The Mature Harappan culture, also known as the Indus Civilization, emerged around 2500 BCE and, from its core in the Indus and Saraswati Valleys, expanded to the Kachi plain and the Makran coast in the west, to Gujarat in the south, and to the foothills of the Himalayas and the northern borders of the Ganga-Yamuna Doab in the north and east. This civilization was characterized by the establishment of several large cities, most notably Mohenjo-daro, the largest of these centres and the one best positioned to control trade and communications throughout the region. Rather than being united by a single shared ideology, it appears that the Indus people had a wide range of beliefs and/or religions.
[1]
Around 1900 or 1800 BCE, the Indus Civilization began to decline, possibly due to environmental factors.
[2]
Population and political organization
There is no clear or explicit evidence for the existence of rulers during the Mature Harappan period, though archaeologists have suggested a number of different possible ways its cities - or perhaps its entire territory - may have been governed, ranging from heterarchy to theocracy.
[3]
Certainly the Harappans could boast a well developed bureaucracy, as suggested by seals, tablets, and other inscribed artefacts.
[4]
The scholarly literature does not appear to provide population estimates for the Indus Valley as a whole, but one source suggests a population of 100,000 for the largest Harappan city, Mohenjo-daro.
[5]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 83-84) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
[2]: (McIntosh 2008, 396-400) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
[3]: (McIntosh 2008, 391-92) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
[4]: (McIntosh 2008, 212) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
[5]: (McIntosh 2008, 214) McIntosh, Jane. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/5P92SHE8.
| none |
| Indus Civilisation |
| Kachi Plain - Post-Urban Period |
| [1,000,000 to 1,500,000] km2 |
| continuity |
| Preceding: Kachi Plain - Urban Period I (pk_kachi_urban_1) [continuity] | |
| Succeeding: Kachi Plain - Post-Urban Period (pk_kachi_post_urban) [None] |
| quasi-polity |
| Year Range | Kachi Plain - Urban Period II (pk_kachi_urban_2) was in: |
|---|---|
| (2100 BCE 1801 BCE) | Kachi Plain |
The extent that people in the Mature Harappan period were unified in a single polity is debated. Evidence suggests that there was a certain degree centralised authority to ensure the standardisation of weights, craft specialisation and the uniform urban planning at sites including Nausharo, Mohenjo Daro (Sindh) and Kalibangan (Rajasthan) [1] ; but distinct material culture suggest several distinct areas in the Indus Valley. [2]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. p44
[2]: Schug, G. R., Gray, K., Mushrif-Tripathy, V., and Sankhyan, A. R. (2012) A peaceful realm? Trauma and social differentiation at Harappa. International Journal of Paleopathology 2, pp136-147. p136
km squared. 1,250,000 squared kilometres.
The extent to which people in the Mature Harappan period were unified in a single polity is debated. Evidence suggests that there was a certain degree centralised authority to ensure the standardisation of weights, craft specialisation and the uniform urban planning at sites including Nausharo, Mohenjo Daro and Kalibangan (Rajasthan) [1] ; but different forms of material culture suggest several distinct areas in the Indus Valley. [2]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. p44
[2]: Schug, G. R., Gray, K., Mushrif-Tripathy, V., and Sankhyan, A. R. (2012) A peaceful realm? Trauma and social differentiation at Harappa. International Journal of Paleopathology 2, pp136-147. p136
The Indus script has not yet been deciphered by linguists: "The nature and content of the Indus script has been extensively debated in the literature. More than a hundred attempts have been made to assign meanings to various signs and sign combinations, relating it to proto-Dravidian language (see Parpola 2009, 1994, Mahadevan 1998) on the one hand and to Sanskrit (Rao 1982) on the other. It has even been suggested that the script is entirely numeric (Subbarayappa 1997). However, no consistent and generally agreed interpretation exists and most interpretations are at variance with each other and, at times, internally inconsistent (Possehl 1996)." [1] There were almost certainly a wide range of languages spoken, perhaps including one (or several) from an ancient language family known as ’Proto-Dravidian’. [2] [3] "Para-Munda, spoken in the Punjab at the time when the Rigvedic Aryans arrived and seemingly also by the Late Harappan settlers who were moving eastward into the Ganges region, must have been in the subcontinent for a considerable period. If the area where it was spoken in the Pre-Harappan period included the Indo-Iranian borderlands, then it is likely that Para-Munda was the main Harappan language, at least in the Punjab and probably throughout the civilization, and that Dravidian was a language spoken by the indigenous inhabitants of the west, possibly as far northwest as Saurashtra. In this case the language of the PostHarappans in Gujarat may have developed into the North Dravidian branch.//Alternatively Para-Munda may have been the language spoken by the hunter-gatherer-fisher communities that inhabited the Indus region before the people of the borderlands settled in the plains. If the newcomers to the region in the fifth millennium were Dravidian speakers, then it is possible that a Dravidian language was spoken by at least some of the farmers and pastoralists of the borderlands who settled in the plains and therefore by some Harappans but that Para-Munda remained the main language of many Harappan inhabitants of the Punjab.Studies of the Harappan script indicate that it was used to write a single language. It seems plausible that the overarching cultural unity of the Harappans would be matched by the existence of an official language, used in writing and spoken as a lingua franca throughout the Harappan realms. Nevertheless, it is quite possible that one or several other languages were also spoken in the Harappan state, specific to different regions or occupational groups, reflecting the different communities that had come together in its formation. Prolonged bilingualism is known to have occurred in other areas, for example in Mesopotamia where Sumerian and Akkadian coexisted for many centuries: though they belonged originally to the south and north parts of southern Mesopotamia (Sumer and Akkad), educated people from both regions spoke both languages." [4]
[1]: (Yadav and Vahia 2011, 3) Nisha Yadav and M.N. Vahia. 2011. Indus Script: A Study of its Sign Design. SCRIPTA 3: 1-36.
[2]: Possehl, Gregory L., ‘The Transformation of the Indus Civilization’, Journal of World Prehistory, 11 (1997): 462
[3]: Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p.248
[4]: (McIntosh 2008 page 2355-356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
The Indus script has not yet been deciphered by linguists: "The nature and content of the Indus script has been extensively debated in the literature. More than a hundred attempts have been made to assign meanings to various signs and sign combinations, relating it to proto-Dravidian language (see Parpola 2009, 1994, Mahadevan 1998) on the one hand and to Sanskrit (Rao 1982) on the other. It has even been suggested that the script is entirely numeric (Subbarayappa 1997). However, no consistent and generally agreed interpretation exists and most interpretations are at variance with each other and, at times, internally inconsistent (Possehl 1996)." [1] There were almost certainly a wide range of languages spoken, perhaps including one (or several) from an ancient language family known as ’Proto-Dravidian’. [2] [3] "Para-Munda, spoken in the Punjab at the time when the Rigvedic Aryans arrived and seemingly also by the Late Harappan settlers who were moving eastward into the Ganges region, must have been in the subcontinent for a considerable period. If the area where it was spoken in the Pre-Harappan period included the Indo-Iranian borderlands, then it is likely that Para-Munda was the main Harappan language, at least in the Punjab and probably throughout the civilization, and that Dravidian was a language spoken by the indigenous inhabitants of the west, possibly as far northwest as Saurashtra. In this case the language of the PostHarappans in Gujarat may have developed into the North Dravidian branch.//Alternatively Para-Munda may have been the language spoken by the hunter-gatherer-fisher communities that inhabited the Indus region before the people of the borderlands settled in the plains. If the newcomers to the region in the fifth millennium were Dravidian speakers, then it is possible that a Dravidian language was spoken by at least some of the farmers and pastoralists of the borderlands who settled in the plains and therefore by some Harappans but that Para-Munda remained the main language of many Harappan inhabitants of the Punjab.Studies of the Harappan script indicate that it was used to write a single language. It seems plausible that the overarching cultural unity of the Harappans would be matched by the existence of an official language, used in writing and spoken as a lingua franca throughout the Harappan realms. Nevertheless, it is quite possible that one or several other languages were also spoken in the Harappan state, specific to different regions or occupational groups, reflecting the different communities that had come together in its formation. Prolonged bilingualism is known to have occurred in other areas, for example in Mesopotamia where Sumerian and Akkadian coexisted for many centuries: though they belonged originally to the south and north parts of southern Mesopotamia (Sumer and Akkad), educated people from both regions spoke both languages." [4]
[1]: (Yadav and Vahia 2011, 3) Nisha Yadav and M.N. Vahia. 2011. Indus Script: A Study of its Sign Design. SCRIPTA 3: 1-36.
[2]: Possehl, Gregory L., ‘The Transformation of the Indus Civilization’, Journal of World Prehistory, 11 (1997): 462
[3]: Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p.248
[4]: (McIntosh 2008 page 2355-356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
levels. "The Harappan settlement pattern may offer some clues to the organization of society. The settlements fall basically into three categories. First there are a very few enormous settlements, the cities. These were at least 60 hectares in extent (Dholavira, which may actually be as much as 100 hectares) and could be as large as 250 hectares (Mohenjo-daro).//"At the opposite end of the spectrum were rural settlements: farming villages, pastoralist and hunter-gatherer camps, and fishing villages. These could range in size from less than a hectare to 7 or 8 hectares. Their inhabitants were essentially primary producers of subsistence products who would also have undertaken domestic crafts such as weaving and woodworking. In addition, there were villages whose inhabitants were specialists, such as the shellfishers and shellworkers of Nageshwar.//"The third category, towns, is an amorphous catch-all, including a great diversity of different types of settlement. They were usually quite small, around 1 to 5 hectares, and, though some were larger, few exceeded 16 hectares. This figure does not include the suburbs that may have existed outside many towns; traces of suburban settlement have been reported outside a few and are suspected at others, but none has been properly investigated.//"While towns resembled cities in that they housed officials, traders, and other occupational specialists and probably provided services for the people of their area, the majority were also specialist centers."//"The settlement pattern seems to indicate that both towns and villages were tributary directly to their local domain capital (city), links between them being maintained by pastoralists and via water transport; towns also acted as funnels through which local goods were channeled toward the city."
[1]
1. Cities
2. Towns
3. Villages
4. Pastoralist and hunter-gatherer camps
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, pp. 260-261) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
Speculative. "The stone sculpture known as the Priest-King wears an elaborately decorated robe, draped to expose his chest and right shoulder. This was possibly a garment worn only by rulers or senior priests. [...] North of the Great Bath, shut off from the outside world, was an accommodation block with bathrooms on the ground floor and presumably sleeping quarters above. Since the Great Bath was most probably a religious facility, it is likely that these nearby buildings provided the residential and administrative quarters of the priests who served here."
[1]
1. Senior priest (Priest-King?)
2. Priest
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 252) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
levels. Kenoyer writes that there is no evidence of the existence of an army during the period 2600 BCE 1900 BCE [1] , although it has been argued that the absence of evidence does not mean that the Harappan people lived peacefully throughout the period: "More significantly, our knowledge of warfare in Egypt and Mesopotamia is heavily dependent on textual evidence and art; but this simply does not exist to portray any aspect of life in the Indus Civilisation. The absence of artistic or textual reference to war in the Indus is therefore no more representative of a lack of war than a lack of trade, agriculture or urbanisation - none of which are in any doubt.” [2]
[1]: Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. ’Uncovering the keys to the Lost Indus Cities’, Scientific American, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29.
[2]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
"Many inscribed materials, including seals, copper tablets, and stoneware bangles, hint at a well developed bureaucracy organized from this center." [1] It does not seem that anyone has attempted to estimate the number of levels within this "well developed bureaucracy", though it seems reasonable to infer a minimum of 2.
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 212) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
Kenoyer writes that there is no evidence of the existence of an army during the period 2600 BCE 1900 BCE [1] , although it has been argued that the absence of evidence does not mean that the Harappan people lived peacefully throughout the period: "More significantly, our knowledge of warfare in Egypt and Mesopotamia is heavily dependent on textual evidence and art; but this simply does not exist to portray any aspect of life in the Indus Civilisation. The absence of artistic or textual reference to war in the Indus is therefore no more representative of a lack of war than a lack of trade, agriculture or urbanisation - none of which are in any doubt.” [2]
[1]: Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. ’Uncovering the keys to the Lost Indus Cities’, Scientific American, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29.
[2]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
In the broader context of the Mature Harappan there is evidence for priests, and Kenoyer refers to "ritual specialist".
[1]
[2]
[1]: Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark, ‘The Indus Valley Tradition of Pakistan and Western India’, Journal of World Prehistory, 5 (1991), 370
[2]: Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p. 6.
Kenoyer writes that there is no evidence of the existence of an army during the period 2600 BCE 1900 BCE [1] , although it has been argued that the absence of evidence does not mean that the Harappan people lived peacefully throughout the period: "More significantly, our knowledge of warfare in Egypt and Mesopotamia is heavily dependent on textual evidence and art; but this simply does not exist to portray any aspect of life in the Indus Civilisation. The absence of artistic or textual reference to war in the Indus is therefore no more representative of a lack of war than a lack of trade, agriculture or urbanisation - none of which are in any doubt.” [2]
[1]: Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. ’Uncovering the keys to the Lost Indus Cities’, Scientific American, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29.
[2]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
"Many inscribed materials, including seals, copper tablets, and stoneware bangles, hint at a well developed bureaucracy organized from this center." [1] "Also characteristic of Indus towns and cities were several negative features, notably the apparent paucity or absence of substantial administrative and religious buildings and of readily identifiable elite residences. Few large-scale storage facilities have been identified. [...] The tiny settlement of Allahdino did not have a separate citadel (or it was all citadel), but its layout and buildings suggest that it fulfilled an administrative role. [...] In the area to the north of the Great Bath at Mohenjo-daro, there was a block of eight bathrooms, arranged in two rows of four, each with a flight of stairs leading to an upper story. It has been plausibly suggested that this housed people (priests?) associated with the Great Bath. A nearby open courtyard may have been associated with the block but was separated from it by the street that ran between the east side of the Great Bath and a large complex known as the College. In the latter there were many small rooms, often faced with brick, and several courtyards, including a large one surrounded by a fenestrated walkway. At least seven entrances gave access to this complex, suggesting it was composed of a number of individual residences or fulfilled a number of functions, perhaps related to administration. [...] The Granary at Harappa has also been suggested to have been a palace or administrative building. [...] " [2]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 212) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
[2]: (McIntosh 2008, 210-233) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"While the necessary reliance on archaeological evidence has ensured that many aspects of Harappan civilization, such as economic activities, settlements, industry, and biological anthropology, have been investigated as well as or better than those of literate civilizations, the absence of intelligible documentary material is a major handicap to understanding Harappan social and political organization and has put some aspects of Harappan life, such as the law, quite beyond cognizance." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008: 245) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"Many inscribed materials, including seals, copper tablets, and stoneware bangles, hint at a well developed bureaucracy organized from this center." [1] The extensive system for the acquisition and distribution of raw materials also suggests some sort of city-based administrative apparatus.
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 212) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"While the necessary reliance on archaeological evidence has ensured that many aspects of Harappan civilization, such as economic activities, settlements, industry, and biological anthropology, have been investigated as well as or better than those of literate civilizations, the absence of intelligible documentary material is a major handicap to understanding Harappan social and political organization and has put some aspects of Harappan life, such as the law, quite beyond cognizance." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008: 245) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"While the necessary reliance on archaeological evidence has ensured that many aspects of Harappan civilization, such as economic activities, settlements, industry, and biological anthropology, have been investigated as well as or better than those of literate civilizations, the absence of intelligible documentary material is a major handicap to understanding Harappan social and political organization and has put some aspects of Harappan life, such as the law, quite beyond cognizance." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008: 245) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"While the necessary reliance on archaeological evidence has ensured that many aspects of Harappan civilization, such as economic activities, settlements, industry, and biological anthropology, have been investigated as well as or better than those of literate civilizations, the absence of intelligible documentary material is a major handicap to understanding Harappan social and political organization and has put some aspects of Harappan life, such as the law, quite beyond cognizance." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008: 245) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"While the necessary reliance on archaeological evidence has ensured that many aspects of Harappan civilization, such as economic activities, settlements, industry, and biological anthropology, have been investigated as well as or better than those of literate civilizations, the absence of intelligible documentary material is a major handicap to understanding Harappan social and political organization and has put some aspects of Harappan life, such as the law, quite beyond cognizance." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008: 245) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"While the necessary reliance on archaeological evidence has ensured that many aspects of Harappan civilization, such as economic activities, settlements, industry, and biological anthropology, have been investigated as well as or better than those of literate civilizations, the absence of intelligible documentary material is a major handicap to understanding Harappan social and political organization and has put some aspects of Harappan life, such as the law, quite beyond cognizance." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008: 245) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"[T]here is no evidence from the Indus period either of large-scale irrigation or of salinization there: The annual river floods and limited rainfall seem to have been adequate to support agriculture in the plains." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 24) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
For example, granaries, and large storage facilities at Alladino [1] . "These larger communities had houses with uniform sized bricks, granaries, massive city walls, gateways, and extensive areas of craft production..." [2]
[1]: (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
[2]: Weber, S. (1999) Seeds of urbanism: palaeoethnobotany and the Indus Civilization. Antiquity (73): 813-26. p813
"Water played a vital part in the life of the Harappan people, and they were skilled hydraulic engineers. Michael Jansen has calculated that there were seven hundred or more wells at Mohenjo-daro, present in one in three houses. Those without a well of their own, however, were served by the public water supply, and the great wear around the rims of wells in houses suggests that they too were used by more than the immediate household. Grooves in the well curb show that water was drawn using containers, such as pots or wood buckets, attached to ropes. The huge number of wells at Mohenjo-daro indicates that the city was too far from the river for convenience; Jansen (1987) suggests that pits dug to extract clay for construction filled with rainwater and may been used as an additional water source for the city." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 235) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"Straight cardinally orientated main streets generally divided Harappan towns and cities into residential blocks. The impression of the early excavators at Mohenjo-daro, reinforced by excavations at Kalibangan, was that settlements were laid out in a checkerboardlike grid pattern. Although more recent investigations have shown this to be untrue, the layout was nevertheless governed by precise criteria. The main streets ran north-south, diverging from this orientation by no more than 2 degrees. [...] The planned layout, foreshadowed in the Early Harappan period at a few sites such as Harappa, Kalibangan, and Nausharo, was strictly maintained throughout the Mature Harappan period, with wide clear streets. The Late Harappan period, however, saw the abandonment of planning and the encroachment of buildings into the streets." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 231-232) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
Lothal may have been a port town: "Of particular importance was the ’port’ town of Lothal in Gujarat, excavated by S. R. Rao, which had a concentration of craft workshops, producing many typical Indus objects such as beads and metalwork, and substantial storehouses. An enigmatic large brick basin on the east side of the town was initially interpreted as a dock and is still not understood." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 231-232) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"The great majority of the Harappan population must have been primary producers: farmers, pastoralists, fishers, or hunter-gatherers. Many, however, probably also engaged in other occupations during the periods in the year when there was time to spare from subsistence activities. [...] In addition hunter-gatherers, and perhaps pastoralists, could include in their seasonal round visits to places where other resources could be obtained, so they may have been largely responsible for mining gemstones and for quarrying flint in the Rohri Hills." [1] Shortugai for lapis-lazuli.
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 255) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"Despite huge interest in its decipherment, the writing of the Harappans still cannot be read, for a number of reasons: the absence of bilingual inscriptions to provide a starting point, the stylized form of the signs, the very limited length and nature of the texts, ignorance of the language that the script was being used to record, and the fact that the script died out instead of giving rise to later scripts. In addition, the number of signs indicates that the script was probably logosyllabic; so the number of components to be deciphered and the complexities of their use and interrelations are much greater than they would be with a syllabic or alphabetic script." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"Despite huge interest in its decipherment, the writing of the Harappans still cannot be read, for a number of reasons: the absence of bilingual inscriptions to provide a starting point, the stylized form of the signs, the very limited length and nature of the texts, ignorance of the language that the script was being used to record, and the fact that the script died out instead of giving rise to later scripts. In addition, the number of signs indicates that the script was probably logosyllabic; so the number of components to be deciphered and the complexities of their use and interrelations are much greater than they would be with a syllabic or alphabetic script." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"Despite huge interest in its decipherment, the writing of the Harappans still cannot be read, for a number of reasons: the absence of bilingual inscriptions to provide a starting point, the stylized form of the signs, the very limited length and nature of the texts, ignorance of the language that the script was being used to record, and the fact that the script died out instead of giving rise to later scripts. In addition, the number of signs indicates that the script was probably logosyllabic; so the number of components to be deciphered and the complexities of their use and interrelations are much greater than they would be with a syllabic or alphabetic script." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 356) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
Only eight texts longer than fifteen signs have been found. [1] However, "The layout of Harappan towns and cities provides evidence that the Harappans had a good knowledge of astronomy. The orientation of the main streets in cities and towns followed the cardinal directions. ... Holger Wanzke’s study (1987) of the orientation of Mohenjo-jaro’s streets demonstrated that they deviated from the north-south line by 1-2 degrees. A slight divergence was also observed at other Harappan sites. Wanzke therefore proposed that the Harappans were establishing the cardinal directions by sighting on the stars ... A star calendar based on an intimate knowledge of the movements of the heavens is recorded in later Indian literature." [2]
[1]: Burjor Avari. India: The Ancient Past. A history of the Indian sub-continent from c.7000 BC to AD 1200. Oxon, 2007, p.51
[2]: (McIntosh 2008, 346) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Valley. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.
"Based on Mesopotamian texts, the materials that did function in exchanges were "barley, lead, copper or bronze, tin, silver, gold... Barley, lead and copper or bronze...[were]...cheaper monies, tin was mid-range, silver and the much rarer gold were high-range monies" (Powell 1996: 227ff)... What distinguishes silver and barley from the materials listed, along with "cows, sheep, asses, slaves, household utensils" and other items, is that they possessed a common denominator for value based on systems of weighing, measuring, and possibly quality." [1] Monetary items were therefore present in the Indus area at this time, and presumed present at Nausharo in order to trade for foreign items [2] , but there direct evidence for ’money’ at Nausharo is lacking.
[1]: Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
[2]: Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p259
"Based on Mesopotamian texts, the materials that did function in exchanges were "barley, lead, copper or bronze, tin, silver, gold... Barley, lead and copper or bronze...[were]...cheaper monies, tin was mid-range, silver and the much rarer gold were high-range monies" (Powell 1996: 227ff)... What distinguishes silver and barley from the materials listed, along with "cows, sheep, asses, slaves, household utensils" and other items, is that they possessed a common denominator for value based on systems of weighing, measuring, and possibly quality." [1] Monetary items were therefore present in the Indus area at this time, and presumed present at Nausharo in order to trade for foreign items [2] , but there direct evidence for ’money’ at Nausharo is lacking.
[1]: Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
[2]: Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p259
"Based on Mesopotamian texts, the materials that did function in exchanges were "barley, lead, copper or bronze, tin, silver, gold... Barley, lead and copper or bronze...[were]...cheaper monies, tin was mid-range, silver and the much rarer gold were high-range monies" (Powell 1996: 227ff)... What distinguishes silver and barley from the materials listed, along with "cows, sheep, asses, slaves, household utensils" and other items, is that they possessed a common denominator for value based on systems of weighing, measuring, and possibly quality." [1] Monetary items were therefore present in the Indus area at this time, and presumed present at Nausharo in order to trade for foreign items, but there direct evidence for ’money’ at Nausharo is lacking.
[1]: Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p260
"The dismissal of city walls as defensive structures and the identification of the architecture on the ‘citadel’ mound at Mohenjo Daro as connected with ritual and public use rather than royal or defensive use are also arguably influenced by the acceptance of a warless society and elite." [1]
[1]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p413
There is no evidence of stone walls at Nausharo. [1] However - the claimed unsuitability of walls and gates is somewhat subjective, and ignores sites with bastions and ‘double-axis’ gateways (such as Dholavira and Surkotada in Gujarat, Bisht 1991; Joshi 1990). [2]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
[2]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
There is no evidence of stone walls at Nausharo. [1] However - the claimed unsuitability of walls and gates is somewhat subjective, and ignores sites with bastions and ‘double-axis’ gateways (such as Dholavira and Surkotada in Gujarat, Bisht 1991; Joshi 1990). [2]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
[2]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420
As yet no evidence for fortified camps has been found in the Kachi Plain from this time period.
A mudbrick wall at Nausharo could potentially be the remains of fortifications, or the remains of a retaining wall [1] . Mudbrick walls were built around Harappa in this period [2] , making a defensive wall around Nausharo seem more likely, but it is uncertain whether these walls had a defensive function and were not solely used for purposes of tax collection by controlling the in- and outflow of people and goods. [3]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. p44
[2]: Jonathan M. Kenoyer. ’Uncovering the Keys to the Lost Indus Cities’, Scientific American, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29
[3]: Jonathan M. Kenoyer. ’Trade and Technology of the Indus Valley: New Insights from Harappa, Pakistan’, World Archaeology, vol. 29, no. 2, Oct. 1997, p. 263
"Indus city walls and gates are not generally thought to have performed defensive functions, analogous to those in contemporary Mesopotamia." [1] There is no evidence for complex fortifications at Nausharo. [2]
[1]: (Cork 2006: 4) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
[2]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.
No evidence for iron has been found from the Mature Harappan period - iron was introduced later during the Pirak and Vedic periods. [1] [2]
[1]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423.
[2]: Jarrige, J-F. (1979) Fouilles de Pirak. Paris : Diffusion de Boccard. p379
Copper arrowheads, though it is not clear whether these were used in warfare. These had been found at Harappan, Lothal and Banawali. Neighbouring communities, such as the so-called Ganeshwar and Jodhpura Cultural Complex (GJCC) seem to have used similar types of arrowheads [1] .
[1]: (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
Bronze arrowheads, though it is not clear whether these were used in warfare. These had been found at Harappan, Lothal and Banawali. Neighbouring communities, such as the so-called Ganeshwar and Jodhpura Cultural Complex (GJCC) seems to have used similar types of arrowheads [1] .
[1]: (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)
"Terracotta balls, interpreted as sling-stones or throwing stones (Wheeler 1968: 76-77) are also common finds at major Indus cities, and although explicitly considered by Wheeler, they have largely been ignored. [...] However, it is very likely that the majority of them, especially the smaller examples, were meant for hunting small birds and animals, a point Mackay acknowledges." [1] "Small, perforated spherical objects of various sizes have been interpreted in a number of ways: as mace heads, digging stick weights, or bolas components." [2] Bolas are "weapon, used particularly in the ancient Americas, for catching animals. It consisted of one or several lengths of rope to which stone balls were attached, and was thrown to entangle an animal’s legs, bringing it down. It has been suggested that the Harappan perforated balls, which are usually called mace heads, may have been part of such a device." [3]
[1]: (Cork 2006: 170) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
[2]: (McIntosh 2008, 314)
[3]: (McIntosh 2008, 405)
"almost all arrows found are swallow-tailed and un-tanged". However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting. [1] A copper arrowhead has been uncovered at Nausharo. [2]
[1]: (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
[2]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. PL. 6.20.
"almost all arrows found are swallow-tailed and un-tanged". However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting. [1] A copper arrowhead has been uncovered at Nausharo. [2]
[1]: (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
[2]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. PL. 6.20.
Not mentioned in Cork’s (2005, 2006) reviews of evidence that the Harappans engaged in warfare. [1] [2]
[1]: (Cork 2005) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
[2]: (Cork 2006) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
"The presence of maceheads (both metal and stone), which Yadin (1963: 40) has suggested were made defunct by the adoption of helmets, supports [the possibility that helmets were not used]." However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting. [1]
[1]: (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
"The presence of maceheads (both metal and stone), which Yadin (1963: 40) has suggested were made defunct by the adoption of helmets, supports [the possibility that helmets were not used]." However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting. [1]
[1]: (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
"Swords only appeared relatively late in the Near East (Postgate 1992: 249), not becoming common until the Iron Age. There is therefore no reason to suppose that the lack of swords in the Indus Civilisation reflects an absence of hand-to-hand combat." [1]
[1]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p414
"Although the four analysed Harappan blades (interpreted as spears) do not have a great deal of tin (maximum 2.6 per cent), neither do the Levantine tanged and riveted spearheads: tin is not present in 15 of 20 such spears, and only one example has over 0.5 per cent." However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting. [1] A copper spearhead has been uncovered at Nausharo. [2]
[1]: (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
[2]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. PL. 6.20.
"Although the four analysed Harappan blades (interpreted as spears) do not have a great deal of tin (maximum 2.6 per cent), neither do the Levantine tanged and riveted spearheads: tin is not present in 15 of 20 such spears, and only one example has over 0.5 per cent." However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting. [1] A copper spearhead has been uncovered at Nausharo. [2]
[1]: (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
[2]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. PL. 6.20.
Not mentioned in Cork’s (2005, 2006) reviews of evidence that the Harappans engaged in warfare. [1] [2]
[1]: (Cork 2005) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
[2]: (Cork 2006) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
“The exact function of Harappan blades is uncertain, but they closely match types of daggers from the Levant and the Near East…These ancient Near Eastern blades have a thickness consistent with the Indus examples, but it is not suggested that they were too fragile for practical use, or that they were restricted to domestic (non-violent) uses.” [1]
[1]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p415
“The exact function of Harappan blades is uncertain, but they closely match types of daggers from the Levant and the Near East…These ancient Near Eastern blades have a thickness consistent with the Indus examples, but it is not suggested that they were too fragile for practical use, or that they were restricted to domestic (non-violent) uses.” [1]
[1]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p415
“Unsocketed Harappan axes are seen to be technologically inferior to their socketed Mesopotamian counterparts. However, unsocketed axes were evidently used in military contexts in Mesopotamia alongside more complex designs.” [1] [2] … “Clearly, flat axes were used as weapons in Egypt and Mesopotamia during the Third Millennium, leaving no reason to suppose that those from the Indus were not.” However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting. [3]
[1]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p414
[2]: Ratnagar 1981: 98
[3]: (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
“Unsocketed Harappan axes are seen to be technologically inferior to their socketed Mesopotamian counterparts. However, unsocketed axes were evidently used in military contexts in Mesopotamia alongside more complex designs.” [1] [2] … “Clearly, flat axes were used as weapons in Egypt and Mesopotamia during the Third Millennium, leaving no reason to suppose that those from the Indus were not.” However, Cork himself notes that the scholarly consensus is that there is little direct evidence for warfare in the region at this time, and that Indus weaponry has been interpreted as having been used for hunting rather than fighting. [3]
[1]: Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p414
[2]: Ratnagar 1981: 98
[3]: (Cork 2005: 413, 416) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
"The fauna of the greater Indus region included the Indian elephant (Elephas maximus). Ivory, which probably came mainly from the elephant, was extensively used by the Harappans: At Mohenjo-daro it was more common than bone as a material for making artifacts. Elephant bones have been recov- ered from a number of sites throughout the Indus region, from Lothal and Surkotada in Gujarat, to Mohenjo-daro and Chanhu-daro in Sindh, and to Harappa and Kalibangan in the east; although elephants could have been hunted for their meat, these bones may suggest that tame elephants were employed as work animals, to haul logs, for example. Further suggestive evidence of tame elephants comes from representations on seals of elephants apparently wearing a cloth over their back, and a clay model of elephant’s head with painted designs on its forehead: Elephants are similarly decorated with paint on festive days in modern South Asia." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 131)
The closest thing to a donkey in Harappan times was probably the onager, a type of wild ass, but it seems unlikely it was used in warfare. "The onager is apparently too intractable to be domesticated, although there are claims that young onager can be tamed. Wild onager could provide meat and skins for leather: This is probably the reason for the presence of equid bones on Indus sites." [1] (From the ’Historical Dictionary of Ancient India’) Amri, mid-4th millennium BCE onward: "There is evidence for the domestication of cattle, sheep, goat, and donkey." [2]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 132)
[2]: (Roy ed. 2009, 17) Kumkum Roy. ed. 2009. Historical Dictionary of Ancient India. The Scarecrow Press, Inc. Lanham.
"Bones of the domestic dog (Canis familiaris) have been found in many Harappan sites, as have a number of dog figurines. These indicate that there were several different breeds, including a squat animal resembling a bulldog and a rangy beast like an Afghan hound. Another type had pointed ears, while a fourth had an upright tail. Collars are shown around the necks of some of the figurines, reinforcing their domestic status. One dog is shown tied to a post and may represent a guard dog." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 129)
Not mentioned in Cork’s (2005, 2006) reviews of evidence that the Harappans engaged in warfare. [1] [2] There may be a very tentative link between the presence of rhinoceroses at Nausharo and the use of rhinoceros hides to create shields, but this is based on inference from ethnographic analogy and more evidence is needed to confirm that rhinoceros hide was used in this way [3] .
[1]: (Cork 2005) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ECMD5V2D/q/cork.
[2]: (Cork 2006) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
[3]: Possehl, G. L. (1999) Indus Age Beginnings. Oxford and IBH Publishing: New Delhi, Calcutta. p204
"Besides not producing many socketed weapons, the Indus is also lacking in narrow-bladed axes and square-sectioned spears. These axe designs have been connected with the appearance of body-armour, and the ensuing need for piercing weapons (Yadin 1963: 40), and the square-sectioned spears may arguably have been a response to the same stimulus. The absence of these designs in the Indus, or at least of weapons that seem to have an emphasis on piercing through something, implies that armour (presumably made of organic materials, as no metal helmets or scales of armour have been found) was not commonly used." [1]
[1]: (Cork 2006: 174) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
There may be a very tentative link between the presence of rhinoceroses at Nausharo and the use of rhinoceros hides to create shields, but this is based on inference from ethnographic analogy and more evidence is needed to confirm that rhinoceros hide was used in this way [1] . There may be no way to directly prove this suggestion as leather is an organic material and is likely to have perished in the archaeological record.
[1]: Possehl, G. L. (1999) Indus Age Beginnings. Oxford and IBH Publishing: New Delhi, Calcutta. p204
"Besides not producing many socketed weapons, the Indus is also lacking in narrow-bladed axes and square-sectioned spears. These axe designs have been connected with the appearance of body-armour, and the ensuing need for piercing weapons (Yadin 1963: 40), and the square-sectioned spears may arguably have been a response to the same stimulus. The absence of these designs in the Indus, or at least of weapons that seem to have an emphasis on piercing through something, implies that armour (presumably made of organic materials, as no metal helmets or scales of armour have been found) was not commonly used." [1]
[1]: (Cork 2006: 174) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
"Besides not producing many socketed weapons, the Indus is also lacking in narrow-bladed axes and square-sectioned spears. These axe designs have been connected with the appearance of body-armour, and the ensuing need for piercing weapons (Yadin 1963: 40), and the square-sectioned spears may arguably have been a response to the same stimulus. The absence of these designs in the Indus, or at least of weapons that seem to have an emphasis on piercing through something, implies that armour (presumably made of organic materials, as no metal helmets or scales of armour have been found) was not commonly used." [1]
[1]: (Cork 2006: 174) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IQQCEMPC/q/cork.
In the broader Mature Harappan context, although small vessels would potentially have been present and used at the (contested) dockyard at Lothal, there is no evidence to suggest that the vessels would have been used for military purposes. [1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.p132,138