According to Chinese records, Chenla (also known as Zhenla)
[1]
was the polity that ruled over much of mainland Southeast Asia after the decline of Funan.
[2]
As with Funan, this was likely not a unitary state, but rather a cluster of competing small city-states.
[3]
These states occupied much of modern Cambodia and northwestern Thailand, with sites all across the Mekong River Basin, and particularly dense clusters just before the river’s delta, in the Tonlé Sap region, and in the Upper Mun Valley.
[3]
With respect to Chenla’s chronological boundaries, many authors date its beginning to the mid-6th century,
[3]
that is, at the beginning of Funan’s century-long decline.
[4]
This is the chronology we follow, although it is worth noting that, according to the Chinese records, Chenla only conquered Funan in the 7th century.
[5]
The Chenla era came to a close at the turn of the the 9th century with the beginning of the Angkor period, traditionally dated from Jayavarman II’s coronation ceremony in 802 CE.
[6]
Population and political organization
Although Chenla was probably a cluster of competing centres rather than a unitary polity, inscriptions suggest that there was an overall political hierarchy, at the top of which sat a vrah kamraten, that is, most likely, a deified ruler
[3]
Below this ruler, there was a series of elite ranks whose relationship to each other is not always clear, though no rank was higher than that of pura.
[7]
At the local level, poñ (settlement chiefs) exercised their authority over individual temples, which were important economic as well as ritual centres for their sustaining populace.
[8]
No overall population estimates could be found in the literature, but the largest settlement probably housed over 20,000 families,
[9]
and Chinese records describe Chenla as ’a wealthy and militarily powerful country with over 30 cities’.
[10]
[1]: (Miksic 2007, 426) John N. Miksic. 2007. Historical Dictionary of Ancient Southeast Asia. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press.
[2]: (Southworth 2004, 324) William A. Southworth. 2004. ’Chenla’, in Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopaedia, edited by Keat Gin Ooi, 324-26. Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-CLIO.
[3]: (Higham 2014, 831) Charles Higham. 2014. ’From the Iron Age to Angkor: New Light on the Origins of a State’. Antiquity 88: 822-35.
[4]: (Hall 2010, 60-61) Kenneth R. Hall. 2010. A History of Early Southeast Asia: Maritime Trade and Societal Development, 100-1500. Lanham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield.
[5]: (Miksic 2007, 426-27) John N. Miksic. 2007. Historical Dictionary of Ancient Southeast Asia. Lanham, MD: Scarecrow Press.
[6]: (Higham 2014, 254) Charles Higham. 2014. Early Mainland Southeast Asia: From First Humans to Angkor. Bangkok: River Books.
[7]: (Vickery 1998, 24) Michael Vickery. 1998. Society, Economics, and Politics in pre-Angkor Cambodia: The 7th-8th Centuries. Chicago: Centre for East Asian Cultural Studies.
[8]: (Higham 2014, 831-32) Charles Higham. 2014. ’From the Iron Age to Angkor: New Light on the Origins of a State’. Antiquity 88: 822-35.
[9]: (Higham 2014, 293) Charles Higham. 2014. Early Mainland Southeast Asia: From First Humans to Angkor. Bangkok: River Books.
[10]: (Coe 2003, 60) Michael Coe. 2003. Angkor and the Khmer Civilization. London: Thames & Hudson.
| none |
| Indianized Southeast Asia |
| Early Angkor |
| 2,175,000 km2 |
| continuity |
| Succeeding: Early Angkor (kh_angkor_1) [continuity] | |
| Preceding: Funan II (kh_funan_2) [continuity] |
| confederated state |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| present |
| unknown |
| absent |
| absent |
| unknown |
| inferred absent |
| absent |
| inferred present |
| unknown |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| present |
| unknown |
| inferred present |
| present |
| present |
| 1. Most widespread | Indigenous Cambodian Religion | |
| 2. Second most widespread | Saivist Hinduism (Sizeable minority) | |
| 3. Third most widespread | Vaisnavist Hinduism (Sizeable minority) | |
| 4. Fourth most widespread | Mahayana Buddhism (Sizeable minority) | |
| Other | Theraväda Buddhism (Sizeable minority) |
| Saivist Hinduism |
| Saivist Hinduism |
| inferred absent |
| inferred very rarely |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| inferred absent |
| Year Range | Chenla (kh_chenla) was in: |
|---|---|
| (640 CE 801 CE) | Cambodian Basin |
Chen-la. ’The first inscription in the Khmer language, heavily influenced by Sanskrit vocabulary, is dated AD 612 and comes from Angkor Borei; in the following century there were many more. But the details of political geography in each generation are obscure. For some of what we know, we are again indebted to Chinese sources, which speak of a Khmer state called ’Chen-la’ (Zhenla). it is not clear what this name represents, but it is clearly an attempt to represent a foreign name with Chinese symbols.’ [1] ’Akin to the MONS of Burma, the KHMERS established CHENLA, which enla- compassed modern Cambodia and northeast Thailand.’ [2] ’The term Chenla, a Chinese name, was used from the seventh century C.E. to refesetr to the territory of modern Cambodia and northeast Thailand. Modern historians have also applied the term to the period of Cambodian history from the seventh to early ninth centuries C.E. The origin of the name is unknown. According to Sui shu (History of the Sui Dynasty, 581-618 C.E.), Chenla was a former vassal of the kingdom of Funan, and it gradually grew in power until King She-to-ssu-na of Chenla was able to assert his independence and conquer Fu- nan.’ [3] ’Chinese records spoke of Land CHENLA and Water CHENLA, the former accessible overland and the latter reached by sea.’ [2] ’At the beginning of the eighth century, in 711 and 717 C.E., two embassies from Chenla were received at the court of the Tang dynasty, together with embassies from a kingdom named Wentan. The Chiu T’ang shu (Old History of the Tang Dynasty) stated that from 706 C.E., Chenla was divided into two parts: Water Chenla and Land Chenla. Land Chenla was also called Wentan, and this kingdom sent three further embassies in 753 or 754, 771, and 799 C.E. An itinerary has survived from the end of the eighth century, describing an overland voyage to Wentan across the mountains from the re- gion of modern Hà T|nh in north-central Vietnam.The precise route of this journey is uncertain, but one of the destinations may have been the ancient city and temple site at Vat Phu in southern Laos. It is probable that the story of the division of Land and Water Chenla originated from the realization by the Tang court that the territory of Chenla comprised at least two major kingdoms—one that could be reached by sea, the other reached overland.’ [4] ’Chenla is a name derived from Chinese historical records often used to describe an essentially protohistoric period dated between AD 550 and 800 that followed seamlessly from late prehistory.’ [5]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, 79)
[2]: (Ooi 2004, 11)
[3]: (Southworth 2004, 324)
[4]: (Southworth 2004, 325)
[5]: (Higham 2014, 823)
’The first post-Funan capital, Isanapura, shows almost complete absence of pon, and already in the early and middle 7th century mratan dominated in areas which were probably closely related to Isanapura, Kompong Speu and northern Takeo, and northern Prey Veng-southern Konpong Cham.’ [1] ’Although Chenla is used as a general term in the Chinese histories of that period, it is important to note that the inscriptions found within Cambodia never mention this name. Territories were designated according to the most important political centers, such as Bhavapura or Isanapura, the latter name being identified with Isanavarman’s capital at Sambor Prei Kuk.’ [2] ’The author’s detailed coverage of the seventh century site of Sambor Prei Kuk, which was largely inaccessible until recently, is a welcome addition. The Hindu site, dedicated to the god Shiva, is located in Kompong Thom Province east of the Great Lake, and served as the capital for Ishanavarman I (reigned c. 611-c. 635).’ [3] ’But Ishanapura was not a durable capital of the state of Chenla.’ [4] ’By about 600 they had conquered Funan and established their capital city at Isanapura, probably the contemporary city of Sambor, Cambodia. The oldest Khmer inscription, found at Angkor Borei, a former Funan stronghold south of Phnom Penh, is also from this period and is dated to 611.’ [5]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 24)
[2]: (Southworth 2004, 325)
[3]: (Rooney 2004, 159)
[4]: (Higham 2014b, 344)
[5]: (West 2009, 160)
’The first post-Funan capital, Isanapura, shows almost complete absence of pon, and already in the early and middle 7th century mratan dominated in areas which were probably closely related to Isanapura, Kompong Speu and northern Takeo, and northern Prey Veng-southern Konpong Cham.’ [1] ’Although Chenla is used as a general term in the Chinese histories of that period, it is important to note that the inscriptions found within Cambodia never mention this name. Territories were designated according to the most important political centers, such as Bhavapura or Isanapura, the latter name being identified with Isanavarman’s capital at Sambor Prei Kuk.’ [2] ’The author’s detailed coverage of the seventh century site of Sambor Prei Kuk, which was largely inaccessible until recently, is a welcome addition. The Hindu site, dedicated to the god Shiva, is located in Kompong Thom Province east of the Great Lake, and served as the capital for Ishanavarman I (reigned c. 611-c. 635).’ [3] ’But Ishanapura was not a durable capital of the state of Chenla.’ [4] ’By about 600 they had conquered Funan and established their capital city at Isanapura, probably the contemporary city of Sambor, Cambodia. The oldest Khmer inscription, found at Angkor Borei, a former Funan stronghold south of Phnom Penh, is also from this period and is dated to 611.’ [5]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 24)
[2]: (Southworth 2004, 325)
[3]: (Rooney 2004, 159)
[4]: (Higham 2014b, 344)
[5]: (West 2009, 160)
’Changing patterns of Chinese maritime trade then skirted Funan, however, and political power moved inland to new and thrusting principalities known collectively as Chenla, again according to Chinese accounts. Several growing kingdoms emerged, living in a state of regular competition and war.’ [1] ’The trade with the kingdoms of Linyi (later Champa, now central Vietnam) and Funan (later Zhenla, now Cambodia and Thailand [Siam]) was the most important down to the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.).’ [2] ’ZHENLA. Chinese term used to refer to Cambodia from the demise of Funan until modern times. In ancient Chinese, it would have been pronounced zhenla The origin of the name has not been satisfacto- rily explained, although it may correspond to Tonle Sap, the Great Lake at the heart of Cambodia.’ [3]
[1]: (Higham 2013, 586)
[2]: (Wang 2004, 332)
[3]: (Miksic 2007, 426)
’Changing patterns of Chinese maritime trade then skirted Funan, however, and political power moved inland to new and thrusting principalities known collectively as Chenla, again according to Chinese accounts. Several growing kingdoms emerged, living in a state of regular competition and war.’ [1] ’The trade with the kingdoms of Linyi (later Champa, now central Vietnam) and Funan (later Zhenla, now Cambodia and Thailand [Siam]) was the most important down to the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.).’ [2] ’ZHENLA. Chinese term used to refer to Cambodia from the demise of Funan until modern times. In ancient Chinese, it would have been pronounced zhenla The origin of the name has not been satisfacto- rily explained, although it may correspond to Tonle Sap, the Great Lake at the heart of Cambodia.’ [3]
[1]: (Higham 2013, 586)
[2]: (Wang 2004, 332)
[3]: (Miksic 2007, 426)
’Changing patterns of Chinese maritime trade then skirted Funan, however, and political power moved inland to new and thrusting principalities known collectively as Chenla, again according to Chinese accounts. Several growing kingdoms emerged, living in a state of regular competition and war.’ [1] ’The trade with the kingdoms of Linyi (later Champa, now central Vietnam) and Funan (later Zhenla, now Cambodia and Thailand [Siam]) was the most important down to the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.).’ [2] ’ZHENLA. Chinese term used to refer to Cambodia from the demise of Funan until modern times. In ancient Chinese, it would have been pronounced zhenla The origin of the name has not been satisfacto- rily explained, although it may correspond to Tonle Sap, the Great Lake at the heart of Cambodia.’ [3]
[1]: (Higham 2013, 586)
[2]: (Wang 2004, 332)
[3]: (Miksic 2007, 426)
’Changing patterns of Chinese maritime trade then skirted Funan, however, and political power moved inland to new and thrusting principalities known collectively as Chenla, again according to Chinese accounts. Several growing kingdoms emerged, living in a state of regular competition and war.’ [1] ’The trade with the kingdoms of Linyi (later Champa, now central Vietnam) and Funan (later Zhenla, now Cambodia and Thailand [Siam]) was the most important down to the Tang dynasty (618-907 C.E.).’ [2] ’ZHENLA. Chinese term used to refer to Cambodia from the demise of Funan until modern times. In ancient Chinese, it would have been pronounced zhenla The origin of the name has not been satisfacto- rily explained, although it may correspond to Tonle Sap, the Great Lake at the heart of Cambodia.’ [3]
[1]: (Higham 2013, 586)
[2]: (Wang 2004, 332)
[3]: (Miksic 2007, 426)
’Chenla is a name derived from Chinese historical records often used to describe an essentially protohistoric period dated between AD 550 and 800 that followed seamlessly from late prehistory.’
[1]
This period begins in 611 CE, approximately the year that the reign of Is(h)anvarman I, who eventually absorbed the Funanese polity into Chenla, began.
This period ends in 803 CE, approximately the year that the Chenla period ended with the establishment of early Angkor in 802 CE, as attested in an inscription (the Sdok Kak Thom), which notes that the king (Jayavarman II) conducted a ceremony to free Cambodia from Java by declaring himself the universal monarch (chakravarti).
’In the 6th century Southeast Asian shipping to China linking China, Southeast Asia, and India began to shift from coastal sailing along the shores of Vietnam, Cambodia, and the peninsula, to a direct route across the South China Sea from Indonesia to southern China and northern Vietnam. Funan, the coastal polity dependent on maritime trade, apparently collapsed and was replaced in Cambodia by an entity known to the Chinese as ’Chenla’, a state, or group of states, or pon-led communities based on the control of land and people, and extracting wealth from agriculture, and possibly inter-community trade, with little involvement in maritime activities.’
[2]
’The term Chenla, a Chinese name, was used from the seventh century C.E. to refer to the territory of modern Cambodia and northeast Thailand. Modern historians have also applied the term to the period of Cambodian history from the seventh to early ninth centuries C.E.’
[3]
’The first extends approximately from the first to the third centuries AD and provides firm evidence of trade within the region and also with India and beyond, since a gold medallion depicting the Roman emperor Antonius Pius and dated 152 AD was among the items unearthed. At this level there was no sign of Hinduism or Buddhism. [...] The second phase, from the fourth to the seventh centuries, is still categorised as "Funan" and bears witness to the adoption of the Indian religions, while the third, which can the called the Zhenla period, begins in the seventh century.’
[4]
’The division of CHENLA weakened the KHMERS, and their power dissipated in the ninth century when rivals from island Southeast Asia began to encroach on the East- West trade.’
[5]
’As the Chinese perceived the situation, Funan in the seventh century was conquered by Zhenla, located in the hinterland. The History of the Sui says Zhenla was originally Funan’s vassal, located southwest of Linyi.’
[6]
’The Chenla states that rose and fell between 550 and 800 were essentially agrarian, and their economy revolved around the temple.’
[7]
’During the eighth century, the number of inscrip- tions fell markedly, and the historic record became thin. This does not necessarily imply cultural decline. On the contrary, it was during this period that such large sites as BANTEAY CHOEU near ANGKOR and BANTEAY PREI NOKOR were occupied.’
[8]
[1]: (Higham 2014, 823)
[2]: (Vickery 1998, 20)
[3]: (Southworth 2004, 324)
[4]: (Jacques and Lafond 2007, p 52-53)
[5]: (Ooi 2004, 11)
[6]: (Miksic 2007, p 426-427)
[7]: (Higham 2004, 76)
[8]: (Higham 2004, 77)
Six Funanese tributary missions to China are recorded as arriving during the third century. Then comes a gap of seventy years, a single embassy in 357 CE, then eighty years before a group of three embassies arrived between 434 and 438 CE. After a further gap of some fifty years, ten embassies arrived between 484 and 539, and three more between 559 and the last embassy in 588, after which Funan gave way to Zhenla, which itself was replaced by the Khmer kingdom of Angkor in 802.’ [1] ’In Southeast Asia new and powerful kingdoms arose. In Cambodia the Khmer kingdom of Angkor replaced Zhenla [...]’ [2]
[1]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, 30)
[2]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, 41)
’A most informative inscription dated to AD 667 informs us that the rulers of this dynasty were served by members of an elite family which traced its origins back to the rule of Rudravarman, thought to be one of the last kings of Funan in the early 6th century. Thus there appears to have been a smooth transition from one state to another.’ [1] ’The first rulers of a united and powerful Chenla were related to the royal family of Fu- nan, with the founder, Bhavavarman, being the grandson of King Rudravarman of Funan. Bha- vavarman united the two kingdoms and even- tually subsumed Funan under his own rule.’ [2] ’Bhavavarman united the two kingdoms and eventually subsumed Funan under his own rule. He was succeeded by his brother Mahendravarman and then the latter’s son, Isanavarman, who used their connections and knowledge of Funan to complete the integration process.’ [2] ’Six Funanese tributary missions to China are recorded as arriving during the third century. Then comes a gap of seventy years, a single embassy in 357 CE, then eighty years before a group of three embassies arrived between 434 and 438 CE. After a further gap of some fifty years, ten embassies arrived between 484 and 539, and three more between 559 and the last embassy in 588, after which Funan gave way to Zhenla, which itself was replaced by the Khmer kingdom of Angkor in 802.’ [3]
[1]: (Higham 2014b, p 293-294)
[2]: (West 2009, 160)
[3]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, 30)
(Relationship): ’The establishment of a grand and long-lasting civilization centred on the northern shore of the Tonle Sap does not represent a major dislocation with the preceding Chenla statelets, nor indeed with the preceding prehistoric period, for Iron Age burials and occupation have been identified under the early Hindu temple of Prei Khmeng, just west of Angkor, and next to the southern entrance to the city of Angkor Thom. [...] All the characteristics of ANgkor were previsouly evolving in the Chenla polities, but they were magnified and given stability through the centralising manupulation of power excersised by a succession of rulers imbued with unusual charisma and prowess.’
[1]
’It is clear that during the two centuries or so preceding AD 802 - the founding date of the Khmer Empire - there were a number of independent states in Khmer territory, not just the one, or at most two of the so-called ’Zhenla’ of the Chinese annals. Each of these was a highly stratified class society, rather than the tribal one of the old upon chiefdoms.’
[2]
’In Southeast Asia new and powerful kingdoms arose. In Cambodia the Khmer kingdom of Angkor replaced Zhenla [...]’
[3]
(Entity): {Chenla- Water; Chenla- Land}
[1]: (Higham 2014b, p. 349)
[2]: (Coe 2003, p. 68)
[3]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, p. 41)
(Relationship): ’A most informative inscription dated to AD 667 informs us that the rulers of this dynasty were served by members of an elite family which traced its origins back to the rule of Rudravarman, thought to be one of the last kings of Funan in the early 6th century. Thus there appears to have been a smooth transition from one state to another.’
[1]
’The first rulers of a united and powerful Chenla were related to the royal family of Fu- nan, with the founder, Bhavavarman, being the grandson of King Rudravarman of Funan. Bha- vavarman united the two kingdoms and even- tually subsumed Funan under his own rule.’
[2]
’Bhavavarman united the two kingdoms and eventually subsumed Funan under his own rule. He was succeeded by his brother Mahendravarman and then the latter’s son, Isanavarman, who used their connections and knowledge of Funan to complete the integration process.’
[2]
’Six Funanese tributary missions to China are recorded as arriving during the third century. Then comes a gap of seventy years, a single embassy in 357 CE, then eighty years before a group of three embassies arrived between 434 and 438 CE. After a further gap of some fifty years, ten embassies arrived between 484 and 539, and three more between 559 and the last embassy in 588, after which Funan gave way to Zhenla, which itself was replaced by the Khmer kingdom of Angkor in 802.’
[3]
(Entity): ’Six Funanese tributary missions to China are recorded as arriving during the third century. Then comes a gap of seventy years, a single embassy in 357 CE, then eighty years before a group of three embassies arrived between 434 and 438 CE. After a further gap of some fifty years, ten embassies arrived between 484 and 539, and three more between 559 and the last embassy in 588, after which Funan gave way to Zhenla, which itself was replaced by the Khmer kingdom of Angkor in 802.’
[3]
’At any given time dozens of lesser kings would have been paying tribute to Funan; the loss of much of that revenue and the peace it signaled led to the eventual re- placement of Funan by Chenla as the dominant force in the mandala system of Southeast Asia.’
[4]
[1]: (Higham 2014b, p 293-294)
[2]: (West 2009, 160)
[3]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, 30)
[4]: (West 2009, 225)
’Many historians believe that for virtually all of the ’Chen-la’ period there was no one major kingdom of the Khmers but an arena of principalities in competition. Thus, at one extreme we have before us the suggestion in the Chinese sources that the Khmers were subjects of a single unitary state, Chen-la, which spilt into two for a period in the eighth century, and at the other we have the view of ’Chen-la’ as an area of competing transient chiefdoms. It is clear at least that certain kings were able to assert their control over a great part of the Khmer territory, and it has recently been suggested by Michael Vickery that there was indeed for most of the seventh and eighth centuries just one main centre of power.’ [1] Coedes and other scholars have called attention to a passage in the early eighth-century ’History of the Sui Dynasty’ that may be a specific reference to this cult [i.e., the cult surrounding Lingaparvata centred at the temple complex of Wat Phu]. In speaking of ’Zhenla’ it states: "Near the capital is a mountain named Ling-jia-bo-po, on the summit of which a temple is constructed, always guarded by five thousand soldiers and consecrated to the spirit named Po-do-li, to whom human sacrifices are made. Each year, the king himself goes to this temple to make a human sacrifice during the night. It is thus that they honour the spirits." According to Coedes, a long-time believer in the reality of ’funan’ and ’Zhenla’, Champassak was the place where the ruling dynasty of ’Zhenla’ originated, and Wat Phu was the first capital of what he took to be a unitary state--a view not accepted by modern scholarshi [...] As for the human sacrifice mentioned in the Chinese annals, this was not entirely absent in Cambodia before the French Protectorate -- for instance, right up until the mid-nineteenth century, humans were crushed alive under the gate foundations of every fortified enclosure, of which they became the guardian spirits.’ [2] ’Although the Chinese histories mentioned two distinct kingdoms in the eighth century, the study of Sanskrit and Old Khmer inscriptions has revealed a far more complex political struc- ture, with largely autonomous city-states controlling particular areas of rice-growing land or particular stretches of the Mekong Valley. The rulers of these city-states were only the most conspicuous and sometimes arbitrary represen- tatives of a highly stratified and largely perma- nent local bureaucracy, whose members enjoyed inherited status and performed particular duties within the society. It was clearly exceptional for a large number of city-states to be combined under one ruler, and only rarely were embassies sent to China as a mark of this status (or of the ambition to achieve it).’ [3] ’The question is whether Chenla was a unified state, or whether Cambodia was divided into a number of principalities in the sixth, seventh and eighth centuries; probably the latter is the case. As Vickery points out, there was an ‘explosion’ of Khmer epigraphy from the seventh century, with the earliest recorded Khmer stone inscription dating from 612 AD at Angkor Borei. None of this refers to what the Chinese called Chenla. Probably, the decline of Funan was relative, with power devolv- ing to a multiplicity of petty kingdoms along the Mekong.’ [4] ’Chinese histories record that a state called Chenla sent an embassy to China in 616 or 617 C.E. The History of the Sui Dynasty (Sui-shu) noted that Chenla was originally a vassal of FUNAN in Cambodia, but under its ruler Citrasena conquered Funan and gained independence. Sub- sequent references described further missions to the Chinese court; the descriptions give the impression that it was a unified state under a king, which had defeated and absorbed Funan. During the early eighth century, the his- tories record that Chenla was divided into two states, labeled Land Chenla and Water Chenla, respectively.’ [5] :’An inscription from the small sanctuary of Kdei Ang illustrates how original documents provide an insight into the actual transition from Funan to Chenla. Written in 667 C.E., the inscription names successive members of an elite family of court officials. It begins with Brahmadatta, a retainer of King RUDRAVARMAN of Funan (c. 514-50). His maternal nephews, Dharmadeva and Simhadeva, served the kings Bhavavarman and Mahendravarman. Simhavira, a maternal nephew of Dharmadeva, was an official under King Ishanavarman (r. c. 615-37). Finally, Simhadatta served King JAYAVARMAN I (c. 635-80). This dynasty of rulers is the major, but not only, evidence for central royal authority. However, by following the rulers’ history, it is possible to trace the development of increasingly central- ized state authority. ’ [6] ’ISHANAVARMAN OF CHENLA seems to have exercised author- ity over a wide area, as many regional leaders acknowl- edged him as their overlord. One text from 250 kilometers (150 mi.) south of his capital records how the local mag- nate Ishanadatta referred to the heroic and illustrious Ishanavarman. An inscription from ISHANAPURA itself describes the valor and military prowess of Ishanavarman, a king “who extended the territory of his parents.” He was succeeded by his son, Bhavavarman II, about whom little is known except that from the region of Ishanapura he continued to maintain control over most if not all of his father’s fiefs. It is intriguing that a series of inscriptions dating to his reign record foundations by local leaders without any reference to this king, a situation that might well indicate their independence. Jayavarman I was the great-grandson of Ishanavarman. His inscriptions indicate the tightening of central power and control over a considerable area, the creation of new titles and admin- istrators, and the availability of an army, the means of defense and destruction. A text described how King Jayavarman’s commands were obeyed by “innumerable vassal kings.” Jayavarman also strengthened the legal code: “Those who levy an annual tax, those who seize carts, boats, slaves, cattle, buffaloes, those who contest the king’s orders, will be punished.” New titles were accorded highly ranked retainers who fulfilled important posts in government. One lineage held the priestly posi- tion of hotar. Another functionary was a samantagajapadi, chief of the royal elephants, and a military leader; the dhanyakarapati would have controlled the grain stores. The king also appointed officials known as a mratan and pon to a sabha, or council of state. Another inscription prescribes the quantities of salt to be distributed by barge to various foundations and prohibits any tax on the ves- sels going up- or downriver. Thus Jayavarman I intensi- fied royal control over dependent fiefs begun by his great-grandfather, Ishanavarman. Thereafter this dynasty loses visibility, although the king’s daughter, Jayadevi, ruled from a center in the vicinity of ANGKOR. [6] ’There was no single state or ruler at this time, but rather a series of competing micro city states.’ [7] ’Both must be treated with caution, for if the Chinese texts were our only source of information, we would assume that a state called Chenla existed in this area’ [8] ’Their contents inform us on two vital issues. The first is the use of official titles, such as President of the Royal Court, which was located at a centre called Purandarapura. Another prescribed punishment for those who disobey a royal order. Two brothers of high social standing were appointed to a variety of posts: officer of the royal guard, chief of rowers, military chief, and governor of Dhruvapura. Another highly-ranked courtier became chief of elephants, reminding us of the traditional role of elephants in warfare. A further text mentions a chief of the royal grain store. These high officials were rewarded with honorific symbols, such as a parasol embellished with gold. The trends already evident under Ishanavarman were greatly strengthened under his great grandson: with Jayavarman I, we can identify the establishment of a state. It was, however, ephemeral. Only one inscription of his daughter Jayadevi survives. Thereafter, the dynasty disappears from the historic record.’ [9] ’We should not be deluded by Chinese references to a state of Chenla. Wolters (1974) and Dupont (1943-6) have both shown convincingly that hegemony over most Chenla centres was the exception rather than the rule, and may have been achieved only briefly unde rIshanavarman and more firmly by his great grandson Jayavarman I.’ [10]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p79-81)
[2]: (Coe 2003, p 76-77)
[3]: (Southworth 2004, 325)
[4]: (Tully 2005, 14)
[5]: (Higham 2004, 74)
[6]: (Higham 2004, 75)
[7]: (Higham 2014, 831)
[8]: (Higham 2014b, 293)
[9]: (Higham 2014b, 294)
[10]: (Higham 2014b, 343)
in squared kilometers. Michael Vickery points out that the inscriptions left by the chieftains of the adjoining Dangrek region make no reference to Chenla, and that it is most likely that Chenla existed within the boundaries of the modern Cambodian state, somewhere between the Great Lake to the west and Kampot, Takeo or Kompong Speu to the east, and within the Mekong Valley.’ [1] ’This region incorporates the Mekong valley between Phnom Penh and the Dang Raek mountains, with lateral branches to include the drainage basin of the Tonle Sap and the Mun River valley’ [2] ’According to Coedes, this powerful kingdom, which eventually covered a territory almost equal in extent to that of the later Khmer Empire, subsequently divided itself into a ’Land Zhenla’ that included most of Cambodia and the Khorat Plateau, and a ’Water Zhenla’, centered on the Delta.’ [3]
[1]: (Tully 2005, 14)
[2]: (Higham 2014, 287)
[3]: (Coe 2003, 60)
levels. Derived by extrapolating from Higham’s description of ancient Funan from 550 CE. ’Within this period of competition and endemic conflict [the 250 years from AD 550], the inscriptions of Jayavarman I reflect a breakthrough in state formation, with his appointment of state officials and creation of at least three and probably four levels of settlement hierarchy.’ [1]
[1]: (Higham 2014b, 405)
levels. As the complexity of the religious system grows, it is likely that there would be more religious levels that would lead into Angkor’s 6 religious levels. So even though, as Vickery points out, that it is difficult to know about the religion in the Pre-Angkorian era, we can assume that at this stage there are more levels than in the previous period.
(4) purohita (chief priest of the king)(3) royal hotar (sacrificer)(2) religious functionaries who received the Sanskrit title of acharya, a learned priest who acted as teacher and spiritual guide; or pandit, someone versed in sacred lore; or of upadhyaya, a teacher and preceptor learned in the vedas(1) local priests
’Because all the Classic inscriptions deal with matters that are fundamentally religious in nature [...] we have much information on the central religious hierarchy, but little about the secular one. [...] The religious authorities and functionaries in the royal court were certainly almost entirely Brahmin caste [Level 2], although some priests in the provinces and villages [Level 1] may not have been so. Most of them may have received the honorific Khmer title of sten an, reserved for learned men. We already run across the purohita [Level 4]. In peninsular India, this Sanskrit word indicated a family priest or chaplain; in Classic Angkor, this important individual was the chaplain and chief priest of the king and, at least according to the self-serving Sdok Kak Thom stela, was a hereditary officer charged with maintaining the cult of the devajara. The Sanskrit title of hotar or ’sacrificer’ occurs frequently in the texts; this is also supposed to indicate ’royal chaplain’ - but the exact scope of the term is unclear since while the royal purohita of the devaraja was a hotar, there were other hotars [Level 3]. Most of these may have had important administrative roles. There were many religious functionaries who received the Sanskrit title of acharya, a learned priest who acted as teacher and spiritual guide; or pandit, someone versed in sacred lore; or of upadhyaya, a teacher and preceptor learned in the vedas [Level 2]. As with many Classic Khmer titles, there is little information on whether these were or were not interchangeable.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, 144)
From the following references there seems to be at least four levels, general, chief, officer, soldier, but there may be more: officer of the royal guard, chief of rowers, military chief, and chief of elephants. "Bhavavarman II is also a fleeting figure, but the inscriptions of his great grandson, Jayavarman I (c. AD 635-680), reflect significant consolidation of central authority. Their distribution centres on the lowlands on either side of the Mekong, with extensions into the rich rice lands of Battambang and on to the coast of Chantaburi. Their contents inform us on two vital issues. The first is the use of official titles, such as President of the ROyal Court, which was located at a centre call Purandapura. Another prescribed punishment for those who disobey a royal order. Two brothers of high social standing were appointed to a variety of posts: officer of the royal guard, chief of rowers, military chief, and governor of Dhruvapura. Another highly-ranked courtier became chief of elephants, reminding us of the traditional role of elephants in warfare. A further text mentions a chief of the royal grain store. These high officials were regarded with honorific symbols, such as a parasol embellished with gold. The trends already evident under Ishanavarman were greatly strengthen under his great grand son: with Jayavarman I, we can identify the establishment of a state. It was, however, ephemeral. [1] "Its authors state that in the time of Jayavarman II they had three ancestors on their mother’s and her mother’s side - two females and a male, presumably siblings, though this is not stated. The male was a general (senapati). [2]
[1]: (Higham 2002, 250-251)
[2]: (Vickery 1986, 104)
levels.
(4) Overall king (e.g., mratan-varman),(3) regional governor/chief/sub-king (e.g., mratan pura; -purasvami or lord of pura),(2) subordinate to the regional governor/pura (grama),(1) important leaders of the community (pon).
’Throughout the pre-Angkor period there is no reference to any political or administrative entity higher than the pura (with the possible exception of three nagara, whose rank relative to pure is not known), of which some thirty are names in the inscriptions. Sauk and drama are also named, the latter as subordinate to a pure, but the relationship between pure and souk is not certain. Chiefs of pure other than the king bore Khmer titles, mratan klon, and possibly kurun, in Sanskrit svami or isvara (’lord’, ’king’) of their pure, the latter probably a higher rank than the former.’
[1]
’Jayavarman I was the great-grandson of Ishanavarman. His inscriptions indicate the tightening of central power and control over a considerable area, the creation of new titles and admin- istrators, and the availability of an army, the means of defense and destruction. A text described how King Jayavarman’s commands were obeyed by “innumerable vassal kings.” Jayavarman also strengthened the legal code: “Those who levy an annual tax, those who seize carts, boats, slaves, cattle, buffaloes, those who contest the king’s orders, will be punished.” New titles were accorded highly ranked retainers who fulfilled important posts in government. One lineage held the priestly position of hotar. Another functionary was a samantagajapadi, chief of the royal elephants, and a military leader; the dhanyakarapati would have controlled the grain stores. The king also appointed officials known as a mratan and pon to a sabha, or council of state. Another inscription prescribes the quantities of salt to be distributed by barge to various foundations and prohibits any tax on the ves- sels going up- or downriver. Thus Jayavarman I intensi- fied royal control over dependent fiefs begun by his great-grandfather, Ishanavarman. Thereafter this dynasty loses visibility, although the king’s daughter, Jayadevi, ruled from a center in the vicinity of ANGKOR.’
[2]
’Men of high status with the title pon are often mentioned for their role in temple manage- ment. Inscriptions indicate that they could donate com- munal land to the temple and organize their kin to produce surpluses.’
[3]
’The inscriptions reflect a social organisation with a vrah kamraten an at its apex. This Khmer title may be translated as ruler, or king, but it was also applied to gods, suggesting that the king was at least semi divine. Personal names of rulers ended with the Sanskrit title -varman. Hence the name Isanavarman means prote ́ge ́ of Siva or Siva’s shield. There was no single state or ruler at this time, but rather a series of competing micro city states. Some inscriptions record a local hegemon appointed over a dependent centre by a king. Others name a local ruler but no such dependency. Vickery (1998) has extracted from the available texts the divisions of the population below these rulers. Pon was a title accorded a person of high status, who exercised authority over temples and their sustaining populace. It is important to appreciate that the temple was not just an institution for the worship of an indigenous god or a Hindu deity, but it fulfilled the role of a community ritual and economic centre, to which donations of land, workers and domestic stock including cattle and buffalo were directed. The personnel included dancers, singers and officiants, as well as weavers, spinners, leaf sewers, potters and field workers. The surpluses of cloth, precious metals, ceramics and foodstuffs including rice were available for the pon to deploy to maintain the non-productive section of the community, exchange with other elite leaders, and accumulate for such social purposes as feasting. These texts describe the pon as being in charge of water reservoirs, which are often cited when designating rice field boundaries. Thus a web of social and economic characteristics identified in the Chenla texts resonate with the late prehistoric Iron Age: elite individuals, weavers, potters and smiths, as well as bounded rice fields and water control.’
[4]
’Their contents inform us on two vital issues. The first is the use of official titles, such as President of the Royal Court, which was located at a centre called Purandarapura. Another prescribed punishment for those who disobey a royal order. Two brothers of high social standing were appointed to a variety of posts: officer of the royal guard, chief of rowers, military chief, and governor of Dhruvapura. Another highly-ranked courtier became chief of elephants, reminding us of the traditional role of elephants in warfare. A further text mentions a chief of the royal grain store. These high officials were rewarded with honorific symbols, such as a parasol embellished with gold. The trends already evident under Ishanavarman were greatly strengthened under his great grandson: with Jayavarman I, we can identify the establishment of a state. It was, however, ephemeral. Only one inscription of his daughter Jayadevi survives. Thereafter, the dynasty disappears from the historic record.’
[5]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, p 24)
[2]: (Higham 2004, 75)
[3]: (Higham 2004, 76)
[4]: (Higham 2014, p 831-832)
[5]: (Higham 2014b, 294)
’From the middle of the first millennium C.E., more early historical states are known (for example, Chenla, Dvaravati, Champa, Kedah, and ̋rivijaya). These states exhibit a shared in- corporation of Indian legal, political, and reli- gious ideas and institutions, including the use of Sanskrit names by rulers, as seen in stone inscriptions (first in South Indian and then in indigenous scripts) and in the layout and styles of religious architecture and carvings.’ [1]
[1]: (Bacus 2004, 619)
’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’ [1] ’Jayavarman I was the great-grandson of Ishanavarman. His inscriptions indicate the tightening of central power and control over a considerable area, the creation of new titles and admin- istrators, and the availability of an army, the means of defense and destruction. A text described how King Jayavarman’s commands were obeyed by “innumerable vassal kings.” Jayavarman also strengthened the legal code: “Those who levy an annual tax, those who seize carts, boats, slaves, cattle, buffaloes, those who contest the king’s orders, will be punished.” New titles were accorded highly ranked retainers who fulfilled important posts in government. One lineage held the priestly position of hotar. Another functionary was a samantagajapadi, chief of the royal elephants, and a military leader; the dhanyakarapati would have controlled the grain stores. The king also appointed officials known as a mratan and pon to a sabha, or council of state. Another inscription prescribes the quantities of salt to be distributed by barge to various foundations and prohibits any tax on the vessels going up- or downriver. Thus Jayavarman I intensified royal control over dependent fiefs begun by his great-grandfather, Ishanavarman. Thereafter this dynasty loses visibility, although the king’s daughter, Jayadevi, ruled from a center in the vicinity of ANGKOR. [2] ’Their contents inform us on two vital issues. The first is the use of official titles, such as President of the Royal Court, which was located at a centre called Purandarapura. Another prescribed punishment for those who disobey a royal order. Two brothers of high social standing were appointed to a variety of posts: officer of the royal guard, chief of rowers, military chief, and governor of Dhruvapura. Another highly-ranked courtier became chief of elephants, reminding us of the traditional role of elephants in warfare. A further text mentions a chief of the royal grain store. These high officials were rewarded with honorific symbols, such as a parasol embellished with gold. The trends already evident under Ishanavarman were greatly strengthened under his great grandson: with Jayavarman I, we can identify the establishment of a state. It was, however, ephemeral. Only one inscription of his daughter Jayadevi survives. Thereafter, the dynasty disappears from the historic record.’ [3]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 125)
[2]: (Higham 2004, 75)
[3]: (Higham 2014b, 294)
’The best known was entered at Ishanapura [...], just east of the Great Lake (Tonle Sap) in Cambodia, where a dynasty of kings is recorded in inscriptions (Vickery 1998). These rulers progressively adopted the characteristics of fully-fledged states, with a central court, splendid temples, water-control measures, and a bureaucracy of office holders.’ [1] ’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’ [2] ’From the middle of the first millennium C.E., more early historical states are known (for example, Chenla, Dvaravati, Champa, Kedah, and ̋rivijaya). These states exhibit a shared in- corporation of Indian legal, political, and reli- gious ideas and institutions, including the use of Sanskrit names by rulers, as seen in stone inscriptions (first in South Indian and then in indigenous scripts) and in the layout and styles of religious architecture and carvings.’ [3] ’Jayavarman I was the great-grandson of Ishanavarman. His inscriptions indicate the tightening of central power and control over a considerable area, the creation of new titles and admin- istrators, and the availability of an army, the means of defense and destruction. A text described how King Jayavarman’s commands were obeyed by “innumerable vassal kings.” Jayavarman also strengthened the legal code: “Those who levy an annual tax, those who seize carts, boats, slaves, cattle, buffaloes, those who contest the king’s orders, will be punished.” New titles were accorded highly ranked retainers who fulfilled important posts in government. One lineage held the priestly position of hotar. Another functionary was a samantagajapadi, chief of the royal elephants, and a military leader; the dhanyakarapati would have controlled the grain stores. The king also appointed officials known as a mratan and pon to a sabha, or council of state. Another inscription prescribes the quantities of salt to be distributed by barge to various foundations and prohibits any tax on the ves- sels going up- or downriver. Thus Jayavarman I intensi- fied royal control over dependent fiefs begun by his great-grandfather, Ishanavarman. Thereafter this dynasty loses visibility, although the king’s daughter, Jayadevi, ruled from a center in the vicinity of ANGKOR.’ [4]
[1]: (Higham 2013, 586)
[2]: (Vickery 1998, 125)
[3]: (Bacus 2004, 619)
[4]: (Higham 2004, 75)
There are no indications to an examination system in the references reviewed by the RA, but Vickery points out that an important family of Adhyapura provided ministers to five kings, which suggests that the appointment of ministers may not have followed an examination system. [1]
[1]: (Vickery 1986, 96)
Not mentioned by sources, either for Chenla or for Funan.
This may be more accurate toward the end of the Funan period, but worth noting: "Before a case reached the king, it might go through various lower courts; inscriptions frequently mention officials who appear to have functions connected with courts of law. There is no way of measuring the extent of discrimination and corruption in the administration of justice. The ideal of fairness to all was certainly recognized; one judge, for example, is declared to have been appointed on the strength of his impartiality. [1]
[1]: (Mabbett and Changler 1995, 168)
’From the middle of the first millennium C.E., more early historical states are known (for example, Chenla, Dvaravati, Champa, Kedah, and ̋rivijaya). These states exhibit a shared incorporation of Indian legal, political, and religious ideas and institutions, including the use of Sanskrit names by rulers, as seen in stone in- scriptions (first in South Indian and then in indigenous scripts) and in the layout and styles of religious architecture and carvings.’ ’From the middle of the first millennium C.E., more early historical states are known (for example, Chenla, Dvaravati, Champa, Kedah, and ̋rivijaya). These states exhibit a shared in- corporation of Indian legal, political, and reli- gious ideas and institutions, including the use of Sanskrit names by rulers, as seen in stone inscriptions (first in South Indian and then in indigenous scripts) and in the layout and styles of religious architecture and carvings.’ [1] ’Jayavarman I was the great-grandson of Ishanavarman. His inscriptions indicate the tightening of central power and control over a considerable area, the creation of new titles and admin- istrators, and the availability of an army, the means of defense and destruction. A text described how King Jayavarman’s commands were obeyed by “innumerable vassal kings.” Jayavarman also strengthened the legal code: “Those who levy an annual tax, those who seize carts, boats, slaves, cattle, buffaloes, those who contest the king’s orders, will be punished.” New titles were accorded highly ranked retainers who fulfilled important posts in government. One lineage held the priestly position of hotar. Another functionary was a samantagajapadi, chief of the royal elephants, and a military leader; the dhanyakarapati would have controlled the grain stores. The king also appointed officials known as a mratan and pon to a sabha, or council of state. Another inscription prescribes the quantities of salt to be distributed by barge to various foundations and prohibits any tax on the ves- sels going up- or downriver. Thus Jayavarman I intensi- fied royal control over dependent fiefs begun by his great-grandfather, Ishanavarman. Thereafter this dynasty loses visibility, although the king’s daughter, Jayadevi, ruled from a center in the vicinity of ANGKOR. [2]
[1]: (Bacus 2004, 619)
[2]: (Higham 2004, 75)
’The best known was entered at Ishanapura [...], just east of the Great Lake (Tonle Sap) in Cambodia, where a dynasty of kings is recorded in inscriptions (Vickery 1998). These rulers progressively adopted the characteristics of fully-fledged states, with a central court, splendid temples, water-control measures, and a bureaucracy of office holders.’ [1] This may be more accurate toward the end of the Funan period, but worth noting: "Before a case reached the king, it might go through various lower courts; inscriptions frequently mention officials who appear to have functions connected with courts of law. There is no way of measuring the extent of discrimination and corruption in the administration of justice. The ideal of fairness to all was certainly recognized; one judge, for example, is declared to have been appointed on the strength of his impartiality. [2]
[1]: (Higham 2013, 586)
[2]: (Mabbett and Changler 1995, 168)
’Although there is considerable record of exchanges, between individuals and temples, and to a lesser extent between individuals, there are no references to market activities, nor even terms which may be glossed as "market", "trade", or "merchant"; and with one dubious exception, there is no reference to tax collection. Neither is there reference to coinage, although precious metals are mentioned as objects of exchanges among donors and temples. The lack of coinage seems confirmed by the inability of archaeologists or architects excavating and restoring temples to discover any coins which may be dated between the end of the Funan and the post-Angkor period.’ [1] Strong evidence against the importance of trade or markets is the absence of money in post-6th-century Cambodia in contrast to Funan which had coinage’ [2]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 275)
[2]: (Vickery 1998, 314)
’While there is no evidence of large-scale irrigation projects during this period, ’what may have represented small-scale irrigation was carried out at the level of the local communities, under the leadership of local upon and other chiefs. [...] [N]o remains of large hydraulic works have been discovered for the period between Funan and Angkor. Evidence that some organized digging occurred for water management or fish capture, is in the numerous references to trapan, artificial ponds.’ [1] ’These [reservoirs] were probably multi-purpose, involving supplying the moats, religious foundations and urban populace with water, and for irrigating rice fields.’ [2]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 306)
[2]: (Higham 2014b, 291)
’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’ [1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 125)
’While there is no evidence of large-scale irrigation projects during this period, ’what may have represented small-scale irrigation was carried out at the level of the local communities, under the leadership of local upon and other chiefs. [...] [N]o remains of large hydraulic works have been discovered for the period between Funan and Angkor. Evidence that some organized digging occurred for water management or fish capture, is in the numerous references to trapan, artificial ponds.’ [1] ’The largest and best-documented centre was known as Isanapura, the city of Isanavarman. It is dominated by three walled precincts containing brick temples and sunken pools. The inscriptions record a dynasty of kings, including Isanavarman himself, who ruled there during the early seventh century. The site also includes a large rectangular reservoir, and rice field boundaries lie beyond the limits of this centre (Shimoda 2010). A description of the court of this period has survived in a compilation by the Chinese historian Ma Duanlin (1883), who mentioned a palace, guards, a large populace and regular royal audiences.’ [2] ’These [reservoirs] were probably multi-purpose, involving supplying the moats, religious foundations and urban populace with water, and for irrigating rice fields.’ [3]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 306)
[2]: (Higham 2014, 830)
[3]: (Higham 2014b, 291)
’Funan seems to have originated in the Mekong delta area, and around 200 AD under Fanzhan’s uncle, Fanshiman, through successive campaigns along the Gulf of Siam, it occupied belts of land of varying length which allowed goods to be transported by road or porterage to the ports on the Indian Ocean side of the peninsula.’ [1] Furthermore: " It is acknowledged that the pre-Angkorian developments during the Funan and Chenla periods influenced the location of early transport and settlement of the later period (see Vickery 1998)". [2]
[1]: (Jacques and Lafond 2007, 47)
[2]: (Hendrickson 2007, 9)
Though the seat of power moves inland, it remains attached to the shorelines of the Mekong and its tributaries. Inscriptions make reference to transport by boat. [1] Ports were undoubtedly used, but unlike the monumental ports of the Mediterranean, the structures in Cambodia must have been more modest if we look at how port areas are organized nowadays in the Mekong. The drastic water level changes prevents the construction of fixed structures, therefore the ports may have been composed of stilted buildings, floating platforms and elevated trackways from the platforms to the shore or from boats to the shore. [2]
[1]: (Higham 2001, 41-42)
[2]: pers. comm. Daniel Mullins
While the Chenla may have contributed little to nothing to the creation of new canals, transportation canals existed from the Funanese. ’The Funanese had already built a canal network near their port, and a canal 90 km long linking their port to an inland city, Angkor Borei, in which channels and bray were constructed for flood control and dry-season water supply, but the canal is considered to have been for transportation, and within a trading polite, not for irrigation.’ [1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 307)
Iron mines: the first capital of united Chenla and Funan, Samor Preikuk, built by Içanavarman I (615-638) is located 55km south of the iron mines of Phnom Dek. Iron provided by local smiths was already used for the construction of temples. "La première capitale du Tchen-La et du Fou-Nan réunis, Sambor Preikuk, édifiée par Içanavarman 1er (615-638) est située à seulement 55 km au sud des mines de fer du Phnom Dek. Du fer fourni par les sidérurgistes locaux est déjà employé pour la construction des temples." [1]
[1]: (Dupaigne 1992, 15)
’There can hardly be any doubt that the polities within Cambodia from the 7th to the 13th centuries were mainly agrarian, their development of written records very high for the period, these records largely concerned with economic and administrative matters, and that by the Angkor period temples had political and economic managerial functions. The notable Southeast Asian societies without an impressive epigraphic tradition, such as Funan, Srivijaya, Ayutthaya, and Pregu, were preeminently maritime trading polities.’ [1] ’The archaeological hardware of these vital centuries is provided by the surviving temples, reservoirs and rice fields, but the social software has to be teased out of the surviving inscriptions. Carved onto stone stelae, these were inscribed in Sanskrit and old Khmer languages. Nearly all relate to the foundation and administration of a temple. They regularly refer to a ruler or the title and name of a local grandee associated with the temple foundation and its maintenance. The Khmer text includes information on rice fields, their boundaries, donations of surplus products to the temple, and the number and duties of individuals assigned to its support.’ [2] ’From 550 AD, a network of powerful chiefdoms emerged in the interior of Cambodia, under the generic name Chenla. By this period, paramounts were setting up inscriptions to record their august genealogies and achievements. These were carved in Sanskrit, but some texts were written in Old Khmer. These provide us with a vital glimpse of the religious beliefs under the veneer of Hindu worshi’ [3]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 99)
[2]: (Higham 2014, 830)
[3]: (Higham 2011, 475)
’No one knows for certain how long people have lived in what is now Cambodia, where they came from, or what languages they spoke before writing was introduced, using an Indian-style alphabet, around the third century CE.’ [1] ’From the middle of the first millennium C.E., more early historical states are known (for example, Chenla, Dvaravati, Champa, Kedah, and ̋rivijaya). These states exhibit a shared in- corporation of Indian legal, political, and reli- gious ideas and institutions, including the use of Sanskrit names by rulers, as seen in stone inscriptions (first in South Indian and then in indigenous scripts) and in the layout and styles of religious architecture and carvings.’ [2] ’Thus Michael Vickery has summarized the many refer- ences in the inscriptions to local gods worshiped in Chenla temples. The local matrilineal descent system continued, and the Khmer language took its place along- side SANSKRIT in the inscriptions. Vickery prefers the notion of an Indic veneer, wherein the elites in society selectively adopted those Indian traits that suited their objectives. These included the SANSKRIT language for per- sonal and place names, the Indian script, and architec- tural styles. These elements contributed to the increasingly strong divisions in society that signal the for- mation of states, but the essential characteristics of the Chenla kingdoms were Khmer.’ [3] ’This ascendance has important implications when considering the inscriptions of Southeast Asia. The earli- est of these, from VO CANH in southern coastal Vietnam, was written in Sanskrit, as were those of the coastal state of FUNAN. Indeed, Sanskrit was the preferred language of all the major inscriptions of CHENLA and the kingdom of ANGKOR, in Cambodia, although Old KHMER was also used in subsidiary texts on many occasions. The quality of the Sanskrit employed was admirable, as seen in the long dedicatory inscriptions of the temples of the PRE RUP, PREAH KHAN, and TA PROHM at Angkor.’ [4] ’The archaeological hardware of these vital centuries is provided by the surviving temples, reservoirs and rice fields, but the social software has to be teased out of the surviving inscriptions. Carved onto stone stelae, these were inscribed in Sanskrit and old Khmer languages. Nearly all relate to the foundation and administration of a temple. They regularly refer to a ruler or the title and name of a local grandee associated with the temple foundation and its maintenance. The Khmer text includes information on rice fields, their boundaries, donations of surplus products to the temple, and the number and duties of individuals assigned to its support.’ [5]
[1]: (Chandler 2008, 13)
[2]: (Bacus 2004, 619)
[3]: (Higham 2004, 74)
[4]: (Higham 2004, 294)
[5]: (Higham 2014, 830)
’No one knows for certain how long people have lived in what is now Cambodia, where they came from, or what languages they spoke before writing was introduced, using an Indian-style alphabet, around the third century CE.’ [1] ’Thus Michael Vickery has summarized the many references in the inscriptions to local gods worshiped in Chenla temples. The local matrilineal descent system continued, and the Khmer language took its place along- side SANSKRIT in the inscriptions. Vickery prefers the notion of an Indic veneer, wherein the elites in society selectively adopted those Indian traits that suited their objectives. These included the SANSKRIT language for personal and place names, the Indian script, and architectural styles. These elements contributed to the increasingly strong divisions in society that signal the formation of states, but the essential characteristics of the Chenla kingdoms were Khmer.’ [2] ’From 550 AD, a network of powerful chiefdoms emerged in the interior of Cambodia, under the generic name Chenla. By this period, paramounts were setting up inscriptions to record their august genealogies and achievements. These were carved in Sanskrit, but some texts were written in Old Khmer. These provide us with a vital glimpse of the religious beliefs under the veneer of Hindu worship’ [3]
[1]: (Chandler 2008, 13)
[2]: (Higham 2004, 74)
[3]: (Higham 2011, 475)
’During the first five hundred years or so of the current era, India provided Cambodia with a writing system, a pantheon, meters for poetry, a language (Sanskrit) to write it in, a vocabulary of social hierarchies (not the same as a caste system), Buddhism, the idea of universal kingship, and new ways a looking at politics, sociology, architecture, iconography, astronomy, and aesthetics.’ [1]
[1]: (Chandler 2008, 17)
‘Some of the inscriptions of this reign show that, from the beginning, the Chenla received instruction in the sacred books of India. The inscription of the Prasat Ba An, near the village of Veal Kantel, province of Tonle Repou, just below the border of Laos, relates to an image of Tribhuvanesvara (Siva), accompanied by a figure of the Sun. The donation was made by a brahman savant, named Somasarman, husband of Bhavavarman’s sister. Among the gifts made to the temple were a complete copy of the Mahabharata, a copy of the Ramayana, and apparently a copy of the Puranas. Somasarman instituted daily readings of these works in the sanctuary, promised benedictions to those who participated in the readings, and pronounced imprecations against those who damaged any of the precious volumes.’ [1]
[1]: (Briggs 1951, 43)
’Whether the Khmer states were few or many, they were sophisticated and cosmopolitan; their masters could afford to live in style, and their wise men could plumb the secrets of Sanskrit religious texts.’ [1] ’During the first five hundred years or so of the current era, India provided Cambodia with a writing system, a pantheon, meters for poetry, a language (Sanskrit) to write it in, a vocabulary of social hierarchies (not the same as a caste system), Buddhism, the idea of universal kingship, and new ways a looking at politics, sociology, architecture, iconography, astronomy, and aesthetics.’ [2]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, 85)
[2]: (Chandler 2008, 17)
’All that remains, apart from all-important inscriptions on stone or metal, are those texts that were regularly recopied. These were mainly religious texts, the copying of which generated spiritual merit, various technical treatises on such subjects as agriculture, astrology and law, and court chronicles. In few of these, even the last, can be found any references, however, to political or even economic relations with China.’ [1]
[1]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, 35)
’During the first five hundred years or so of the current era, India provided Cambodia with a writing system, a pantheon, meters for poetry, a language (Sanskrit) to write it in, a vocabulary of social hierarchies (not the same as a caste system), Buddhism, the idea of universal kingship, and new ways a looking at politics, sociology, architecture, iconography, astronomy, and aesthetics.’ [1]
[1]: (Chandler 2008, 17)
’There can hardly be any doubt that the polities within Cambodia from the 7th to the 13th centuries were mainly agrarian, their development of written records very high for the period, these records largely concerned with economic and administrative matters, and that by the Angkor period temples had political and economic managerial functions. The notable Southeast Asian societies without an impressive epigraphic tradition, such as Funan, Srivijaya, Ayutthaya, and Pregu, were preeminently maritime trading polities.’ [1] ’The archaeological hardware of these vital centuries is provided by the surviving temples, reservoirs and rice fields, but the social software has to be teased out of the surviving inscriptions. Carved onto stone stelae, these were inscribed in Sanskrit and old Khmer languages. Nearly all relate to the foundation and administration of a temple. They regularly refer to a ruler or the title and name of a local grandee associated with the temple foundation and its maintenance. The Khmer text includes information on rice fields, their boundaries, donations of surplus products to the temple, and the number and duties of individuals assigned to its support.’ [2] ’From 550 AD, a network of powerful chiefdoms emerged in the interior of Cambodia, under the generic name Chenla. By this period, paramounts were setting up inscriptions to record their august genealogies and achievements. These were carved in Sanskrit, but some texts were written in Old Khmer. These provide us with a vital glimpse of the religious beliefs under the veneer of Hindu worshi’ [3] ’The Sanskrit text began with a eulogy of the king, if it was a royal foundation, followed by a list of donations, such as workers and land, which was written in Khmer.’ [4]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 99)
[2]: (Higham 2014, 830)
[3]: (Higham 2011, 475)
[4]: (Higham 2014b, 293)
’All that remains, apart from all-important inscriptions on stone or metal, are those texts that were regularly recopied. These were mainly religious texts, the copying of which generated spiritual merit, various technical treatises on such subjects as agriculture, astrology and law, and court chronicles. In few of these, even the last, can be found any references, however, to political or even economic relations with China.’ [1] ’Court chronicles in the Theravada Buddhist kingdoms of mainland Southeast Asia were not composed as objective historical records. On the contrary, they formed part of the royal regalia of legitimation. They recorded the ruler’s genealogy, his marriage alliances and his meritorious deeds, all of which were intended to reinforce his right to rule in the eyes of his subjects.’ [2]
[1]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, 35)
[2]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, p 35-36)
Records from the early Funan period are scarce. ’The earliest extant Sanskrit texts, from Cambodia’s Funan period, are undated records from the 5th century: undated Khmer inscriptions appear about a century later. Dated inscriptions in Sanskrit and Old Khmer start from the early 7th century. The Pre-Angkorian Sanskrit texts were generally short ‘literary gestures’ (ibid., 219), but by the Angkorian period, they used very sophisticated poetry, employing polished orthography and grammar, as in India. These display knowledge of Indian intellectual and political thought and of literature including the metrics of poetry (Majumdar 1953: xvii-iii; Bhattacharya 1991: 2-4; Pollock 1996: 218-220; Dagens 2003: 217).’ [1]
[1]: (Lustig 2009, 107)
In Sukhothai (in northern Thailand) where a large quantity
of cowries from the Maldives was unearthed, many inscriptions composed between 1292 and 1400 have demonstrated cowries as a measure of value in Thai society.54 Cowries were used for religious dedications and for the purchase of cheap goods such as cloth and lamps, but also expensive deals such as land. To be true, the use of cowrie money in Thailand did not end until the latter part of the nineteenth century. The situation east of Siam seemed very different, as the cowrie currency was not found either in Cambodia or in Cochin China.
[1]
[1]: (Yang 2011, 13)
’Strong evidence against the importance of trade or markets is the absence of money in post-6th-century Cambodia in contrast to Funan which had coinage’ [1] ’Neither is there reference to coinage, although precious metals are mentioned as objects of exchanges among donors and temples. The lack of coinage seems confirmed by the inability of archaeologists or architects excavating and restoring temples to discover any coins which may be dated between the end of the Funan and the post-Angkor period.’ [2] ’Stored assets were also a form of tradable wealth. Surviving texts suggest that rice, cloth, or ironware could be traded, thus allowing pon to indulge in trade not only for basic food and cloth, but also for bankable assets, such as gold and silver.’ [3]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 314)
[2]: (Vickery 1998, 275)
[3]: (Higham 2004, 76)
’Strong evidence against the importance of trade or markets is the absence of money in post-6th-century Cambodia in contrast to Funan which had coinage’ [1] ’Neither is there reference to coinage, although precious metals are mentioned as objects of exchanges among donors and temples. The lack of coinage seems confirmed by the inability of archaeologists or architects excavating and restoring temples to discover any coins which may be dated between the end of the Funan and the post-Angkor period.’ [2]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 314)
[2]: (Vickery 1998, 275)
’Strong evidence against the importance of trade or markets is the absence of money in post-6th-century Cambodia in contrast to Funan which had coinage’ [1] ’Neither is there reference to coinage, although precious metals are mentioned as objects of exchanges among donors and temples. The lack of coinage seems confirmed by the inability of archaeologists or architects excavating and restoring temples to discover any coins which may be dated between the end of the Funan and the post-Angkor period.’ [2] ’There was no system of coinage, but goods were valued by measures of silver by weight, quantities of rice, or length and quality of cloth.’ [3] ’But certain Indian traits, such as the minting and use of coinage, never took: the Khmer realm essentially remained a barter economy until the arrival of the French in the nineteenth century.’ [4]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 314)
[2]: (Vickery 1998, 275)
[3]: (Higham 2004, 76)
[4]: (Coe 2003, 63)
The earliest text records a transaction between a chief and his followers in which fruits and animals were given out of respect and adoration, trend that shifted soon to payment of taxes in luxury goods. Common exchange articles for payment were gold, silver, and scented woods. [1] Later inscriptions suggest the existence of a well developed barter system where cloth and silver were used as the main basis for trade. For example, "the exchange goods given for the land and other gifts is paddy but its value is expressed in terms of silver and cloth which thus appear to have almost monetary value. [...] ’A rice field near the tank of Devacila. The barter for it is paddy. The value of this is 5 ounces of silver and a yau of double cloth’. [2] . Other exchange rates are recorded as well: ’honey is given to buy oil, cloth to buy syrup, ... cotton to buy ginger conserve’. [3] Although this references are from the late Funanese period, it suggests that there was a developed exchange system. [4]
[1]: (Wicks 1992, 186)
[2]: (Jacob 1979, 415)
[3]: (Jacob 1979, 414)
[4]: pers. comm. Daniel Mullins
Prei Khmeng and Ak Yum and its brick predecessor occupied an area thats seem to have been ’associated with a fan-shaped area of rice fields (Hawken 2011). The orientation of the linear banks north of these temples and fields might well have served to converse or direct water into these irrigated fields, associated in all likelihood with the use of drought oxen or water buffaloes to draw a plough, are must more productive than broadcast rice and the use of the hoe or spade alone to turn the soil.’ [1]
[1]: (Higham 2014b, 295)
’The 7th century appears in the inscriptions as a time of relative prosperity, and the near absence of fortifications may indicate that warfare was rare, and not very destructive when it occurred. Even when impressive city walls were built, at Angkor Borei, increasingly viewed as a possible site for the capital of the Funan, there is archaeological opinion that they were for water control in the city, not for protection from attack.’ [1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 317)
’With the later Iron Age, these have been identified through the banks that ringed the sites to retain and control the flow of water. Smiths fashioned heavy iron ploughshares and sickles. At Lovea in Cambodia, rice field boundaries radiated out from the moats. The division and improvement of land and increased production occurred as elites at Noen U-Loke were being interred in graves filled with rice, along with outstanding sets of exotic ornaments. Smiths also forged iron arrowheads and heavy spears. Some settlements grew to be much larger than others. Valued cattle and water buffalo were protected in corrals within the moats, and substantial houses were constructed in the residential quarters of the moated towns. It is suggested that this was a period of formative social change involving the emergence of powerful leaders rooted in hereditary inequality.’ [1] ’All we know is that like Oc Eo, the surrounding moats were square or rectangular.’ [2] Prei Khmeng and Ak Yum and its brick predecessor occupied an area thats seem to have been ’associated with a fan-shaped area of rice fields (Hawken 2011). The orientation of the linear banks north of these temples and fields might well have served to converse or direct water into these irrigated fields, associated in all likelihood with the use of drought oxen or water buffaloes to draw a plough, are must more productive than broadcast rice and the use of the hoe or spade alone to turn the soil.’ [3]
[1]: (Higham 2014, p 833-834)
[2]: (Higham 2014b, 288)
[3]: (Higham 2014b, 295)
’The second centre was established east of the Mekong at Banteay Prei Nokor. This huge site, the moats and ramparts of which still dominate the flat landscape, was probably the capital from which Jayavarman II began his odyssey westward to found the Kingdom of Angkor.’ [1] ’Another text describing the kingdom, the Kinshu, begins thus: "There are walled towns, palaces and dwellings.’" [2] ’The ancient town at Angkor Borei was in fact a port linked by canals to both Oc-Eo and the river Baassac, a branch of the lower Mekong. It is said to have been enclosed within a rather irregularly-shaped wall forming a rough square some two by two kilometers. This was a veritable rampart comparable to that of the twelfth-century Angkor Thom. It was a brick wall more than a metre thick and six to eight metres high, lined on the inside by a ramp and a sentry path along the to’ [3]
[1]: (Higham 2014b, 295)
[2]: (Jacques and Lafond 2007, 51)
[3]: (Jacques and Lafond 2007, p, 57)
It seems that most of the features are canals, embankments, moats, or ponds/reservoirs:’In the 1920s Pierre Paris overflew this area [the flat plains surrounding the Mekong and its Bassac arm below Phnom Penh] and took a series of photographs. These revealed a network of canals crossing the landscape, and various nodal points where they met. One such junction revealed a huge enceinte demarcated by five moats and ramparts encoding 1,112 acres (450 ha). It was here that Louis Malleret excavated in 1944. The site was known as Oc Eco [...].’ [1] ’The river which flows there today was formerly a canal which functioned as a moat and a harbour, and ran about halfway around the outskirts of town.’ [2]
[1]: (Higham 2012b, 590)
[2]: (Jacques and Lafond 2007, p, 57)
’The 7th century appears in the inscriptions as a time of relative prosperity, and the near absence of fortifications may indicate that warfare was rare, and not very destructive when it occurred. Even when impressive city walls were built, at Angkor Borei, increasingly viewed as a possible site for the capital of the Funan, there is archaeological opinion that they were for water control in the city, not for protection from attack.’ [1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 317)
Coded inferred absent. Unlikely to have used high quality steel. Rather, the use of copper/bronze during the MSEA Iron Age is concentrated on the decorative and ideational sphere (bells, bowls, drums, figurines, finger and toe rings, bangles, belts and ear discs), whereas utilitarian objects (adze/axes, knives, digging stick tips,ploughshares, and spearheads) are produced in iron/steel.[212] However, it is not clear from sources if these items are specifically found in this polity. Polity expert Charles Higham "I dont think there was ever a transition to steel but will ask the iron expert, Oliver Pryce for his view." (pers. comm. with Harvey Whitehouse 04/08/2017)
Bronze weapons have been found and copper is needed to make bronze, so it seems reasonable to assume that copper weapons were probably used too.
No references in the literature. RA.
No references in the literature. RA.
Jacq-Hergoualc’h’s in-depth and authoritative analysis of Khmer weaponry includes no mention of slings. [1]
[1]: (Jacq-Hergoualc’h 2007) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/GAJMIR4G.
According to Coe (2003), iron was used in weaponry, including knives, spears and arrowheads since Iron Age chiefdoms (c. 500 BC to c. 200-500 CE). ’Iron was used not only for axes (for land clearance) and digging implements, but also for weaponry, principally knives, spears and arrowheads; in fact, weapons are often found in burials’ [1] ’With the later Iron Age, these have been identified through the banks that ringed the sites to retain and control the flow of water. Smiths fashioned heavy iron ploughshares and sickles. At Lovea in Cambodia, rice field boundaries radiated out from the moats. The division and improvement of land and increased production occurred as elites at Noen U-Loke were being interred in graves filled with rice, along with outstanding sets of exotic ornaments. Smiths also forged iron arrowheads and heavy spears. Some settlements grew to be much larger than others. Valued cattle and water buffalo were protected in corrals within the moats, and substantial houses were constructed in the residential quarters of the moated towns. It is suggested that this was a period of formative social change involving the emergence of powerful leaders rooted in hereditary inequality.’ [2]
[1]: (Coe 2003, 49)
[2]: (Higham 2014, p 833-834)
Firearms were not known in this region until around 1600 CE. ’The arms that [the Khmer] bore were substantially like those wielded by Classic warriors, with the addition of firearms and canon (after 1600). Again the principle of five ruled, as there were five corps: the vanguard, the rear guard, the right flank, the left flank, and the central corps or main body of the army, where the king kept himself with his war elephants. These animals were strengthened magically from time to time by bring sprayed with water mixed with human bile (or so say our sources); magical ideas also led the warriors to cover themselves with protective amulets. The king would be surrounded by Brahmins who conducted ritual ablutions, and by soothsayers who were consulted on the placement of military camps and for auspicious days for military operations.’ [1] ’The only major novelty is the appearance at the Bayon and Banteay Chmar of war machines which put the army a step up the ladder of technical prowess. But we are still far from the appearance of firearms.’ [2]
[1]: (Coe 2003, 219)
[2]: (Jacq-Hergoualc’h and Smithies 2007, 37)
Canon and gunpowder were not known in this region until around 1600 CE. ’Military campaings were probably conducted in the Post-Classic period as they had been during the Classic Era, but on a lesser scale: it is doubtful if any king of Lovek or Udong could muster the armies that were fielded by rulers like Suryavarman II. There was no standing army - in times of war, the patron was expected to muster a force of his clients, and place himself or an officer designated by the king at the head. The arms that they bore were substantially like those wielded by Classic warriors, with the addition of firearms and canon (after 1600). Again the principle of five ruled, as there were five corps: the vanguard, the rear guard, the right flank, the left flank, and the central corps or main body of the army, where the king kept himself with his war elephants. These animals were strengthened magically from time to time by bring sprayed with water mixed with human bile (or so say our sources); magical ideas also led the warriors to cover themselves with protective amulets. The king would be surrounded by Brahmins who conducted ritual ablutions, and by soothsayers who were consulted on the placement of military camps and for auspicious days for military operations.’ [1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, 219)
Inferred from the absence of composite bows in the subsequent polities, and not specifically mentioned in the sources.
Inferred from the absence of war clubs in the previous and subsequent polities, also not known as a weapon in this region (NGA). There is no evidence for war clubs, however, there is evidence of injuries that appear to have been made through blunt force trauma. The authors of the study conclude that there may be blunt weapons, it is also possible that the resulting injury was made through another weapon hitting against a helmet. Given that both options are equally valid, we can assume that there may have been war clubs, even if these were out of use by the Angkorian period. [1] . "The trauma apparent at Phum Snay is a combination of blunt and sharp force but the large amount of healed trauma makes it difficult to match a specific weapon with the wounds (cf. Powers 2005). An examination of known weaponry from the later Angkorian period does not show a predominance of weapons that could inflict BFT". [2]
[1]: pers. comm. Daniel Mullins
[2]: (Domett et al. 2011, 452)
This refers to a site that is in the NGA but not specifically part of Funan: O’Reilly et al. have documented a burial site in the Cambodian basin that dates from the Iron Age perio (i.e. slightly before the Funan period), given the evident that follows and the fact that swords were known in Angkor, we can assume there were swords as well in the Funan period. "A range of weapons were identified in many graves, including long iron swords and projectile points. The majority of individuals buried with weapons were male. The swords found in these graves were over 1m in length and nearly 100mm wide near the hilt, similar in form to the late medieval claymore swords of Scotland. Smaller short swords were also encountered in some burials. Caches of projectile points found in burials appear to be of two types: long, narrow points and broad, leaf-shaped points. [1]
[1]: (Domett et al. 2011, 452)
According to Coe (2003), iron was used in weaponry, including knives, spears and arrowheads since Iron Age chiefdoms (c. 500 BC to c. 200-500 CE). ’Iron was used not only for axes (for land clearance) and digging implements, but also for weaponry, principally knives, spears and arrowheads; in fact, weapons are often found in burials’ [1] ’With the later Iron Age, these have been identified through the banks that ringed the sites to retain and control the flow of water. Smiths fashioned heavy iron ploughshares and sickles. At Lovea in Cambodia, rice field boundaries radiated out from the moats. The division and improvement of land and increased production occurred as elites at Noen U-Loke were being interred in graves filled with rice, along with outstanding sets of exotic ornaments. Smiths also forged iron arrowheads and heavy spears. Some settlements grew to be much larger than others. Valued cattle and water buffalo were protected in corrals within the moats, and substantial houses were constructed in the residential quarters of the moated towns. It is suggested that this was a period of formative social change involving the emergence of powerful leaders rooted in hereditary inequality.’ [2] ’We find evidence of friction in the form of iron weaponry, for marked agricultural intensification, the large-scale production of salt, and provision of banks to retain and control water.’ [3]
[1]: (Coe 2003, 49)
[2]: (Higham 2014, p 833-834)
[3]: (Higham 2014b, 287)
According to Coe (2003), iron was used in weaponry, including knives, spears and arrowheads since Iron Age chiefdoms (c. 500 BC to c. 200-500 CE). ’Iron was used not only for axes (for land clearance) and digging implements, but also for weaponry, principally knives, spears and arrowheads; in fact, weapons are often found in burials’ [1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, 49)
According to Coe (2003), iron was used in weaponry, including knives, spears and arrowheads since Iron Age chiefdoms (c. 500 BC to c. 200-500 CE). ’Iron was used not only for axes (for land clearance) and digging implements, but also for weaponry, principally knives, spears and arrowheads; in fact, weapons are often found in burials’ [1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, 49)
According to Coe (2003), iron was used in weaponry, including knives, spears and arrowheads since Iron Age chiefdoms (c. 500 BC to c. 200-500 CE). ’Iron was used not only for axes (for land clearance) and digging implements, but also for weaponry, principally knives, spears and arrowheads; in fact, weapons are often found in burials’ [1] The axe was known in the region, hence there is no reason to believe that they wouldn’t have used them in warfare. Traditional Khmer weapons later depicted in Angkor include the a battle axe known as phka’k, which was carried by high ranking officials. [2]
[1]: (Coe 2003, 49)
[2]: (Jacq-Hergoualc’h 2007, 24)
’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’ [1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 125)
’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’ [1] ’Jayavarman I was the great-grandson of Ishanavarman. His inscriptions indicate the tightening of central power and control over a considerable area, the creation of new titles and admin- istrators, and the availability of an army, the means of defense and destruction. A text described how King Jayavarman’s commands were obeyed by “innumerable vassal kings.” Jayavarman also strengthened the legal code: “Those who levy an annual tax, those who seize carts, boats, slaves, cattle, buffaloes, those who contest the king’s orders, will be punished.” New titles were accorded highly ranked retainers who fulfilled important posts in government. One lineage held the priestly position of hotar. Another functionary was a samantagajapadi, chief of the royal elephants, and a military leader; the dhanyakarapati would have controlled the grain stores. The king also appointed officials known as a mratan and pon to a sabha, or council of state. Another inscription prescribes the quantities of salt to be distributed by barge to various foundations and prohibits any tax on the ves- sels going up- or downriver. Thus Jayavarman I intensi- fied royal control over dependent fiefs begun by his great-grandfather, Ishanavarman. Thereafter this dynasty loses visibility, although the king’s daughter, Jayadevi, ruled from a center in the vicinity of ANGKOR.’ [2] ’Their contents inform us on two vital issues. The first is the use of official titles, such as President of the Royal Court, which was located at a centre called Purandarapura. Another prescribed punishment for those who disobey a royal order. Two brothers of high social standing were appointed to a variety of posts: officer of the royal guard, chief of rowers, military chief, and governor of Dhruvapura. Another highly-ranked courtier became chief of elephants, reminding us of the traditional role of elephants in warfare. A further text mentions a chief of the royal grain store. These high officials were rewarded with honorific symbols, such as a parasol embellished with gold. The trends already evident under Ishanavarman were greatly strengthened under his great grandson: with Jayavarman I, we can identify the establishment of a state. It was, however, ephemeral. Only one inscription of his daughter Jayadevi survives. Thereafter, the dynasty disappears from the historic record.’ [3]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 125)
[2]: (Higham 2004, 75)
[3]: (Higham 2014b, 294)
There are no camels in mainland Southeast Asia.
’[...] protection, along with rainfall, is the sine qua non of peasant society: protection from enemies, from rival overlords, from the forces of nature. In recognition of this necessity, overlords in the time of Funan and throughout Cambodian history often included in their reign-names the suffix varman (originally "armour", hence, "protection").’ [1]
[1]: (Chandler 2008, 23)
There are shields and bucklers in the Angkorian period, but there are no references in the literature to shields found in archaeological contexts. RA.
Jacq-Hergoualc’h’s (2007) in-depth and exhausting examination of Khmer armor discusses breastplates, rattan, resin-coated rattan, and thickly-braided cotton protective wear, but makes no mention of scaled armour, laminar armour, or plate armour. [1] Given that the later Khmer polity did not have scaled armor this suggests that this earlier polity didn’t either.
[1]: (Jacq-Hergoualc’h and Smithies 2007, Chapter 2)
Jacq-Hergoualc’h’s (2007) in-depth and exhausting examination of Khmer armor discusses breastplates, rattan, resin-coated rattan, and thickly-braided cotton protective wear, but makes no mention of scaled armour, laminar armour, or plate armour. [1] Given that the later Khmer polity did not have plate armor this suggests that this earlier polity didn’t either.
[1]: (Jacq-Hergoualc’h and Smithies 2007, Chapter 2)
Inferred from absence of limb protection in previous and subsequent polities.
Zhou Daguan mentions that in the 13th century the Angkorians did not use the hide of cow to make items, [1] which may be connected to religious ideas. If that is so, it is likely that leather items were not produced as far back as Funan, when the Indian religions were introduced. Cloth, on the other hand, is used by the Angkorian infantry in the bas-reliefs. [2]
[1]: (Zhou Daguan 2007, 73)
[2]: (Jacq-Hergoualc’h 2007, 88)
Jacq-Hergoualc’h’s (2007) in-depth and exhausting examination of Khmer armor discusses breastplates, rattan, resin-coated rattan, and thickly-braided cotton protective wear, but makes no mention of scaled armour, laminar armour, or plate armour. [1] Given that the later Khmer polity did not have laimar armor this suggests that this earlier polity didn’t either.
[1]: (Jacq-Hergoualc’h and Smithies 2007, Chapter 2)
An Iron Age settlement in Cambodia yielded a bronze helmet inlaid with gold, and evidence of bronze and iron weaponry. [1] At Phum Snay looters reported finding skulls with bronze helmets; however, our excavations and subsequent excavations have not encountered such evidence. A shallow bronze bowl was found covering the right side of one female skull (O’Reilly et al. 2006b; O’Reilly & Pheng 2001; O’Reilly 2004), similar to a discovery at Prohear in south-east Cambodia (Reinecke et al. 2009). It is possible that similar burial behaviour has been misinterpreted by the villagers as representing helmets. A helmet would protect the cranium to some degree, perhaps providing an explanation for the large number of healed injuries. [2]
[1]: (Higham 2002, 214)
[2]: (Domett et al. 2011, 452)
This refers to a site that is in the NGA but not specifically part of Funan, where ornamental breastplates were found: "Although not directly indicative of violence, ornamental shoulder decorations, epaulettes, were also found in the graves of young adult males (Figure 7). The epaulettes were fashioned from shaped pot rims and shoulders, and some had iron in the shape of buffalo horns attached to them. These were found in two burials at the shoulder of the skeleton and many looted examples were encountered. It is interesting to note that the marriage of martial and animal motifs is apparent on the walls of Angkor Wat where soldiers in Suryavarman II’s army wear helmets depicting a range of different animals (Figure 8). Jacq-Hergoualc’h (2007: 85) states that ‘perhaps these animal figures corresponded to the desire of the warriors to place themselves under the protection of this or that revered animal’. It may be that these animals are regional or clan signifiers. At Phum Snay buffalo iconography was very common, especially in the form of finger rings, on bronze bells and on epaulettes. Buffalo bones were also commonly encountered in male burials as a grave offering (O’Reilly et al. 2006b). [1]
[1]: (Domett et al. 2011, 452)
’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’ [1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 125)
’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’ [1] ’Khmer, political/cultural center [Chenla of Chinese sources?]; retreat from coast but still linked to it by over 90 km. of canals navigable by very small boats. Center of great cult of worship of Visnu with cylindrical crown, Phnom Da school.’ [2]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 125)
[2]: (Ooi 2004, 581)
’We should think of Funan, therefore, not as a centralised kingdom extending from southern Vietnam all the way around to the Kra Isthmus, but rather as a mandala, the power of whose capital in southeastern Cambodia waxed and waned, and whose armed merchant ships succeeded in enforcing its temporary suzerainty over small coastal trading ports around the Gulf of Thailand. What gave Funan the edge over other such centres of power was clearly its position astride the India-China trade route. Its power, however, is unlikely to have spread far inland. Further north, on the middle Mekong and on the lower Chao Phraya River, other power centres were establishing themselves that in time would challenge and replace Funan.’ [1]
[1]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, 29-30)
The following quotes suggest syncretism between Chenla indigenous religion, Hinduism, and Buddhism. There was also syncretism between Saivist Hinduism and Vaisnavist Hinduism, as indicated by the existence of the Śiva-Visnu combinations (i.e., Harihara). “The deities of the Chenla period that are known to us are a mix of Hindu, Buddhist, and indigenous personalities. The local gods comprise vrah and kpoñ, who are, respectively, male and female. Although the vrah appear to have a local origin, Siva, Vishnu, and the Buddha were included in their numbers indicating an integration of the religious traditions. Vickery (1998, 149) believes that most localities had their own deities, and these vrah and kpoñ could have Indian-derived names. [...] It does not appear that during the Chenla period there was a wholesale adoption of the religions of India. The inscriptions appear to suggest that Indic deities were absorbed into the indigenous pantheon and that some of the Khmer gods began to be given Sanskrit names. Vickery (1998, 170) suggests that the idea of "Khmer Hinduism" may be a valid concept in that the religion was adapted to fit the needs of the Khmer rulers. It does not appear that the Khmer of Chenla explicitly thought of themselves as Hindu, nor is there any evidence that a caste system was extant. It also appears as though the suffix, -isvara, accorded to many deities, was a Khmer invention, and these -isvara were placed in a pantheon of gods with Khmer names (Vickery 1998, 170).” [1] “Vickery’s survey (1998, 140-141) of extant Khmer inscriptions dating from Zhenla lists ninety differently named Indic gods (vrah). More than half, given their -iśvara suffix, are probably references to Śiva. Of those remaining, fourteen concern Visnu, eight mention Śiva-Visnu combinations (i.e., Harihara), and there is one reference to the sun god, Sürya.” [2]
[1]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV
[2]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.8-10. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
The following quotes suggest that individual believers may worship local deities with Indian-derived names. They may also practice indigenous religion while publicly recognizing the state religion. “The deities of the Chenla period that are known to us are a mix of Hindu, Buddhist, and indigenous personalities. The local gods comprise vrah and kpoñ, who are, respectively, male and female. [...] Vickery (1998, 149) believes that most localities had their own deities, and these vrah and kpoñ could have Indian-derived names.” [1] “While some people may have converted to the "new" religions, it is probable that many practiced their traditional beliefs while also publicly recognizing Hinduism, and possibly Buddhism, as state religions.” [2]
[1]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV
[2]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
The following quotes suggest the widespead practice of Chenla indigenous religion and its syncretism with other religions. “Textual evidence, however, reveals that non-elites did not necessarily practice Hinduism. The majority of people living outside the major centers were farmers who bore Khmer rather than Sanskrit names. [...] While Hinduism and Buddhism were practiced as state religions in the Chenla Empire, most people continued to practice their indigenous beliefs, including worship of local gods and goddesses and ancestor veneration. ” [1] “The deities of the Chenla period that are known to us are a mix of Hindu, Buddhist, and indigenous personalities. The local gods comprise vrah and kpoñ, who are, respectively, male and female. Although the vrah appear to have a local origin, Siva, Vishnu, and the Buddha were included in their numbers indicating an integration of the religious traditions. Vickery (1998, 149) believes that most localities had their own deities, and these vrah and kpoñ could have Indian-derived names.” [2]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
[2]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV
The following quotes suggest the status and prevalence of Saivist Hinduism in Chenla. “According to History of the Sui Dynasty (Sui shu), the original capital of Zhenla was on the middle Mekong at Bassac. Cœdès (1968a, 66) has identified the site with Wat Ph’u. At a sacred mountain nearby, human sacrifices were made to the spirit P’o-to-li (probably Bhadresvara, a form of Siva); the king visited the temple once a year to perform the rite at night. [...] but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults. [...] Actually, there is some evidence that devotion to Visnu and Harihara did continue, although the inscriptions of the next king, Jayavarman I (r. c. 655–681), point to an increased emphasis on the linga. Vickery’s survey (1998, 140-141) of extant Khmer inscriptions dating from Zhenla lists ninety differently named Indic gods (vrah). More than half, given their -iśvara suffix, are probably references to Śiva. Of those remaining, fourteen concern Visnu, eight mention Śiva-Visnu combinations (i.e., Harihara), and there is one reference to the sun god, Sürya.”
[1]
“It is likely that Siva worship was prevalent in Chenla, and we have evidence of Siva cults dating as early as 604 C.E. Siva was most often represented in the form of a linga, usually enshrined in a temple structure. [...] The god was probably very closely linked to the king, and it is possible that the linga represents the unification of the deity and the king (Haendel 2004).”
[2]
“However, Hinduism was not the only, or even the predominant, religion practiced in the Chenla culture. Hinduism appears to have been the primary state religion; temples at Angkor Borei feature Hindu motifs and worship, and rulers presented themselves as devotees of Hindu deities. [...] the major state deities appear to have been Shiva, Vishnu, Krishna, and Rama (Snellgrove 2004). Textual evidence, however, reveals that non-elites did not necessarily practice Hinduism. The majority of people living outside the major centers were farmers who bore Khmer rather than Sanskrit names. Farmers were required to make "donations"”
[3]
The following quotes suggest the status and prevalence of Saivist Hinduism in Chenla. “but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults. [...] Actually, there is some evidence that devotion to Visnu and Harihara did continue, although the inscriptions of the next king, Jayavarman I (r. c. 655–681), point to an increased emphasis on the linga. Vickery’s survey (1998, 140-141) of extant Khmer inscriptions dating from Zhenla lists ninety differently named Indic gods (vrah). More than half, given their -iśvara suffix, are probably references to Śiva. Of those remaining, fourteen concern Visnu, eight mention Śiva-Visnu combinations (i.e., Harihara), and there is one reference to the sun god, Sürya.”
[4]
“However, Hinduism was not the only, or even the predominant, religion practiced in the Chenla culture. Hinduism appears to have been the primary state religion; temples at Angkor Borei feature Hindu motifs and worship, and rulers presented themselves as devotees of Hindu deities.”
[3]
[1]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.8-10. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
[2]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV
[3]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
[4]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.8-10. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
The following quotes suggest the existence of Vaisnavist Hinduism in Chenla. “Actually, there is some evidence that devotion to Visnu and Harihara did continue, although the inscriptions of the next king, Jayavarman I (r. c. 655–681), point to an increased emphasis on the linga. Vickery’s survey (1998, 140-141) of extant Khmer inscriptions dating from Zhenla lists ninety differently named Indic gods (vrah). More than half, given their -iśvara suffix, are probably references to Śiva. Of those remaining, fourteen concern Visnu, eight mention Śiva-Visnu combinations (i.e., Harihara), and there is one reference to the sun god, Sürya.” [1] “It is also apparent that the cult of Vishnu was prevalent in Cambodia from the mid-first millennium C.E. There were several different Vishnuite sects in Cambodia, the most prominent being the Pancaratra. The central tenet of the Pancaratra sect was the creative aspect of Vishnu. Strict adherents would perform rites five times a day in honor of the god. In temples Vishnu was often portrayed in anthropogenic form although many of his avatars were portrayed as well. Vishnuites and Sivaites saw their respective deities in the same light. Both were identified with "the Absolute Brahman. He is unique and multiple, transcendent and immanent, he is the universal self, and the individual self" (Haendel 2004).” [2]
[1]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.8-10. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
[2]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV
The following quotes suggest the existence of Buddhism and its secondary status relative to Hinduism and indigenous religion. “History of the Sui Dynasty also confirms the existence of Buddhist monks and nuns in Zhenla. They appear to have participated in funerary rites during the reign of Ìsànavarman I (Cœdès 1968a, 74–75), but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults. [...] But there are also seven specifically Buddhist inscriptions: K. 828, K. 49, K. 505, K. 755, K. 163, K. 244, and K. 132. To these we should add a few scraps of epigraphical material written in Sanskrit. K. 828 need not detain us, for it is only a small piece of grafftti, but in K. 49—a dual Sanskrit/Khmer inscription from Wat Prei Val, Kompong Trabek, Prey Veng Province, dated 664 ce—two monks (bhikUu), Ratnabhànu and Ratnasirha, are named and described as brothers. [...] The Khmer portion of the text ascribes the title “pu caƒ añ” (= sthavira), or “elder,” to both monks. Bhattacharya (1961, 16) has suggested that this means they must have belonged to the Theravada. This is possible, but the term, although monastic, really implies monastic seniority and is not convincing evidence of sectarian affiliation. Of rather more significance as evidence of possible Theravada presence in Cambodia is a portion of Pali text [K. 820] engraved on the back of a seventh-century buddha figure from Tuol Preah Theat, Prey Veng Province.25 Pali is, of course, the canonical language of the Theravada. Furthermore, Dupont (1955, 190-221) believes that the figure shows some Dvāravati influences. Another Khmer inscription from Prachinburi Province, Thailand, dated 761 CE, is not listed by Vickery, because it was discovered fairly recently (Rohanadeera 1988). It contains three Pali stanzas in homage to the triple jewel that appear to come from the Telakatāha-gāthā, a poetical text believed to have its origin in Sri Lanka. As such, it represents the strongest evidence of a Theravada presence at this period of time. To this one might add a final, though not conclusive, piece of support from a dual Sanskrit/Khmer inscription [K. 388] from Hin K’on, Nakhon Ratchasima, in the Korat region of Thailand.26 The Sanskrit portion mentions the donation of ten vihāras, four stone boundary (sīmā) markers, and some caityas by a royal monk (rājabhiksu) to “provide for the body of Sugata [= Buddha].” Also mentioned is the donation of two sets of monastic robes (civara) in a kathina ceremony. Filliozat (1981, 84) has, dubiously in my opinion, interpreted this as a reference to Theravada practice. [...] Although these specific inferences may not be correct, there does appear to have been a considerable expansion of the Mahayana throughout the Southeast Asian region from the mid-eighth century, perhaps as a result of the sponsorship of the Pāla kings of northeast India and the growing influence of Nālandã university. [...] It seems that a combination of tantric ideas and symbols contained within a Hindu-Buddhist syncretism, common to Bengal and surrounding regions, began to make its presence felt in Cambodia from around this time. The erection of an image of Śri Vidyādhārani (= Prajñāpāramitā) by a physician—mentioned in K. 132, from Sambor Prei Kuk and dated 708 CE—may conceivably fit this context, while a Sanskrit inscription from the same location [K. 604], dated 627 CE, tells us that a Brahmanical teacher of the Śaiva Pāśupata sect, Vidyāviśeśa by name, had studied Buddhism, although it is impossible to say whether this study took place in Cambodia or in India.”
[1]
“There is strong evidence that Buddhism also played a role in Chenla. Both Mahayana and Therevada Buddhism were practiced in Southeast Asia, but the former was more prevalent. Rarely was Buddhism adopted by the roval family, but it was likely practiced by some members of the elite.”
[2]
“Buddhism, although known and apparently practiced, was very much a minor religion at this time.”
[3]
The following quotes suggest the existence of Buddhism and its secondary status relative to Hinduism and indigenous religion. “History of the Sui Dynasty also confirms the existence of Buddhist monks and nuns in Zhenla. They appear to have participated in funerary rites during the reign of Ìsànavarman I (Cœdès 1968a, 74–75), but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults.”
[4]
“There is strong evidence that Buddhism also played a role in Chenla. Both Mahayana and Therevada Buddhism were practiced in Southeast Asia, but the former was more prevalent. Rarely was Buddhism adopted by the roval family, but it was likely practiced by some members of the elite.”
[2]
“Buddhism, although known and apparently practiced, was very much a minor religion at this time.”
[3]
[1]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.9-11. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
[2]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV
[3]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
[4]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.9. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
The following quotes suggest the existence of Buddhism and its secondary status relative to Hinduism and indigenous religion. “History of the Sui Dynasty also confirms the existence of Buddhist monks and nuns in Zhenla. They appear to have participated in funerary rites during the reign of Ìsànavarman I (Cœdès 1968a, 74–75), but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults. [...] But there are also seven specifically Buddhist inscriptions: K. 828, K. 49, K. 505, K. 755, K. 163, K. 244, and K. 132. To these we should add a few scraps of epigraphical material written in Sanskrit. K. 828 need not detain us, for it is only a small piece of grafftti, but in K. 49—a dual Sanskrit/Khmer inscription from Wat Prei Val, Kompong Trabek, Prey Veng Province, dated 664 ce—two monks (bhikUu), Ratnabhànu and Ratnasirha, are named and described as brothers. [...] The Khmer portion of the text ascribes the title “pu caƒ añ” (= sthavira), or “elder,” to both monks. Bhattacharya (1961, 16) has suggested that this means they must have belonged to the Theravada. This is possible, but the term, although monastic, really implies monastic seniority and is not convincing evidence of sectarian affiliation. Of rather more significance as evidence of possible Theravada presence in Cambodia is a portion of Pali text [K. 820] engraved on the back of a seventh-century buddha figure from Tuol Preah Theat, Prey Veng Province.25 Pali is, of course, the canonical language of the Theravada. Furthermore, Dupont (1955, 190-221) believes that the figure shows some Dvāravati influences. Another Khmer inscription from Prachinburi Province, Thailand, dated 761 CE, is not listed by Vickery, because it was discovered fairly recently (Rohanadeera 1988). It contains three Pali stanzas in homage to the triple jewel that appear to come from the Telakatāha-gāthā, a poetical text believed to have its origin in Sri Lanka. As such, it represents the strongest evidence of a Theravada presence at this period of time. To this one might add a final, though not conclusive, piece of support from a dual Sanskrit/Khmer inscription [K. 388] from Hin K’on, Nakhon Ratchasima, in the Korat region of Thailand.26 The Sanskrit portion mentions the donation of ten vihāras, four stone boundary (sīmā) markers, and some caityas by a royal monk (rājabhiksu) to “provide for the body of Sugata [= Buddha].” Also mentioned is the donation of two sets of monastic robes (civara) in a kathina ceremony. Filliozat (1981, 84) has, dubiously in my opinion, interpreted this as a reference to Theravada practice. [...] Although these specific inferences may not be correct, there does appear to have been a considerable expansion of the Mahayana throughout the Southeast Asian region from the mid-eighth century, perhaps as a result of the sponsorship of the Pāla kings of northeast India and the growing influence of Nālandã university. [...] It seems that a combination of tantric ideas and symbols contained within a Hindu-Buddhist syncretism, common to Bengal and surrounding regions, began to make its presence felt in Cambodia from around this time. The erection of an image of Śri Vidyādhārani (= Prajñāpāramitā) by a physician—mentioned in K. 132, from Sambor Prei Kuk and dated 708 CE—may conceivably fit this context, while a Sanskrit inscription from the same location [K. 604], dated 627 CE, tells us that a Brahmanical teacher of the Śaiva Pāśupata sect, Vidyāviśeśa by name, had studied Buddhism, although it is impossible to say whether this study took place in Cambodia or in India.”
[1]
“There is strong evidence that Buddhism also played a role in Chenla. Both Mahayana and Therevada Buddhism were practiced in Southeast Asia, but the former was more prevalent. Rarely was Buddhism adopted by the roval family, but it was likely practiced by some members of the elite.”
[2]
“Buddhism, although known and apparently practiced, was very much a minor religion at this time.”
[3]
The following quotes suggest the existence of Buddhism and its secondary status relative to Hinduism and indigenous religion. “History of the Sui Dynasty also confirms the existence of Buddhist monks and nuns in Zhenla. They appear to have participated in funerary rites during the reign of Ìsànavarman I (Cœdès 1968a, 74–75), but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults.”
[4]
“There is strong evidence that Buddhism also played a role in Chenla. Both Mahayana and Therevada Buddhism were practiced in Southeast Asia, but the former was more prevalent. Rarely was Buddhism adopted by the roval family, but it was likely practiced by some members of the elite.”
[2]
“Buddhism, although known and apparently practiced, was very much a minor religion at this time.”
[3]
[1]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.9-11. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
[2]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV
[3]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
[4]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.9. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
The following quotes suggest the official status of Saivist Hinduism in Chenla. “but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults. [...] Actually, there is some evidence that devotion to Visnu and Harihara did continue, although the inscriptions of the next king, Jayavarman I (r. c. 655–681), point to an increased emphasis on the linga.” [1] “Hinduism appears to have been the primary state religion; temples at Angkor Borei feature Hindu motifs and worship, and rulers presented themselves as devotees of Hindu deities. [...] the major state deities appear to have been Shiva, Vishnu, Krishna, and Rama (Snellgrove 2004).” [2]
[1]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.8-10. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
[2]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
The following quotes suggest the practice of Saivist Hinduism by royals. “but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults. [...] Actually, there is some evidence that devotion to Visnu and Harihara did continue, although the inscriptions of the next king, Jayavarman I (r. c. 655–681), point to an increased emphasis on the linga.” [1] “Hinduism appears to have been the primary state religion; temples at Angkor Borei feature Hindu motifs and worship, and rulers presented themselves as devotees of Hindu deities. [...] the major state deities appear to have been Shiva, Vishnu, Krishna, and Rama (Snellgrove 2004).” [2] Though also note, “There is strong evidence that Buddhism also played a role in Chenla. [...] Rarely was Buddhism adopted by the roval family, but it was likely practiced by some members of the elite.” [3]
[1]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.8-10. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX
[2]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
[3]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
The following quotes suggest the liberal religious policy and peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] Thus, people across the Southeast Asian landscape were familiar with Hinduism and Buddhism, and probably treated the deities of both with reverence, while maintaining their own indigenous belief systems. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
Though the following quotes suggest that non-elites in Chenla needed to publicly venerate Hinduism while they tended to practice traditional religion at home, these quotes do not explicitly indicate that there existed government restrictions on public worship. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘’’ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggest the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggests the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ
‘‘‘ The following quotes suggests the peaceful coexistence of different religions in Chenla, though Hinduism enjoyed a higher status. “Hinduism as an all-encompassing religion may have absorbed local deities into the Hindu pantheon, binding the two belief systems into one. Buddhism’s flexibility in allowing most types of worship to suffice as methods toward enlightenment would make this religion easy to ensconce in Southeast Asia as well. Thus, during the Chenla period, non-elites were careful to make their public and required offerings to the Hindu city temples and attend public ceremonies and rituals; in their own villages and homes, however, it appears that traditional worship of age-old deities, and lineage ancestors, was alive and well. [...] [K]ings continued to allow their subjects to practice local religions, although this liberal religious policy came to a halt with the establishment of the Khmer Empire in the early ninth century.” [1]
[1]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ