“The final stage of the Tiwanaku kingdom, from about 725 to 1200, saw significant territorial expansion and the development of a complex, multiethnic society. Tiwanaku conquests during this period included a large part of the Pacific Coast from central Peru to northern Chile, and highland regions extending into the Andes Mountains. Around 1200, the Tiwanaku kingdom began to decline, and by the next century it had disappeared. Experts are not sure what caused this decline and disappearance, although some attribute it to climate change and extended drought. Tiwanaku civilization is known primarily from archaeological sites and ruins. The main Tiwanaku archaeological site is located in the high Altiplano area south of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia. The site contains many stone structures, earthen mounds, stairways, plazas, and reservoirs. Building stones at the site, weighing up to 100 tons, were brought from a quarry three miles away. The site’s renowned Gateway of the Sun was cut from a 10-foot-high stone and was carved with representations of humans, the condor, and the sun god. These typical Tiwanaku symbols also appear in the region’s textile designs and pottery. Other noteworthy examples of Tiwanaku construction are the Akapana Pyramid, a large earthen platform mound or stepped pyramid faced with finegrained volcanic rock, and the Kalasasaya, a large rectangular-shaped enclosure built with alternating rectangular blocks and taller stone columns and containing many carved stone figures. The enormous amount of planning and labor required for such vast and complex construction projects suggests that the Tiwanaku civilization must have been strictly governed and regimented. It is not clear whether the area near Lake Titicaca was the center of Tiwanaku origin or the capital of the empire at its peak, but these remarkable archaeological sites do seem to point to extensive Tiwanaku cultural, and perhaps political, influence.”
[1]
“The disintegration of Tiwanaku, around A.D. 1000, led to the formation of numerous confederations in territories that had been previously integrated by a much larger and cohesive power structure. Although the reasons for Tiwanaku’s disintegration are still poorly understood, a recurrent argument to explain Tiwanaku’s debacle has been based on the notion of an invasion by southern Aymara9 groups, around A.D. 1200 (Bouysse-Cassagne 1988; Gisbert et al. 1987; Torero 1970).”
[2]
“Around AD 1100/1150, the Tiwanaku State came to its end.(70) Tiwanaku, Lukurmata, and other large Tiwanaku centres were almost completely abandoned. The collapse of the complex administrative network of the Tiwanaku heartland led to the formation of hundreds of new – predominately small – settlements. Approximately a century earlier, the Tiwanaku colonists of the Moquegua Valley had rebelled, breaking free of altiplano rule. Direct Tiwanaku control may also have been resisted in the Azapa Valley, and the Central Andes saw a general waning of Tiwanaku influence. The Tiwanaku did not disappear – only the state apparatus collapsed. In art, certain aspects of the Tiwanaku style survived. However, on the whole, the following cultural period – the Late Intermediate Period (c. AD 1100– 450) – was characterised in the Titicaca Basin by social disunion and the formation of small-scale local polities.”
[3]
[1]: (Middleton 2015: 948) Middleton, John. 2015. World Monarchies and Dynasties. Volume 1-3, A-Z. London: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/7N3PNVCB
[2]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 81) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
[3]: (Korpisaari 2006: 79) Korpisaari, Antti. 2006. Death in the Bolivian High Plateau: Burials and Tiwanaku Society. Oxford: BAR Publishing. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UPGSC7BF
| Year Range | Late Tiwanaku (bo_tiwanaku_2) was in: |
|---|
“To some scholars, ancient Tiwanaku stimulates this kind of description: ‘The spacious and impressive, yet simple and elegant ceremonial center of Tiahuanaco, which can be likened to a “holy city,” and its outlying shrines such as Lucurmata and Pajchiri are in sharp contrast to the complex, space-intensive patterning of the multifunctional architecture of the Huari capital and the widely dispersed centers of Wirakochapampa and Pikillkakta [sic] and the numerous administrative outliers. The Tiahuanaco theocratic hegemony there was a long-lived tradition of holy places and pilgrimage centers that had their florescence around A.D. 600-900 and episodically continued to be important in the Inka empire, but there was never a great concentration of political power there, nor did anything other than sacred traditions remain as the folk legacy of this hegemony (Richard Schaedel 1988:772-773).’” [1] Language “Diverse theories abound regarding what past societies or groups spoke which languages, and when each language originated and declined. In light of documented language distributions, Torero (1970, 1987) argues that the Tiwanaku were Pukina speakers who succumbed to violent conquest by Aymara speakers around AD 1330.Developing this idea, others (e.g., Bouysee-Cassagne 1987; Espinoza 1980) link the origins of each spoken language to successive waves of migration and imperialism in the region. For them, the first inhabitants spoke Uruquilla, followed by the Puquina speakers of Tiwanaku, then the Aymara speakers of the Late Intermediate period polities (señorios), and finally the Quechua speakers associated with Inca conquest.” [2] “On the basis of general linguistic data, the supporters of the invasion hypothesis argue that Tiwanaku constituted a Pukina speaking civilization that fell in the hands of Aymara speaking warriors. Waldemar Espinoza (1980) traces the origin of these Aymara invaders to the southern sector of the altiplano and some of the valleys in northern Chile. He claims that prior to the Aymara conquest, Tiwanaku’s sociopolitical sphere constituted a territory occupied by Pukina people. Espinoza bases his assumptions on ethnohistoric records that indicate the presence of Pukina groups in most of the eastern and northeastern sectors of the Titicaca Basin, in northern La Paz, and in sectors of Chuquisaca, Potosi and the Colca Valley in Arequipa.” [3]
[1]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 57) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
[2]: (Janusek 2004: 46) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P
[3]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 81) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
“It is always difficult to estimate the population of ancient cities. Nevertheless, many such attempts have been made concerning Tiwanaku. Jeffrey R. Parsons wrote in 1968 that Tiwanaku could have had between 5,200 and 10,500 inhabitants. He based this estimate on the observed population densities of contemporary Mexican villages. However, he erroneously thought that Tiwanaku would have covered only 2.4 km2. David L. Browman suggested in 1978 that Tiwanaku could have had between 20,000 to 40,000 inhabitants (Browman 1978: 328). Recently, Ponce (2003: 387-388) estimated Tiwanaku’s maximum population to have reached c. 60,000–100,000 inhabitants. Another recent – and probably the best – estimate for the maximum population of Tiwanaku is Kolata’s (2003a: 15; 2003b: 200; see also Janusek 2004b: 128; 2004c: 183) 15,000–20,000 inhabitants.” [1]
[1]: (Korpisaari 2006: 57) Korpisaari, Antti. 2006. Death in the Bolivian High Plateau: Burials and Tiwanaku Society. Oxford: BAR Publishing. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UPGSC7BF
squared kilometers. “At its peak, Tiwanaku held power over a large part of present-day eastern and southern Bolivia, northwestern Argentina, northern Chile, and southern Peru... The final stage of the Tiwanaku kingdom, from about 725 to 1200, saw significant territorial expansion and the development of a complex, multiethnic society. Tiwanaku conquests during this period included a large part of the Pacific Coast from central Peru to northern Chile, and highland regions extending into the Andes Mountains.” [1] “Various hypotheses concerning the nature and extent of the Tiwanaku State’s control outside of its core area have been advanced. Some scholars see the Tiwanaku State as essentially a prototype of the Inca Empire, violently expanding outside of its altiplano core area and conquering a vast territory. Ponce (2001: 116) calculated that in its imperial phase, Tiwanaku controlled an area 275,000–600,000 km2 in size. Stanish (2003: 7-12) agrees that there is some evidence for glorification of conquest in Tiwanaku iconography and architecture. However, he views the area of direct Tiwanaku control to have been mostly limited to the southern Titicaca Basin.” [2]
[1]: (Middleton 2015: 947) Middleton, John. 2015. World Monarchies and Dynasties. Volume 1-3, A-Z. London: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/7N3PNVCB
[2]: (Korpisaari 2006: 66) Korpisaari, Antti. 2006. Death in the Bolivian High Plateau: Burials and Tiwanaku Society. Oxford: BAR Publishing. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UPGSC7BF
“Considering that Tiwanaku itself was the largest site in the valley, covering some 600 ha, these rural settlements have been defined in the following manner: 1. Secondary sites are represented by surface ceramic fragment and lithic artifact scatters over an area that exceeds three hectares. These sites also manifest architectural components, such as worked andesite or sandstone blocks on the surface, as well as one or more mounds. 2. Tertiary sites are characterized by surface artifact scatter over an area between one and approximately three hectares; yet, they lack stone architecture and may or may not exhibit mounds. 3. Quaternary sites are distinguished by artifact scatter over an area of less than a hectare, or by single house mounds within agricultural fields. As shown in Figure 6.18, quaternary sites are generally located in close proximity to the secondary and tertiary sites, with a few exceptions. The visual impression of the pattern, as perceived from the map, is one of a dichotomy. The northern and southern sectors are two separate settlement units. It seems that the Tiwanaku River marked a dividing line between the two sectors. Another important feature of the settlement pattern constitutes the regular spacing that is kept between secondary centers and between secondary and tertiary sites in both sectors of the valley. Statistical analysis (Nearest-Neighbor statistics) of site distribution in the Lower Tiwanaku Valley confirm that secondary sites are regularly distributed and that tertiary and quaternary sites cluster around the secondary installations. While a trend toward randomness can be discerned among tertiary sites, there is definite clustering among quaternary sites (Albarracin-Jordan 1996). Around A.D. 900, Tiwanaku sites became substantially more numerous (Figure 6.19). From a total of 100 sites to 339. Even though the number of secondary sites had not increased, the amount of tertiary and quaternary sites increased drastically.” [1] “Hundreds of Tiwanaku settlements are situated in the state’s heartland. Kolata (1993: Fig. 6.11; 1996b: Fig. 1.7) has divided them into four categories. The first category includes only Tiwanaku, which with its size of c. 6 km2 was by far the area’s largest and most powerful settlement, or primary centre. A group of large sites with monumental public architecture – such as Lukurmata and Pajchiri – constitutes the second category. These sites functioned as the secondary centres of the state, supervising and organising production in their respective regions. Tertiary centres were smaller, local-scale administrative and ritual sites. Fourth category settlements – small habitation sites – were by far the most numerous group. Together, the sites belonging to these four categories formed a complex administrative network encompassing the Tiwanaku heartland.” [2] : 1. Tiwanaku (capital and largest settlement) :: 2. Secondary sites (area over 3 hectares) ::: 3. Tertiary sites (1-3 hectares with surface artefacts) :::: 4. Quaternary sites (less than 1 hectare, usually agricultural fields)
[1]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 64) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
[2]: (Korpisaari 2006: 64) Korpisaari, Antti. 2006. Death in the Bolivian High Plateau: Burials and Tiwanaku Society. Oxford: BAR Publishing. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UPGSC7BF
“Nevertheless, by AD 800, the beginning of Early Tiwanaku V, Tiwanaku was changing significantly.What were the causes and trajectories of these changes? An elaborate residential complex was built on top of the Akapana sometime toward the end of Late Tiwanaku IV. It incorporated elaborate architectural elements and was associated with distinctive ceramic assemblages that included an array of elaborate vessels, such as recurved bowls. The configuration of subfloor burials expressed differences of status or role among the people who perhaps once inhabited the complex, by all accounts some of the prestigious religious practitioners and their attendants who directed major Tiwanaku ceremonies. Intriguingly, associated effigy incensarios allude to an affiliation with Katari, offering the possibility that some Tiwanaku high priests came from, or identified with, the priests and specific rituals conducted in that region. These changes index a transition from relatively high rank to markedly different, institutionalized status. Together with evidence from the Akapana, they represent the emergence of an elite class and the crystallization of a rigidly defined social hierarchy in Tiwanaku. Kolata (1993a) argues that spatial and functional transformations in the city reflected the emergence of a Tiwanaku royal dynasty, an interpretation supported by Couture (Couture and Sampeck 2003). I would add that what we see is the emergence of both royal dynasties and elite castes of priests.” [1] “Surrounding the sunken court at Akapana’s summit, there were small rooms probably used for ceremonial purposes and as the residences of priests.” [2]
[1]: (Janusek 2004: 223) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P
[2]: (Korpisaari 2006: 57) Korpisaari, Antti. 2006. Death in the Bolivian High Plateau: Burials and Tiwanaku Society. Oxford: BAR Publishing. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UPGSC7BF
“At its peak, Tiwanaku held power over a large part of present-day eastern and southern Bolivia, northwestern Argentina, northern Chile, and southern Peru. Its influence was largely due to its impressive “raised-field system” of agriculture, which used elevated planting beds separated from each other by small irrigation canals. The canals were designed to keep the crops from freezing on cold nights by preserving the heat from the daytime sun and for growing algae and aquatic plants used as fertilizer.” [1] “One of the most remarkable characteristics of the lower Terrace Zone (TZ) is water availability. Water collection pockets, located much higher in the mountains, provide water year round, making it possible to irrigate the fields. There are numerous main that run through the lower terraces, suggesting that these broad surfaces may have been irrigated in the past.” [2]
[1]: (Middleton 2015: 947) Middleton, John. 2015. World Monarchies and Dynasties. Volume 1-3, A-Z. London: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/7N3PNVCB
[2]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 67) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
“Moquegua clearly was an important region in Tiwanaku’s far periphery, and became increasingly important in Early Tiwanaku V. Principal roles for the region at large included producing, storing, and processing maize. Chen Chen itself appears to have been dedicated to maize processing, undoubtedly in large part for shipment and distribution to the altiplano, where maize in general does not grow.” [1]
[1]: (Janusek 2004: 241) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P
Wells. “Associated with and in part built into the Putuni platform, to the west, were at least two large residential structures organized around a flagstone plaza (Couture and Sampeck 2003). The East Palace, set into a recessed section of the platform, was a rectangular structure set on ashlar foundations, consisting of at least five smaller rooms and an associated private patio (Figure 7.3). At twenty-two meters by six meters, or some 132 square meters, it was a large edifice, and it was associated with numerous residential features, including a hearth, four refuse pits, and three private wells.” [1] “Shedding some light on the significance of these new patterns is Akapana East 1. Our exposure of Tiwanaku V occupations in this area covered 624 square meters, and revealed sections of two compounds separated by a large compound wall (Figure 7.4B)… Most structures bordered an extensive outdoor area encompassing a remarkable variety of activities. Fresh water was obtained from a deep well outside of structure 2, while the ash and detritus of everyday life were deposited in several nearby pits.” [2]
[1]: (Janusek 2004: 209) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P
[2]: (Janusek 2004: 215-216) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P
“At its peak, Tiwanaku held power over a large part of present-day eastern and southern Bolivia, northwestern Argentina, northern Chile, and southern Peru. Its influence was largely due to its impressive “raised-field system” of agriculture, which used elevated planting beds separated from each other by small irrigation canals. The canals were designed to keep the crops from freezing on cold nights by preserving the heat from the daytime sun and for growing algae and aquatic plants used as fertilizer.” [1] “Pumapunku… is the second most important structure at Tiwanaku (Figure 6.13). It measures 155 m x 122 m… Excavations done by the CIAT, between 1977 and 1978, and by the Instituto Nacional de Arqueología, in 1989, exposed the perimeter of the base walls and sectors of the upper platform. A main drainage canal can be seen today in the southwestern corner.” [2]
[1]: (Middleton 2015: 947) Middleton, John. 2015. World Monarchies and Dynasties. Volume 1-3, A-Z. London: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/7N3PNVCB
[2]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 61) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
“The main Tiwanaku archaeological site is located in the high Altiplano area south of Lake Titicaca in Bolivia. The site contains many stone structures, earthen mounds, stairways, plazas, and reservoirs. Building stones at the site, weighing up to 100 tons, were brought from a quarry three miles away. The site’s renowned Gateway of the Sun was cut from a 10-foot-high stone and was carved with representations of humans, the condor, and the sun god.” [1] “Further, for the first time in centuries, the saddle just below Wila Kollu, the focus of Bermann’s excavations, no longer was a major locus of dense residential occupation and activity. Inhabited by several clustered patio groups in Late Tiwanaku IV, the same area now comprised two burial clusters (Bermann 1994:220–223). About half of the burials were collared or capped with carved andesite blocks, precisely the kinds of blocks that would have fitted between larger blocks and pilasters of the nearby platform and sunken court. The use of blocks in local burial contexts indicates that at least some of the edifices were being dismantled and quarried by local residents (Bermann 1994:223).” [2]
[1]: (Middleton 2015: 948) Middleton, John. 2015. World Monarchies and Dynasties. Volume 1-3, A-Z. London: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/7N3PNVCB
[2]: (Janusek 2004: 228) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P
Temples; subterranean courts; enclosed public spaces. “Excavation and restoration of the Semisubterranean Temple, done by the CIAT in the early 1960s, exposed the entire sunken court and the 322 tenon-heads that are attached to the walls. A drainage canal was also identified at the base of the walls. According to Ponce, the sunken court represented the underworld, inhabited by spirits of the dead. The tenon-heads probably depicted different ethnic groups, not supernatural beings.” [1] In Tiwanaku, the moat, which once encompassed most of the early city, now largely enclosed spaces serving an expanding and more powerful elite class. Among new constructions were monumental temples, palaces, elaborate courtyards associated with elite-sponsored ceremonies, and entire specialized residential compounds dedicated to the preparation and sponsorship of feasts.” [2]
[1]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 60) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
[2]: (Janusek 2004: 225-226) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P
Temples. “Excavation and restoration of the Semisubterranean Temple, done by the CIAT in the early 1960s, exposed the entire sunken court and the 322 tenon-heads that are attached to the walls. A drainage canal was also identified at the base of the walls. According to Ponce, the sunken court represented the underworld, inhabited by spirits of the dead. The tenon-heads probably depicted different ethnic groups, not supernatural beings.” [1] In Tiwanaku, the moat, which once encompassed most of the early city, now largely enclosed spaces serving an expanding and more powerful elite class. Among new constructions were monumental temples, palaces, elaborate courtyards associated with elite-sponsored ceremonies, and entire specialized residential compounds dedicated to the preparation and sponsorship of feasts.” [2]
[1]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 60) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
[2]: (Janusek 2004: 225-226) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P
“One aspect that deserves attention is the fact that some of the Tiwanaku burials already exhibit “open sepulcher” features. Excavations at the site of Guaqui, for example, have shown that this sort of grave anteceded the larger, chullpa kind (Albarracin-Jordan 1996). Similar archetypes were found in Tiwanaku contexts in Lukurmata (Bermann 1994) and in Moquegua (Goldstein 1989).” [1]
[1]: (Albarracin-Jordan 1999: 88) Albarracin-Jordan, Juan V. 1999. The Archeaology of Tiwanaku: The Myths, History, and Science of an Ancient Andean Civilization. Bolivia: Impresión P.A.P. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P7MDWPAP
Gold; copper. Two large residential structures at the Putuni platform held artefacts with precious metals: “These included chert and obsidian projectile points and elaborate items of adornment, including beads of lapis lazuli, bone, sodalite, and obsidian, copper pins and labrettes, carved shell, gold lamina, and a wrought silver tube filled with blue pigment. The abundance of exotic prestige goods mirrored the remarkable array of elaborate goods included as offerings in six human dedications placed under the edifice upon its construction. One of them (Feature 38), an adult female, yielded a necklace of bone, shell, and a variety of exotic minerals, a copper disc mirror, a lead flask, abundant obsidian flakes, and a hammered gold pectoral depicting an impassive deity face.” [1]
[1]: (Janusek 2004: 209) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P