craft activities and the first granaries appeared in Mehrgarh, as well as, perhaps, small-scale irrigation.
[2]
Population and political organization
It is not possible to give an accurate estimate of the region’s population at this time,
[3]
and the size of occupied Mehrgarh is uncertain, as the population shifted over time and part of the site has been cut away by the Bolan River.
[4]
Similarly, the literature does not provide many clues as to the political organization of Mehrgarh or any other site in the region during the period, although the appearance of granaries at Mehrgarh may suggest increasing social complexity.
[5]
[1]: (Jarrige & Enault 1976, 29) Jarrige, Jean-François, and Jean-François Enault. 1976. “Fouilles de Pirak - Baluchistan.” Arts Asiatiques 32 (1): 29-70. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/Q32UJUPX.
[2]: (McIntosh 2008, 57-61) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
[3]: (Possehl 1999, 472) Possehl, Gregory L. 1999. Indus Age: The Beginnings. New Delhi: Oxford & IBH Publishing. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IWNUD7IH.
[4]: (Jarrige 2013, 135-154) Jarrige, J.-F. 2013. Mehrgarh Neolithic. Paris: Éditions de Boccard. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/4MKZA34B.
[5]: (McIntosh 2008, 61) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
| none |
| Kachi Plain - Chalcolithic |
| continuity |
| Preceding: Kachi Plain - Aceramic Neolithic (pk_kachi_enl) [continuity] |
| quasi-polity |
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| Year Range | Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic (pk_kachi_lnl) was in: |
|---|---|
| (5500 BCE 4001 BCE) | Kachi Plain |
Mehrgarh is not a capital. It is however both the best studied and archaeologically richest site.
With limited archaeological (and no literary) evidence, it is not clear what sort of polity (or polities) were present at this time. [1] However, it is much more likely that we are dealing with a quasi-polity rather than a polity, and that there was nothing resembling a state at this time [2] .
[1]: Rita Wright: The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy and Society; Cambridge: CUP, 2010, pp. 79-105
[2]: A. Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017
With limited archaeological (and no literary) evidence, it is not clear what sort of polity (or polities) were present at this time [1] . However, it is much more likely that we are dealing with a quasi-polity rather than a polity, and that there was nothing resembling a state at this time [2] .
[1]: Rita Wright: The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy and Society; Cambridge: CUP, 2010, pp. 79-105
[2]: A. Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017
The size of occupied Mehrgarh is uncertain, as the population shifted over time and part of the site has been cut away by the Bolan River. [1] . A. Ceccarelli [2] confirms that it is not easy to estimate the population of Mehrgarh at this time because it is not clear how much of the site was inhabited at any given moment. As for burial data, "we do not yet know to what degree the excavated area may represent the whole graveyard and to what extent the burials reflect the actualliving population." [3] However, "The total area is likely ta be at least twelve hectares, however, including that which has been washed away by the Balan River. Such an expanse of cultural remains is difficult ta interpret until it is made clear that these deposits, in fact, do not represent the remains a permanent senlement. Only in the central part the senlement are superimposed architectural remains visible in the section cut by the Balan River and in the sections exposed in the soundings." [4] If we assume that between 4 and 12 hectares were occupied at any one time, and that there were about 50 inhabitants per hectare, then perhaps the site was inhabited by between 400 and 600 inhabitants.
[1]: Jarrige, J. F. (2008). Mehrgarh neolithic. Pragdhara, 18, 135-154.
[2]: Alessandro Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017
[3]: (Sellier 1995: 430) Pascal Sellier. 1995. ’Physical Anthropology’ in Mehrgarh, edited by Catherine Jarrige, Jean-Francois Jarrige, Richard H. Meadow, and Gonzague Quivron. Karachi: Dept. of Culture and Tourism, Govt. of Sindh ; in collaboration with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
[4]: (Jarrige 1995: 366) Catherine Jarrige, Jean-Francois Jarrige, Richard H. Meadow, and Gonzague Quivron. 1995. Mehrgarh. Karachi: Dept. of Culture and Tourism, Govt. of Sindh ; in collaboration with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
levels. Clay figurines have been found but there is no evidence for a religious hierarchy at Mehrgarh. [1] “At Mehrgarh human figurines are miniature works of art in clay. The earliest human figurines in Periods I are seated or standing and schematically represented. They were formed from a single piece of clay, with minimal representation of arms and legs; a few were adorned with necklaces and belts applied to the basic figure. Some were decorated with red ochre. In general, they range in size from 1.5 to 10 centimeters. Many of the figurines have feminine characteristics - realistic breasts; one standing figure bears the hint of genitalia and is obviously male (Jarrige 2005: 30-31). Catherine Jarrige (1991, 2005) conducted extensive study of the Mehrgarh figurines. As she points out, their frequent presence in trash deposits gives the impression they were discarded haphazardly. However, there are several clues that may lead to an understanding of their significance to the people at Mehrgarh. One is reflected in the locations of trash deposits. Since many of the deposits are found in household areas, they may represent a domestic cult, perhaps associated with “representations of tutelary deities for the family, the clan or a relevant profession” (Jarrige 1991: 92). Another possibility is their use for magical practices, as is frequently the case in agrarian societies (Jarrige 1991: 92). The recent discovery of one of the pierced human figurines in a grave from Period I, in which the figurine was held to the dead woman’s face in clasped hands, may indicate something about the role she played in society (Jarrige 2005: 34).
[1]: Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge
levels. “Agriculture and herding were well established by the beginning of Stage Two and some subsistence surpluses were possible. The excavators think that this does not imply that we can reconstruct the social stratigraphy that would be associated with an archaic state, but some internal differentiation of the Stage Two society is possible, in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.” [1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
Clay figurines have been found but there is no evidence for a professional priesthood at Mehrgarh. [1] .
[1]: Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge
No evidence for employment specialization characteristic of a developed urban society. Agricultural and herding would be typical occupations with "some internal differentiation ... in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.” [1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
No evidence for employment specialization characteristic of a developed urban society. Agricultural and herding would be typical occupations with "some internal differentiation ... in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.” [1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
No evidence for employment specialization characteristic of a developed urban society. Agricultural and herding would be typical occupations with "some internal differentiation ... in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.” [1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
No evidence for employment specialization characteristic of a developed urban society. Agricultural and herding would be typical occupations with "some internal differentiation ... in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.” [1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
No evidence for employment specialization characteristic of a developed urban society. Agricultural and herding would be typical occupations with "some internal differentiation ... in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.” [1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
No evidence for employment specialization characteristic of a developed urban society. Agricultural and herding would be typical occupations with "some internal differentiation ... in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.” [1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
It’s possible that Mehrgarh itself was a trading emporium "where people from the uplands gathered on a seasonal basis" [1] Evidence, for example, of trade in seashell ornaments [2]
[1]: (Ahmed 2014, 323 citing: ?)
[2]: (Kenoyer 1995: 566-582) Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. 1995. ’Shell trade and shell working during the Neolithic and Chalcolithic at Mehrgarh, Pakistan’ in Mehrgarh, edited by Catherine Jarrige, Jean-Francois Jarrige, Richard H. Meadow, and Gonzague Quivron. Karachi: Dept. of Culture and Tourism, Govt. of Sindh ; in collaboration with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
According to Ahmed, the variety of barley used "could be grown only in the irrigated fields, it implies and improved method of farming in the Kachi plains." [1] However, according to Akhund and Haroon, evidence for irrigation does not precede the Chalcolithic [2] .
[1]: (Ahmed 2014, 321)
[2]: (Akhund and Haroon 1995: XII) Hameed Akhun and Hameed Haroon. 1995. ’Preface’ in Mehrgarh, edited by Catherine Jarrige, Jean-Francois Jarrige, Richard H. Meadow, and Gonzague Quivron. Karachi: Dept. of Culture and Tourism, Govt. of Sindh ; in collaboration with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
According to Ahmed, the variety of barley used "could be grown only in the irrigated fields, it implies and improved method of farming in the Kachi plains." [1] However, according to Akhund and Haroon, evidence for irrigation does not precede the Chalcolithic [2] .
[1]: (Ahmed 2014, 321)
[2]: (Akhund and Haroon 1995: XII) Hameed Akhun and Hameed Haroon. 1995. ’Preface’ in Mehrgarh, edited by Catherine Jarrige, Jean-Francois Jarrige, Richard H. Meadow, and Gonzague Quivron. Karachi: Dept. of Culture and Tourism, Govt. of Sindh ; in collaboration with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs.
Copper was present from Mehrgarh III [1] , but may not have been used as ’money’.
[1]: Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge
There are no archaeological remains which can be interpreted as postal stations at Mehrgarh, and are therefore presumed absent. [1] No evidence for social structure that could have organized a postal system nor one what would have required one.
[1]: Jarrige, J. F. (2008). Mehrgarh neolithic. Pragdhara, 18, 135-154.
There are no archaeological remains which can be interpreted as postal stations at Mehrgarh, and are therefore presumed absent. [1] No evidence for social structure that could have organized a postal system nor one what would have required one.
[1]: Jarrige, J. F. (2008). Mehrgarh neolithic. Pragdhara, 18, 135-154.
Inferred lack of substantial circumvallation. [1] . The data for fortifications is inferred. Possehl states that before the Urban phase (i.e. 2600 BCE) for only 3 sites out of 463 Pre-Urban sites the archaeological evidence could potentially be interpreted as having some sort of substantial circumvallation. [1] .
[1]: (Gregory L. Possehl. ’Revolution in the Urban Revolution: The Emergence of Indus Urbanization’, Annual Review of Anthropology, vol. 19. (1990), p. 271)
Inferred absent from lack of evidence of significant warfare.
Not mentioned in detailed descriptions/lists of finds from Mehrgarh. "War technology is not well represented". [1] Only flint, bone and copper tools tools have been found at Mehrgarh [2]
[1]: (Kenoyer 1991: 347) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/A7DS8UKX/q/kenoyer.
[2]: Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge
Not mentioned in detailed descriptions/lists of finds from Mehrgarh. "War technology is not well represented". [1] Only flint, bone and copper tools tools have been found at Mehrgarh [2]
[1]: (Kenoyer 1991: 347) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/A7DS8UKX/q/kenoyer.
[2]: Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge
Not mentioned in detailed descriptions/lists of finds from Mehrgarh. "War technology is not well represented". [1] Only flint, bone and copper tools tools have been found at Mehrgarh [2]
[1]: (Kenoyer 1991: 347) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/A7DS8UKX/q/kenoyer.
[2]: Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge
Not mentioned in detailed descriptions/lists of finds from Mehrgarh. "War technology is not well represented". [1] Ground stone axe found in burial [2] - was this a battle axe? In one exceptional burial, a polished stone axe and three flint cores were placed in a basket and lay near the skull of the deceased. Sixteen blades from the same core were set in parallel rows along the spinal column [3]
[1]: (Kenoyer 1991: 347) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/A7DS8UKX/q/kenoyer.
[2]: (Ahmed 2014, p. 316)
[3]: (Jarrige et al. 1995: 246)
Evidence of armor made from organic materials has not been recovered from Mehrgarh.
Evidence of armor made from organic materials has not been recovered from Mehrgarh.
| Luxury Precious Metal: | Present |
| Place(s) of Provenance: | Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic |
| Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Present |
‘‘‘ copper; gold. “Sites such as Mehrgarh become central-place settlements, where raw materials (copper, shell, agate, chert) were processed for local and regional consumption (especially beginning in Mehrgarh, Period III).” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 344] “The people of Mehrgarh and Baluchistan also smelted copper ores, which were available in Afghanistan, and cast objects in copper. These are rarely found since the metal was valuable, and broken tools or ornaments could be melted down for reuse. Gold was also worked, as is shown by the find of a tubular gold bead.” [McIntosh 2008, p. 63] “The presence of status objects throughout the Indus region indicates a strong socioritual system of beliefs that demanded the acquisition and use of such items. A sufficient supply would have been ensured by economic networks and the spread of specialized artisans and technologies to major sites; there is no evidence for acquisition by force. More important, the acquisition of exotic goods must be seen in the same way as the accumulation of grain or livestock surplus--in an increasing status differentiation between those who have and those who have not.” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 345]
| Luxury Manufactured Goods: | Present |
| Place(s) of Provenance: | Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic |
| Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Present |
clay human figurines; terra cotta bull figurines; clay or bitumen seals; phtanite drills. “Seals are thought to indicate individuals or elite groups who controlled access to and distribution of essential goods (Joshi and Parpola, 1987). The sealings were rolled (Jarrige, 1984a) or stamped on clay or bitumen (Jarrige and Lechevallier, 1979) to seal containers or bundles of goods; they probably had ritual meaning as well as serving economic purposes. Various types of seals have been found at many of the early sites (Mehrgarh, Rehman Dheri, Dumb Sadaat, etc.) and were eventually elaborated into the exquisite stone seals with script of the Inte- gration Era.” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 347] “By around 4300 BCE (Togau phase), the number of settlements known in Baluchistan and in the adjacent lowlands had greatly increased, and often they were larger than earlier sites. These settlements included Periano Ghundai in the Zhob Valley, Mundigak in the Kandahar region, Faiz Mohammad in the Quetta Valley, Togau in the Sarawan region, and Sheri Khan Tarakai in the Bannu Basin. Occupation also continued at Mehrgarh (period III) and other existing settlements. Pottery, which had developed rapidly, was of fine quality, and many vessels were shaped on a wheel, allowing a degree of mass production, though others were handmade. Often the pots were painted with abstract or geometric designs. The widely distributed Togau ware vessels were decorated with stylized figures of caprids, birds, and other animals; somewhat similarly decorated wares were also being produced in contemporary Iran and Turkmenia. The geometric patterns are reminiscent of those created in later woven fabric and carpets, suggesting that there was also a flourishing textile industry: A spindle whorl found at Sheri Khan Tarakai supports this. Mehrgarh had become a center of craft production by the early fourth millennium: There workshops turned out large quantities of fine pottery, beads of lapis lazuli, turquoise, shell, and carnelian, shell bangles, and bone and stone tools, including tiny drills made of phtanite (a hard green chert containing traces of iron oxide) for perforating beads. A deep deposit of debris at the site included the remains of circular kilns, ash, and pottery wasters. A range of industrial activities has also been found at other sites of the period. The development of kilns used to fire pottery at high temperatures gave the people of Baluchistan advanced pyrotechnological skills, which they also employed in other industrial activities. The majority of beads at Mehrgarh were made of steatite in a variety of shapes but standardized in size. They were converted to a white color by heating, and faint traces on their surface show that they were coated with a copper-based glaze, creating a type of faience: This would have required a controlled kiln temperature of around 1000 degrees Centigrade.” [McIntosh 2008, pp. 62-63] “Various types of seals have been found at many of the early sites (Mehrgarh, Rehman Dheri, Dumb Sadaat, etc.) and were eventually elaborated into the exquisite stone seals with script of the Inte- gration Era.” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 347] “During the Regionalization Era, several categories of artifacts provide evidence for groups of people with differential access to essential resources. Seals are thought to indicate individuals or elite groups who controlled access to and distribution of essential goods (Joshi and Parpola, 1987). The sealings were rolled (Jarrige, 1984a) or stamped on clay or bitumen (Jarrige and Lechevallier, 1979) to seal containers or bundles of goods; they probably had ritual meaning as well as serving economic purposes. Various types of seals have been found at many of the early sites (Mehrgarh, Rehman Dheri, Dumb Sadaat, etc.) and were eventually elaborated into the exquisite stone seals with script of the Inte- gration Era.” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 347]
| Luxury Food: | Present |
| Place(s) of Provenance: | Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic |
cattle. “Throughout period I at Mehrgarh, cattle and sheep increased in importance, and by the end of the period (around 5500 or 5000 BCE), the people of the village had come to rely mainly on domestic cattle, sheep, and goats for their meat, rather than on hunted game. Genetic studies show that the world’s domestic cattle belong to two separate lineages: one including both European cattle and the African zebu, the other containing the Indian zebu (Bos indicus). The latter is probably descended from Bos namadicus, the wild cattle of Pleistocene South Asia, which may have been the variety of wild cattle being hunted at Mehrgarh. Studies of the bones of cattle from Mehrgarh show the progressive diminution in size that is a characteristic of domestication in many species. (Size diminution alone, however, is not sufficient evidence of domestication because it also occurred during the postglacial period in a number of species that were not domesticated.) As time went on, cattle became progressively important in the economy of Mehrgarh’s inhabitants.” [McIntosh 2008, p. 60]
| Luxury Fabrics: | Inferred Present |
| Place(s) of Provenance: | Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic |
spindle whorl “By around 4300 BCE (Togau phase), the number of settlements known in Baluchistan and in the adjacent lowlands had greatly increased, and often they were larger than earlier sites. These settlements included Periano Ghundai in the Zhob Valley, Mundigak in the Kandahar region, Faiz Mohammad in the Quetta Valley, Togau in the Sarawan region, and Sheri Khan Tarakai in the Bannu Basin. Occupation also continued at Mehrgarh (period III) and other existing settlements. Pottery, which had developed rapidly, was of fine quality, and many vessels were shaped on a wheel, allowing a degree of mass production, though others were handmade. Often the pots were painted with abstract or geometric designs. The widely distributed Togau ware vessels were decorated with stylized figures of caprids, birds, and other animals; somewhat similarly decorated wares were also being produced in contemporary Iran and Turkmenia. The geometric patterns are reminiscent of those created in later woven fabric and carpets, suggesting that there was also a flourishing textile industry: A spindle whorl found at Sheri Khan Tarakai supports this. Mehrgarh had become a center of craft production by the early fourth millennium: There workshops turned out large quantities of fine pottery, beads of lapis lazuli, turquoise, shell, and carnelian, shell bangles, and bone and stone tools, including tiny drills made of phtanite (a hard green chert containing traces of iron oxide) for perforating beads. A deep deposit of debris at the site included the remains of circular kilns, ash, and pottery wasters. A range of industrial activities has also been found at other sites of the period. The development of kilns used to fire pottery at high temperatures gave the people of Baluchistan advanced pyrotechnological skills, which they also employed in other industrial activities. The majority of beads at Mehrgarh were made of steatite in a variety of shapes but standardized in size. They were converted to a white color by heating, and faint traces on their surface show that they were coated with a copper-based glaze, creating a type of faience: This would have required a controlled kiln temperature of around 1000 degrees Centigrade.” [McIntosh 2008, pp. 62-63]
| Luxury Precious Stone: | Present |
| Place(s) of Provenance: | Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic ; foreign |
| Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Present |
White steatite beads; marine shell beads; marine shell pendants; marine shell bangles; limestone; jaspers; serpentine; lapis lazuli; turquoise; agate; carnelian; coloured cherts; faience. “The production of white steatite beads in the final phase of the aceramic Neolithic marks the beginning of a local craft tradition which will lead to the production of glazed white steatite beads in the course of Period III at Mehrgarh, in the last part of the 5th millennium BC.16” [Jarrige 2006, pp. 148-149] “During the Neolithic and Early Chalcolithic at Mehrgarh beads were made from both locally available and exotic raw materials and in a relatively limited range of shapes and sizes (24). The vast majority of the beads were made in short or long cylindrical shapes, though there are some other varieties (fig. 4). Most of the beads were made from relatively soft raw materials; shell, limestone, steatite, serpentine, lapis lazuli and even turquoise. There are some examples of hard carnelian beads in the Neolithic, but they all appear to have been short biconical shapes that can be perforated by chipping rather than drilling. Later, during the Chalcolithic period (4200 B.C. Period III) there is evidence for the use of hard stone drills and the production of longer bead shapes in agate and carnelian. A very important development during this same period is the firing of steatite to produce white steatite beads (25) and also probably the intentional heating of agate to produce deeper red-orange carnelian.” [Kenoyer 1991, pp. 88-90] “The evidence for trade/exchange is primarily artifacts made from raw materials with restricted sources, such as marine shell, agate, carnelian, lapis lazuli, turquoise, colored cherts and jaspers, serpentine, steatite, and copper. During the Regionalization Era, there was an increase in the import of raw materials from distant sources. Sites such as Mehrgarh become central-place settlements, where raw materials (copper, shell, agate, chert) were processed for local and regional consumption (especially beginning in Mehrgarh, Period III). These centers also began producing specialized ceramics for exchange to the hinterlands (Jarrige and Audouze, 1980; Jarrige, 1981, 1985; Wright, 1989b).” [Kenoyer 1991, pp. 343-345] “The shell artifacts from period I (aceramic neolithic and earliest ceramic neolithic) include principally ornaments that can be grouped on the basis of morphological features into the following categories: beads, pendants, and bangles. Almost all of these ornaments have been manufactured from marine shell species, the nearest source of which is the Arabian Sea some 500 km to the south. [...] In Period II, the total number of shell artifacts drops considerably (Table 1), but this is probably due to the fewer number of burials that have been excavated and to the absence of Spondylus disc bead necklaces from these burials. So far, most burials from Period II have had very few grave goods and no examples of disc bead necklaces. This may represent a significant change in socio-ritual traditions, but the discovery of one burial with a Dentalium bead necklace indicates that some tradition of including shell Shell Trade and Working ornaments still persisted. Until more burials are discovered from Period II, it is difficult to come to any firm conclusions. Other types of ornaments still occur including cylinder and tabular beads (Fig. 1: 19), a Pinctada pendant, and perforated examples of Polinices tumidus and Erosaria ocellata. The similarity in styles of tabular beads could indicate continued contact with the trade/exchange network of Period I or the reuse of older beads. One note of caution is necessary regarding the presence of Polinices tumidus and Erosaria ocellata pendants during this period. These artifacts are all from disturbed surface contexts, and since . These ornaments are commonly used by the local inhabitants of this region today, it is quite possible that some of them are modern and not from the sixth or fifth millennium B.C. The Polinices pendants from Periods III to VI are also all from similar surface deposits, and to my knowledge, no examples have yet been discovered in good stratigraphic contexts.” [Kenoyer 1995, pp. 566-569] “By around 4300 BCE (Togau phase), the number of settlements known in Baluchistan and in the adjacent lowlands had greatly increased, and often they were larger than earlier sites. These settlements included Periano Ghundai in the Zhob Valley, Mundigak in the Kandahar region, Faiz Mohammad in the Quetta Valley, Togau in the Sarawan region, and Sheri Khan Tarakai in the Bannu Basin. Occupation also continued at Mehrgarh (period III) and other existing settlements. Pottery, which had developed rapidly, was of fine quality, and many vessels were shaped on a wheel, allowing a degree of mass production, though others were handmade. Often the pots were painted with abstract or geometric designs. The widely distributed Togau ware vessels were decorated with stylized figures of caprids, birds, and other animals; somewhat similarly decorated wares were also being produced in contemporary Iran and Turkmenia. The geometric patterns are reminiscent of those created in later woven fabric and carpets, suggesting that there was also a flourishing textile industry: A spindle whorl found at Sheri Khan Tarakai supports this. Mehrgarh had become a center of craft production by the early fourth millennium: There workshops turned out large quantities of fine pottery, beads of lapis lazuli, turquoise, shell, and carnelian, shell bangles, and bone and stone tools, including tiny drills made of phtanite (a hard green chert containing traces of iron oxide) for perforating beads. A deep deposit of debris at the site included the remains of circular kilns, ash, and pottery wasters. A range of industrial activities has also been found at other sites of the period. The development of kilns used to fire pottery at high temperatures gave the people of Baluchistan advanced pyrotechnological skills, which they also employed in other industrial activities. The majority of beads at Mehrgarh were made of steatite in a variety of shapes but standardized in size. They were converted to a white color by heating, and faint traces on their surface show that they were coated with a copper-based glaze, creating a type of faience: This would have required a controlled kiln temperature of around 1000 degrees Centigrade.” [McIntosh 2008, pp. 62-63] “From the earliest period of settlement at Mehrgarh in the seventh millennium, far-reaching trade networks had given the village’s inhabitants access to the products of other regions, such as seashells from the Makran coast, turquoise from Kyzyl Kum in Central Asia, and lapis lazuli probably from Badakshan in Afghanistan. By the fifth millennium, lapis and turquoise were also reaching Susiana and Mesopotamia at the western end of the Iranian plateau, showing that trading networks operated right across these regions.” [McIntosh 2008, p. 165] “The diversification of the shapes and the miniaturization of the beads in the upper levels, as well as the occurrence of techniques of transformation of black steatite into white steatite by a heating process reveal an increasing level of craft specialization. The production of white steatite beads in the final phase of the aceramic Neolithic marks the beginning of a local craft tradition which will lead to the production of glazed white steatite beads in the course of Period III at Mehrgarh, in the last part of the 5th millennium BC.16” [Jarrige 2006, pp. 148-149] “The evidence for trade/exchange is primarily artifacts made from raw materials with restricted sources, such as marine shell, agate, carnelian, lapis lazuli, turquoise, colored cherts and jaspers, serpentine, steatite, and copper. During the Regionalization Era, there was an increase in the import of raw materials from distant sources. Sites such as Mehrgarh become central-place settlements, where raw materials (copper, shell, agate, chert) were processed for local and regional consumption (especially beginning in Mehrgarh, Period III).” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 344] “The absence of manufacturing waste in Period I deposits suggests that these ornaments were being manufactured in regions nearer the coast. So far, however, no contemporaneous shell-working sites have been discovered either in western mountain regions or along the Makran or Sindh coasts. [...] Other types of ornaments still occur including cylinder and tabular beads (Fig. 1: 19), a Pinctada pendant, and perforated examples of Polinices tumidus and Erosaria ocellata. The similarity in styles of tabular beads could indicate continued contact with the trade/exchange network of Period I or the reuse of older beads. [...] A few examples of wide Turbinella pyrum bangles have been recovered (24 to 27 mm in width), this indicating their continued use, but there is still no manufacturing waste that would show that they were manufactured at the site itself. We do, however, have evidence for the manufacture of a new and intriguing artifact made from the columella of a small Strombus shell (species not determinable) (Fig. 1: 15 17 and Fig. 12). Some of the columella are only partly chipped, this providing the first concrete evidence for the manufacture of marine shell artifacts at the site itself. [...] I have had the opportunity to examine identical perforated columellae that are purported to have been collected from prehistoric sites in Afghanistan (private bead collection). These columellae were considerably more ground on the exterior and appear to have been used as ornaments. If these beads are indeed from Afghanistan, then the presence of partially made beads from Mehrgarh would indicate that some of the finished beads were being traded to the western highlands. [...] Furthermore, on the basis of ceramic comparisons and the discovery of certain shell species at many of these sites, Tosi has reconstructed the possible access and trade/exchange routes between the Gulf of Oman and the inland regions (Tosi 1976: Fig. "1). The important species common to the Gulf of Oman are Engina mendicaria and Polinices tumidus, and the coastal and inter-site routes follow the major river valleys and plateaus. The site of Mehrgarh can now be linked to this vast interaction network on the basis of similarities in ceramic styles, the presence of lapis lazuli and turquoise, and now specific types of shell artifacts. [...] Similarities between Mehrgarh and the Balochistan sites, in terms of ornament styles and shell species, indicates that the major source of shell was from the western portion of the Makran coast probably coming via the western highland interaction network (Fig. 2)." [Kenoyer 1995, pp. 568-574] “The presence of status objects throughout the Indus region indicates a strong socioritual system of beliefs that demanded the acquisition and use of such items. A sufficient supply would have been ensured by economic networks and the spread of specialized artisans and technologies to major sites; there is no evidence for acquisition by force. More important, the acquisition of exotic goods must be seen in the same way as the accumulation of grain or livestock surplus--in an increasing status differentiation between those who have and those who have not.” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 345] “It is unlikely that we will ever be able to understand the socio-economic processes by which the disc bead necklaces were produced in Balochistan during the neolithic period, but we can be certain that the long strings of disc beads found in the burials at Mehrgarh had considerable socioeconomic and possibly even ritual value. The other types of beads and pendants were all made individually using various processes of chipping, drilling, grinding, and polishing. The types of beads being used at the site are fairly standard and indicate a well-developed manufacturing tradition. So far, however, there is no evidence for their manufacture at the site during Period I.” [Kenoyer 1995, p. 568]
| Luxury Fine Ceramic Wares: | Present |
| Place(s) of Provenance: | Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic |
| Consumption by Elite: | Inferred Present |
painted pots with abstract or geometric designs; ware vessels decorated with stylised figures of caprids, birds; clay figurines. “Sites such as Mehrgarh become central-place settlements, where raw materials (copper, shell, agate, chert) were processed for local and regional consumption (especially beginning in Mehrgarh, Period III).” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 344] “Later in the period some of the pottery was made on the tournette (turntable or slow wheel). A number of fireplaces and working surfaces of hard clay or brick paving, used for industrial activities, were found at Mehrgarh. Objects made at the site included bone, stone, and flint tools, pots and unfired clay figurines, and beads and other ornaments of shell, steatite, and ivory, and probably leather goods, woven textiles, and baskets. [...] By around 4300 BCE (Togau phase), the number of settlements known in Baluchistan and in the adjacent lowlands had greatly increased, and often they were larger than earlier sites. These settlements included Periano Ghundai in the Zhob Valley, Mundigak in the Kandahar region, Faiz Mohammad in the Quetta Valley, Togau in the Sarawan region, and Sheri Khan Tarakai in the Bannu Basin. Occupation also continued at Mehrgarh (period III) and other existing settlements. Pottery, which had developed rapidly, was of fine quality, and many vessels were shaped on a wheel, allowing a degree of mass production, though others were handmade. Often the pots were painted with abstract or geometric designs. The widely distributed Togau ware vessels were decorated with stylized figures of caprids, birds, and other animals; somewhat similarly decorated wares were also being produced in contemporary Iran and Turkmenia. The geometric patterns are reminiscent of those created in later woven fabric and carpets, suggesting that there was also a flourishing textile industry: A spindle whorl found at Sheri Khan Tarakai supports this. Mehrgarh had become a center of craft production by the early fourth millennium: There workshops turned out large quantities of fine pottery, beads of lapis lazuli, turquoise, shell, and carnelian, shell bangles, and bone and stone tools, including tiny drills made of phtanite (a hard green chert containing traces of iron oxide) for perforating beads. A deep deposit of debris at the site included the remains of circular kilns, ash, and pottery wasters. A range of industrial activities has also been found at other sites of the period. The development of kilns used to fire pottery at high temperatures gave the people of Baluchistan advanced pyrotechnological skills, which they also employed in other industrial activities. The majority of beads at Mehrgarh were made of steatite in a variety of shapes but standardized in size. They were converted to a white color by heating, and faint traces on their surface show that they were coated with a copper-based glaze, creating a type of faience: This would have required a controlled kiln temperature of around 1000 degrees Centigrade.” [McIntosh 2008, pp. 61-63] “Sites such as Mehrgarh become central-place settlements, where raw materials (copper, shell, agate, chert) were processed for local and regional consumption (especially beginning in Mehrgarh, Period III).” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 344] “Later in the period some of the pottery was made on the tournette (turntable or slow wheel). A number of fireplaces and working surfaces of hard clay or brick paving, used for industrial activities, were found at Mehrgarh. Objects made at the site included bone, stone, and flint tools, pots and unfired clay figurines, and beads and other ornaments of shell, steatite, and ivory, and probably leather goods, woven textiles, and baskets.” [McIntosh 2008, p. 61] “The presence of status objects throughout the Indus region indicates a strong socioritual system of beliefs that demanded the acquisition and use of such items. A sufficient supply would have been ensured by economic networks and the spread of specialized artisans and technologies to major sites; there is no evidence for acquisition by force. More important, the acquisition of exotic goods must be seen in the same way as the accumulation of grain or livestock surplus--in an increasing status differentiation between those who have and those who have not.” [Kenoyer 1991, p. 345]