Wukari Federation

“Wukari’s political boundaries continued to contract up to the time of British pacification through Jukun failure to withstand Fulani and Chamba encroachment from the north, east, and west, and Tiv infiltration from the south. In the 1930’s Wukari Jukun numbered about 20,000; today there are even fewer. During the nineteenth century the Aku Uha-the king of Wukari-probably ruled a tribally heterogeneous population of at least four times this number.” ^[1]

[1]: Young, M. W. (1966). The Divine Kingship of the Jukun: A Re-Evaluation of Some Theories. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 36(2), 135–153: 139–140. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NTI9GQMF/collection

1) Towns, 2) Villages, 3) Hamlets. Kwararafa is described as a city, but though Wukari was its successor as capital, it’s still described as a town. “Two theories have been put forward to identify the region of Nigeria which formed the first power base of the Jukun people. The first suggests that it was on the middle Benue basin, south of the river channel, that the Jukun established the Kwararafa empire often mentioned in traditional Hausa texts. Ruins of the city, which went under the name of Kwararafa, can still be seen in the area. Kwararafa is the Hausa name for the Jukun people and their capital, as well as for their kingdom. When the city was abandoned at the end of the eighteenth century, its still-extant successor town, Wukari, grew up in the same region.” ^[1] “Amongst the other Jukun groups of Ibi, Takum, Ussa and Donga, the Wukari Division, no clear knowledge of the meaning of Wukari, except that it was understood to be the capital town of all Jukun people.” ^[2] This warrant is from a few months after Wukari fell under British rule, but its reference to towns, villages and hamlets is probably still relevant to the Wukari period: “Under the power conferred on me by the proclamation No.5, 1900, I, Williams Petch Hewby, Resident of the Upper Benue, do hereby establish a native court at Wukari, with power in accordance with the said proclamation to hear and decide civil and criminal actions between natives within the jurisdiction of the court; which for the present shall be exercised in the town of Wukari; the town of Akwana; all (some 20-25 miles) Jukun villages east of Katsina Ala river on the left bank of the river Benue, (excepting the four villages on the bank of the Benue, viz Sinka, Gidan Wurbo, Osebefu and Gidan Yaku), including all their outlying farm hamlets; and in such of the Deyin [Chamba] and Musi [Tiv] villages lying to the southward and westward of Wukari in Wukari territory as may be practicable under existing circumstances. The court shall consist of the following: President: the present chief Agudu Mallam [Awudumanu] Judge, The Kinda Ajo [Kinda Achuwo] Judge, Abu dan Ashu mallam [Agbu Ashumanu] Judge, Alkali Sualu [Salau] Judge, Audu dan Zenua Scribe, Mallam Diko given under my hand at Wukari this fifth day of April, 1900. (Sign) W.P. Hewb Resident.” ^[3]

[1]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann ; University of California Press: 281. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection

[2]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 65. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

[3]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 142. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

1) Aku-Uka, 2) Chief priests of cults (eg Ku-Puje Acio and assistant served as chief priest of Puje), 3) Council of subordinate priests. “The people had to get to the Aku-Uka through the Abo-Acio. That is to say that he was the representative of the people in their relations with the king, who was the representative of the gods. He was the king’s principal adviser, and had access to the king at any time. He reported matters of importance to the king on daily basis. He disposed of all judicial cases which did not require the king’s personal investigation. And when religious rites were due, the priests approached the Abo-Acio, who obtained the royal consent, together with the sacrificial gifts which the king was required to provide, and attended the rites which he reported back to the Aku. In short, the Abo-Acio was the very figure which the people had relationship with in terms of the political arrangement of the Jukun people. This explains the level of significance attached to the office of the Abo-Acio, in consonance with the sacred nature of the Aku-Uka, who was considered a semi god and should not be seen by ordinary people. […] Taking cognizance of the theocratic system of the administration, the priests constituted another important group of administrators within the Jukun political system. The Ku-Puje Acio with his assistant served as the Chief Priest of Puje, an important cult among the wapa Jukun. There was the Kenjo cult, the Yaku cult, the Achu-Nyande etc. Each of these cults had specific set of functions which they performed. For instance, the Achu-Nyande served a judicial function in the sense that, being a cult of lightning, rites were performed in cases of theft and was believed that lightning would strike the culprit.” ^[1] “Amongst the Ichen both temporal and spiritual affairs were in the hands of a Chief-priest assisted by a Council of Subordinate Priests. The Chief-priest suffered from severe limitations as a leader owing to the taboos to which he must subject. In some instances, the Chief-priests were not allowed to cross a stream, a taboo which // “fairly effectively confined them. The Chief-priest of Ndessin was not allowed to let any water touch his body except that which is actually falling in the form of rain. In this regard, it is evident that the political life of the Ichen people were regulated through the various cults, such as Achu Nyande, Gura. These cults were common amongst the other Jukun communities. This, in a way, established that religion played an important role in maintaining the primacy of the Aku’s position over the other Jukun communities. In this connection, the ensuing socio-politcal structures became similar to that which existed in Wukari.” ^[2] “The potential coercive use of his ritual powers by the king was considerably restricted by the existence of many other priestly offices and by the innumerable taboos which regulated his ritual behaviour. With regard to the former, the priests of the many cults were not deputies of the king, and their ritual authority and consequential prestige did not derive from him. This is illustrated by the injunctions which forbade the king to be present at the performance of rites other than those held in his own palace, and which forbade the king to meet certain priests face to face. His was the ultimate responsibility, however, for ensuring that appropriate rites were carried out at the customary times, and for directing the priests to co-operate on contingent occasions which required special rites. In this capacity the Aku was a high priest with a somewhat remote supervision of numerous ritual specialists. The distribution of ritual authority in the society together with the elaborate taboos of his office were the categorical checks on the king’s ritual power, which was thus in practice no more absolute than his political power.” ^[3]

[1]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 125–128. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

[2]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 128–129. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

[3]: Young, M. W. (1966). The Divine Kingship of the Jukun: A Re-Evaluation of Some Theories. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 36(2), 135–153: 146. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NTI9GQMF/collection

1) officers eg Kinda-Acio, 2) soldiers. The Wukari Federation’s power was ritual/religious rather than militaristic: “Kwararafa under the Jukun ceased to be a warrior state; extant accounts portray the new state as a pacifist and religious one, made up of a collection of unwarlike people solely and strictly devoted to the maintenance of their innumerable religious cults and the veneration of their sacred kings, a people whose prestige and continuing legitimacy depended on their successful performance of their main ritual function, which was to guarantee good harvest and good health for the people.” ^[1] “The next in the hierarchy was the kinda-Acio who was in charge of the administration of the palace and cared for the welfare of Aku’s premises. It was noted that this official was in the close counsels of the king, attended the royal rite each day, took a prominent share in judicial work, in keeping the walls of city and the fencing of the royal enclosure in repair, and could also be put in charge of military operation.” ^[2]

[1]: Shillington, K., ed. (2005). Encyclopedia of African History (1st Ed., Vol. 1–3). Fitzroy Dearborn: 248. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AWA9ZT5B/collection

[2]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 126. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

The Wukari administration was very complex. Not clear which role had authority over which other roles in all cases, as some parts of the administration were clearly hierarchical, while others had specific jurisdictions (and not always clear, significant administrative functions, rather than ceremonial). It’s also possible that the descriptions in these sources either miss some subaltern positions, or describe roles essentially on the same level as different. 1) Aku-Uka (divine king), 2) Abo-Acio (prime minister; kingmaker), 3) Abo-Zike (second most senior official; kingmaker), 4) Kinda-Acio (palace administrator; kingmaker), 5) Court of the Kinda-Acio, eg Kinda-Zike (his assistant; kingmaker), Kinda Bi, Kind Kuvyu Nju and Kinda Matswen, 6) Awei-Acio (chief of staff), 7) chief priests of cults (eg Ku-Puje Acio and assistant served as chief priest of Puje), 8) Aku-Ke (leader of war), 9) Tsuma (royal diviner), 10) Ivene (king’s spokesman), 11) Wanaku (head of agriculturalists), 12) Kuyu (representative of old Kwararafa royal family, Ba-Pi), 13) Abgyu-Tsi (queen), 14) Angwu Kaku (official sister of the king), 15) Wakuku (Aku’s principal wife), 16) Chiefs, 17) Counsellors (elders and religious dignitaries). Alternative spellings include Abon for Abo, and Achuwo for Acio. “The dangers of travelling during the rainy season, when the tsetse dispersed more widely over the country, were clearly appreciated, even if the role of the fly was not. In the 1850s, for example, a chief in the Jukun country refused to provide horses for the transport of a party of European explorers because ’the roads were wet . . . and horses would be killed by travelling along them in such weather’.” ^[1] “The process that usually led to the emergence of an Aku Uka was clearly defined. At the initial period, it was suggested that the Kuvyi (Chief) was the one that picked the Aku Uka, under the direction of spirit, whenever the stool became vacant.58 But over time, the four king makers who were Abon Acio, Abon Zike, Kinda Acio and Kinda Ziken became the central personalities in the selection of new Aku Uka. The king makers would inform the Kuvyi (Chief Priest) in the event of the demise of an Aku, while the Abon Acio held brief for who would eventually emerges as the Aku Uka. The four king makers were the ones left with the onerous task of driving the process that would eventually see to the emergence of Aku. Interested princess were invited from the ruling houses and interacted with. Preliminary screening was conducted on the prospective candidates by the king makers, after which a seer (Avun) was invited to select one out of the contenders. The Avun, who was believed to be in contact with the gods identified the most appropriate person that would become the Aku. Even then, the Avun was expected not to be partial in carrying out his function on the basis that there were sanctions that usually came to him in the event that he became bias. To be convinced with the selection by the Avun, another Seer, from a different place was normally invited in order to validate or otherwise the selection made by the Avun.” ^[2] “The Jukun kingdom appears to have had a very different structure from that of the Shilluk, though their respective kingships show some interesting similarities. The political segments of Wukari, the chiefdoms, were not organized on the basis of common descent. Descent groups (atsupa) were small and localized, perhaps a function of the abundance of agricultural land in the region.” ^[3] “The government of the state was conducted from the Aku’s palace in Wukari through a system of ranked offices. Broadly speaking, there were two main categories of officials: those holding civil or state titles whose function was to administer the state, prosecute war, and counsel the king; and those holding priestly and royal household titles whose functions were largely ritual and ceremonial. The former titles tended to be held by agnates of the king-his brothers and father’s brothers’ sons-while many of the royal household titles were held by his uterine relatives.” ^[3] “The senior counsellors or state officials, of which there were traditionally four or five, were usually close agnates of the king, and it was they who are said to have decided whether or when a king should be killed. One of these title-holders, the Kinda Achuwo or king’s official ’younger brother’, was even formally and ceremonially blamed for the king’s death-whether he had in fact been killed or not- at the installation of his successor. The hereditary king-maker, a purely ceremonial official, handed over the king-elect to the Kinda with the words:’ Formerly we gave you a king and you killed him when he fell sick. Let me never hear that you have treated this king in this way.’ The Abo Achuwo, by his very position as the king’s prime minister, was automatically implicated in the removal of a king. During the interregnum he ruled the state and took charge of the king’s property, while one of the king’s close attendants-usually a sister’s son-mounted the throne and im- personated the king to maintain the fiction that the king was still alive.” ^[4] “[T]he Aku-Uka, in a way did not directly and physically take part in the administration of the community in pre-colonial era. In this regard, he was surrounded by a council, which C.K Meek described as a patrician caste, and they were responsible for the day to day administration. At the head of the caste, was the Abo-Acio whose position and functions could be likened to a modern day Prime minister. The Abo-Acio was the // “channel of communication between the Aku-Uka and the people. The people had to get to the Aku-Uka through the Abo-Acio. That is to say that he was the representative of the people in their relations with the king, who was the representative of the gods. He was the king’s principal adviser, and had access to the king at any time. He reported matters of importance to the king on daily basis. He disposed of all judicial cases which did not require the king’s personal investigation. And when religious rites were due, the priests approached the Abo-Acio, who obtained the royal consent, together with the sacrificial gifts which the king was required to provide, and attended the rites which he reported back to the Aku. In short, the Abo-Acio was the very figure which the people had relationship with in terms of the political arrangement of the Jukun people. This explains the level of significance attached to the office of the Abo-Acio, in consonance with the sacred nature of the Aku-Uka, who was considered a semi god and should not be seen by ordinary people. The Abo-Acio was assisted by Abo-Zike in the discharge of his many functions, and succeeded the Abo-Acio in case of death or vacancy of the position. In this regard, the Abo-Zike became the second most senior official to the Abo-Acio. The next in the hierarchy was the kinda-Acio who was in charge of the administration of the palace and cared for the welfare of Aku’s premises. It was noted that this official was in the close counsels of the king, attended the royal rite each day, took a prominent share in judicial work, in keeping the walls of city and the fencing of the royal enclosure in repair, and could also be put in charge of military operation. He was said to be the younger brother of the Aku and had a court of his own which included Kinda-Zike (his assistant), Kinda Bi, Kind Kuvyu Nju and Kinda Matswen. The Abo-Acio, Abo-Zike, Kinda-Acio and Kinda-Zike constituted the traditional kingmakers among the Jukun Wapa, under the chairmanship of the Abo-Acio. This // “body and its functions could be likened to the Oyo-Mesi of the old Oyo Empire under the leadership of Bashrun. Besides the above mentioned officials, there were others particularly of high standing who were considered closed counsels of the Aku. Among this was the Awei-Acio who was the nominal head of all the palace staff, and thus correspond to modern day Chief of Staff. His duties included to see that the royal enclosure and the shrine of Yaku were kept in proper repair. He also oversaw many other staff in the palace administration. Taking cognizance of the theocratic system of the administration, the priests constituted another important group of administrators within the Jukun political system. The Ku-Puje Acio with his assistant served as the Chief Priest of Puje, an important cult among the wapa Jukun. There was the Kenjo cult, the Yaku cult, the Achu-Nyande etc. Each of these cults had specific set of functions which they performed. For instance, the Achu-Nyande served a judicial function in the sense that, being a cult of lightning, rites were performed in cases of theft and was believed that lightning would strike the culprit. Other officials in the political system of the Jukun Wapa were the Aku-Ke, who was the leader of war, while the royal diviner was known as the Tsuma. The king’s spokesperson was known as the Ivene, and the Wanaku was the official head of all agriculturalists. The Kuyu was the representative of the old royal family of Kwararafa. This family was known as the Ba-Pi, and has supplied several kings of Wukari. There were as well, other offices and officials such as Abgyu-Tsi, Angwu Kaku and Wakuku who were regarded as the queen, the official sister of the Aku and the Aku’s principal wife respectively. They all had share in the administration. The list of the State offices among the Jukun Wapa of Wukari seemed inexhaustible. It is a // “clear indication that it was an elaborate political system that gave detail to virtually all aspect of political organization. With respect to the political system of the other Jukun chieftaincies, it was obvious that they were strikingly similar to that of Wukari but without the latter’s titles. Each had its chief surrounded by counselors comprising elders and religious dignitaries under an official equivalent to the Abo of Wukari.” ^[5]

[1]: Law, R. (2018). The Horse in West African History: the Role of the Horse in the Societies of Pre-colonial West Africa (Vol. 42). Oxford University Press: 81. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WFTKWJLS/collection

[2]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 124–125. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

[3]: Young, M. W. (1966). The Divine Kingship of the Jukun: A Re-Evaluation of Some Theories. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 36(2), 135–153: 140. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NTI9GQMF/collection

[4]: Young, M. W. (1966). The Divine Kingship of the Jukun: A Re-Evaluation of Some Theories. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 36(2), 135–153: 142–143. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NTI9GQMF/collection

[5]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 125–128. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

Seems to have been recruitment of mercenaries: “The town of Katsena Ala is said to have been founded by a colony of Hausas from Katsina some sixty to seventy years ago; they were originally recruited to act as a "gunmen guard" to the Chief of Wukari (Jukon) of that date, who objected to the " King-killing " ritual then in force as regards Jukon royalty, whose normal term of office was nine years. The Chief in question is said to have prolonged his term of office much beyond this owing to his guard.” ^[1] “When Abite was installed as an Aku-Uka, he took the title Awudunanu 1. The devastating effect of this episode compelled him after his installation as the Aku-Uka to forge a closer link with Muri particularly in the military field in order to guarantee the security of Wukari.” ^[2]

[1]: Duggan, E. de C. (1932). Notes on the Munshi (‘Tivi’) Tribe of Northern Nigeria: Some Historical Outlines. Journal of the Royal African Society, 31(123), 173–182: 178. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/E8PDNFTI/collection

[2]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]:159. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

Priests are explicitly referred to, but as their roles formed part of the state’s administration, it could be argued that their roles included secular duties. “Ministers were unable to make their offices hereditary; the only strictly hereditary offices in the Jukun constitution were cere- monial and priestly ones with minimal secular powers. Although some of the ministers were territorial chiefs economically independent of the king, their administrative ’ fiefs ’ were attached to their offices, so they were unable to claim lasting ties of personal allegiance from outlying parts of the state.” ^[1] Roles within the extended household had religious aspects, implying no professional priests needed for family rituals: “Tsokwa Angyu6 contends that every Jukun household was a religious organization. For instance, before Alayi obatined the important public office of Abôzikê, he personally controlled the following family cults: (1) Akwa, (2) Atsî, (3) Agbadu, (4) Kenjo, (5) Aku Maga, (6) Ajê Ma, (7) Ando Bacho, and (8) Ata Jinako or Yoado-the cult of former slaves of the household. On his election to his title, he decided to distribute these cults among the other members of the household, for no important office-holder among the Jukun continues to serve personally as priest of his family cults, though it is incumbent on him to provide the sacrificial foods.” ^[2] “Their civilisation was no doubt of a superior order, but their religion probably more nearly resembles the worship of personified principles with nationalised gods and an organised priesthood, as with the Yoruba.” ^[3] “Secondly, since the priests of the majority of the cults are hereditary and thus far independent of the king, his authority over them is validated by his spiritual ascendancy over the deities their cults attempt at control.” ^[4]

[1]: Young, M. W. (1966). The Divine Kingship of the Jukun: A Re-Evaluation of Some Theories. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 36(2), 135–153: 141. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NTI9GQMF/collection

[2]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 89–90. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

[3]: Ruxton, F. H. (1908). Notes on the Tribes of the Muri Province. Journal of the Royal African Society, 7(28), 374–386: 380. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2AXUQGFB/collection

[4]: Young, M. W. (1966). The Divine Kingship of the Jukun: A Re-Evaluation of Some Theories. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 36(2), 135–153: 146. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NTI9GQMF/collection

Specific rites were practiced in case or certain crimes being committed, and there was an established hierarchy of what cases went before the Aku. “[T]he Aku-Uka, in a way did not directly and physically take part in the administration of the community in pre-colonial era. In this regard, he was surrounded by a council, which C.K Meek described as a patrician caste, and they were responsible for the day to day administration. At the head of the caste, was the Abo-Acio whose position and functions could be likened to a modern day Prime minister. The Abo-Acio was the // “channel of communication between the Aku-Uka and the people. The people had to get to the Aku-Uka through the Abo-Acio. That is to say that he was the representative of the people in their relations with the king, who was the representative of the gods. He was the king’s principal adviser, and had access to the king at any time. He reported matters of importance to the king on daily basis. He disposed of all judicial cases which did not require the king’s personal investigation.” ^[1] “Taking cognizance of the theocratic system of the administration, the priests constituted another important group of administrators within the Jukun political system. The Ku-Puje Acio with his assistant served as the Chief Priest of Puje, an important cult among the wapa Jukun. There was the Kenjo cult, the Yaku cult, the Achu-Nyande etc. Each of these cults had specific set of functions which they performed. For instance, the Achu-Nyande served a judicial function in the sense that, being a cult of lightning, rites were performed in cases of theft and was believed that lightning would strike the culprit.” ^[2]

[1]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 125–126. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

[2]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 128. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

Not clear if this mas physical marketplaces or not: “When Kom began its wars of expansion by mid- 19th century the surrounding chiefdoms (Bum, Bafmeng, Babanki) (Kijem) suffered directly. Captives taken in these wars were either kept by their captors or they were sold in Nkwen, Baba, Babungo, Mankon and Bali-Nyonga. The raiding of Bafut and the Kom present tributaries (Mujang, Mejung, Baiso) brought in captives that were rechannelled into the northern trade route linking Kom and Fonfuka (Bum) to the Jukun markets. Some evidence indicates that other ethnic units followed the same pattern. Two Meta girls taken in a well-remembered Bafut raid were sent down with royal messengers to Pinyin where some fine cloth had been spotted (Chilver, 1961: 245). In Nso’ there was a two way trade with the surrounding chiefdoms. Slaves were obtained in Bamum and sold in the direction of Bum. Bali-Nyonga disposed of its slaves in Widekum, Bangwa and in the northern Banyang markets. Slaves reached Kumba via Ikiliwindi markets. Slaves sold in Bum markets were obtained from places like Nkwen, Bali, Baba and Babungo, and these eventually reached the northern markets in Takum, Ibi, Wukari and Yola.” ^[1]

[1]: Nkwi, P. N. (1995). Slavery and Slave Trade in the Kom Kingdom of the 19th Century. Paideuma, 41, 239–249: 244–245. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/A648Z5UT/collection

Granaries. It’s unclear what time period this refers to, but it’s in a section headed ‘Pre-Colonial Social Organization’ so should apply: “Each section of the compound had its own kitchen and each married man his own farm and granaries. At the time of the visit (in November), the household foodstocks had been entirely consumed, and, pending the harvest, the members were living solely on maize, stacked on the maize farms close to the river. The household depended wholly on agriculture. But two of the members engaged, to a small extent in fishing. There was no property at all in the form of livestock.” ^[1]

[1]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 102. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

Markets. Not clear if this mas physical marketplaces or not: “When Kom began its wars of expansion by mid- 19th century the surrounding chiefdoms (Bum, Bafmeng, Babanki) (Kijem) suffered directly. Captives taken in these wars were either kept by their captors or they were sold in Nkwen, Baba, Babungo, Mankon and Bali-Nyonga. The raiding of Bafut and the Kom present tributaries (Mujang, Mejung, Baiso) brought in captives that were rechannelled into the northern trade route linking Kom and Fonfuka (Bum) to the Jukun markets. Some evidence indicates that other ethnic units followed the same pattern. Two Meta girls taken in a well-remembered Bafut raid were sent down with royal messengers to Pinyin where some fine cloth had been spotted (Chilver, 1961: 245). In Nso’ there was a two way trade with the surrounding chiefdoms. Slaves were obtained in Bamum and sold in the direction of Bum. Bali-Nyonga disposed of its slaves in Widekum, Bangwa and in the northern Banyang markets. Slaves reached Kumba via Ikiliwindi markets. Slaves sold in Bum markets were obtained from places like Nkwen, Bali, Baba and Babungo, and these eventually reached the northern markets in Takum, Ibi, Wukari and Yola.” ^[1] Granaries. It’s unclear what time period this refers to, but it’s in a section headed ‘Pre-Colonial Social Organization’ so should apply: “Each section of the compound had its own kitchen and each married man his own farm and granaries. At the time of the visit (in November), the household foodstocks had been entirely consumed, and, pending the harvest, the members were living solely on maize, stacked on the maize farms close to the river. The household depended wholly on agriculture. But two of the members engaged, to a small extent in fishing. There was no property at all in the form of livestock.” ^[2]

[1]: Nkwi, P. N. (1995). Slavery and Slave Trade in the Kom Kingdom of the 19th Century. Paideuma, 41, 239–249: 244–245. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/A648Z5UT/collection

[2]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 102. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection

Specific burial practices and places are referred to. The fact that the king’s grave is allowed to fall into disrepair implies that it is arranged in a specific way initially. “The juwe, as the principal aspect of the king’s spiritual potency, is dangerous to men and potentially harmful to the crops. The dindi, on the other hand, is magically beneficial to the crops. The most powerful physical manifestations of the dindi-hair and nails-of priests and counsellors are buried at Puje, the sacred site of the annual harvest festival. The nails and hair of the king, carefully preserved during his reign, are buried with his body, formerly alongside a slave who was called the ’attendant of the corn’.” ^[1] “The king’s bwi, unique to the individual, is separated together with the dindi when the death of the body occurs. However, in popular belief, kings do not die, they ’return to the skies ’ or simply disappear. The elaborate and highly secret preservation of the king’s body and its animated farewell to the people on its last journey is a vivid expression of the king’s personal immortality-as a god. As a man, once stripped of its titles and its kingly roles, the corpse is renamed and buried secretly with few grave goods. The grave is even permitted to fall into disrepair.” ^[1]

[1]: Young, M. W. (1966). The Divine Kingship of the Jukun: A Re-Evaluation of Some Theories. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 36(2), 135–153: 148. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NTI9GQMF/collection

Specific burial practices and places are referred to. The fact that the king’s grave is allowed to fall into disrepair implies that it is arranged in a specific way initially. “The juwe, as the principal aspect of the king’s spiritual potency, is dangerous to men and potentially harmful to the crops. The dindi, on the other hand, is magically beneficial to the crops. The most powerful physical manifestations of the dindi-hair and nails-of priests and counsellors are buried at Puje, the sacred site of the annual harvest festival. The nails and hair of the king, carefully preserved during his reign, are buried with his body, formerly alongside a slave who was called the ’attendant of the corn’.” ^[1] “The king’s bwi, unique to the individual, is separated together with the dindi when the death of the body occurs. However, in popular belief, kings do not die, they ’return to the skies ’ or simply disappear. The elaborate and highly secret preservation of the king’s body and its animated farewell to the people on its last journey is a vivid expression of the king’s personal immortality-as a god. As a man, once stripped of its titles and its kingly roles, the corpse is renamed and buried secretly with few grave goods. The grave is even permitted to fall into disrepair.” ^[1]

[1]: Young, M. W. (1966). The Divine Kingship of the Jukun: A Re-Evaluation of Some Theories. Africa: Journal of the International African Institute, 36(2), 135–153: 148. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NTI9GQMF/collection

If these were used as anything other than currency, would be articles rather than tokens: “Kantai, iron objects pointed at each end and thicker in the middle, were another form of currency recognized from Jukun territory to Hamaruwa, farther up-river. According to Barth, ibid., the average rate of exchange around 1851 was forty akika per slave at Wukari, while according to Crowther, Journal of an Expedition 1854, 128, each slave cost thirty-six akika or one hundred kantai.” ^[1]

[1]: Tambo, D. C. (1976). The Sokoto Caliphate Slave Trade in the Nineteenth Century. The International Journal of African Historical Studies, 9(2), 187–217: 203. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2H7Z7CFU/collection