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| Year Range | West Burkina Faso Red IV (bf_west_burkina_faso_red_4) was in: |
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"At the end of Red III, several mounds at Kirikongo were abandoned and for the first time in its history the site declined in size. The spatial patterns of Red IV ceramics presented in this paper indicate that the shrinking of formerly large communities may have been part of regional trends, as several nearby settlements also experienced a loss of population or were abandoned starting in the early fifteenth century CE. These population decreases could result from outmigration or perhaps from plague epidemics, which have been invoked for abandonments of other settlements inWest Africa in the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries (Chouin 2013; Huysecom et al. 2015). At the same time, it could also reflect a regional reorganization into smaller communities. This corresponds to patterns in oral histories described by ethnographers, who have argued that prior to the nineteenth century, societies in the Mouhoun Bend and neighboring parts of western Burkina Faso lived in dispersed hamlets rather than large villages, and that the aggregated communities (métropoles) observed in the twentieth century developed in response to political instability during the late precolonial and early colonial periods (Capron 1973; Cremer 1924; see also Rémy 1981)." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2016: 133)
"At the end of Red III, several mounds at Kirikongo were abandoned and for the first time in its history the site declined in size. The spatial patterns of Red IV ceramics presented in this paper indicate that the shrinking of formerly large communities may have been part of regional trends, as several nearby settlements also experienced a loss of population or were abandoned starting in the early fifteenth century CE. These population decreases could result from outmigration or perhaps from plague epidemics, which have been invoked for abandonments of other settlements inWest Africa in the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries (Chouin 2013; Huysecom et al. 2015). At the same time, it could also reflect a regional reorganization into smaller communities. This corresponds to patterns in oral histories described by ethnographers, who have argued that prior to the nineteenth century, societies in the Mouhoun Bend and neighboring parts of western Burkina Faso lived in dispersed hamlets rather than large villages, and that the aggregated communities (métropoles) observed in the twentieth century developed in response to political instability during the late precolonial and early colonial periods (Capron 1973; Cremer 1924; see also Rémy 1981)." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2016: 133)
levels. (1) Larger settlements, (2) smaller settlements. "Dueppen (2012a, pp. 311–313) has argued that while village communities had become internally decentralized in Red II, relations between communities throughout Red III may have been more contentious, as smaller communities may have asserted ritual and/or political independence from larger settlements such as Kirikongo. More research is needed at a regional level to evaluate this theory." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2016: 133)
levels. The following quote suggests at least one level. "The political power formerly residing at Mound 4 during Red I and Early Red II was largely disseminated within the community; however, their role as village founders who maintain the community’s relations with the local and ancestral divinities, as well as their symbolic position as the external face of the village community, remained unchanged and was simply detached from the iron cult." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
levels. "Shortly after the start of Red II a drastic and rapid egalitarian revolution took place, a turning point in Kirikongo’s developmental trajectory. Social inequalities were rejected in a process of nonvertical social differentiation of houses coupled with increasing interhouse communalism." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following quote suggests the existence of some kind of priesthood, but it does not seem that the data clearly suggests whether or not priests were true full-time specialists. "The political power formerly residing at Mound 4 during Red I and Early Red II was largely disseminated within the community; however, their role as village founders who maintain the community’s relations with the local and ancestral divinities, as well as their symbolic position as the external face of the village community, remained unchanged and was simply detached from the iron cult." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "Specialized iron production shifted from the inhabitants of Mound 4 to those at Mound 11, and iron smelting remained set at a distance from the settlement, but now 250 m to the west of Mound 11. Red II also marks the starting point of specialized potting by the inhabitants of Mound 11, where both pottery decoration tools and kilns were excavated. [...] A significant change in spatial organization involved the merging of formerly discrete mounds into elongated pairs of contiguous mounds. By at the latest Red III (and likely Red II), structures atop mounds were organized as composite buildings, combining circular and rectangular cells to form room blocks topped with paved terraced roofs. Activities, including food preparation such as grinding, shifted to exterior unpaved surfaces. This transformation indicates the appearance of a built environment focused more on extra-household interactions, as opposed to the discrete but enclosed setting of earlier periods." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "Specialized iron production shifted from the inhabitants of Mound 4 to those at Mound 11, and iron smelting remained set at a distance from the settlement, but now 250 m to the west of Mound 11." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "Specialized iron production shifted from the inhabitants of Mound 4 to those at Mound 11, and iron smelting remained set at a distance from the settlement, but now 250 m to the west of Mound 11." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following suggests not only that cattle were no longer used as articles of exchange, but also the existence of system of exchange based on labor rather than physical currency. "By the middle of Red II this material symbol of inequality, cattle, ceased to be commonly kept, despite the emergence of a drier environment more suitable for animal husbandry in the second millennium A.D. Historically, cattle served as social capital in many non-centralized Voltaic societies, enabling marriages and funerary celebrations, and representing wealth. Consequently, the rejection of cattle, in addition to limiting the accumulation of wealth, may also indicate the beginning of matrimonial compensation in agricultural labor, typical of modern autonomous village societies." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following suggests not only that cattle were no longer used as articles of exchange, but also the existence of system of exchange based on labor rather than physical currency. "By the middle of Red II this material symbol of inequality, cattle, ceased to be commonly kept, despite the emergence of a drier environment more suitable for animal husbandry in the second millennium A.D. Historically, cattle served as social capital in many non-centralized Voltaic societies, enabling marriages and funerary celebrations, and representing wealth. Consequently, the rejection of cattle, in addition to limiting the accumulation of wealth, may also indicate the beginning of matrimonial compensation in agricultural labor, typical of modern autonomous village societies." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following suggests not only that cattle were no longer used as articles of exchange, but also the existence of system of exchange based on labor rather than physical currency. "By the middle of Red II this material symbol of inequality, cattle, ceased to be commonly kept, despite the emergence of a drier environment more suitable for animal husbandry in the second millennium A.D. Historically, cattle served as social capital in many non-centralized Voltaic societies, enabling marriages and funerary celebrations, and representing wealth. Consequently, the rejection of cattle, in addition to limiting the accumulation of wealth, may also indicate the beginning of matrimonial compensation in agricultural labor, typical of modern autonomous village societies." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following suggests not only that cattle were no longer used as articles of exchange, but also the existence of system of exchange based on labor rather than physical currency. "By the middle of Red II this material symbol of inequality, cattle, ceased to be commonly kept, despite the emergence of a drier environment more suitable for animal husbandry in the second millennium A.D. Historically, cattle served as social capital in many non-centralized Voltaic societies, enabling marriages and funerary celebrations, and representing wealth. Consequently, the rejection of cattle, in addition to limiting the accumulation of wealth, may also indicate the beginning of matrimonial compensation in agricultural labor, typical of modern autonomous village societies." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following suggests not only that cattle were no longer used as articles of exchange, but also the existence of system of exchange based on labor rather than physical currency. "By the middle of Red II this material symbol of inequality, cattle, ceased to be commonly kept, despite the emergence of a drier environment more suitable for animal husbandry in the second millennium A.D. Historically, cattle served as social capital in many non-centralized Voltaic societies, enabling marriages and funerary celebrations, and representing wealth. Consequently, the rejection of cattle, in addition to limiting the accumulation of wealth, may also indicate the beginning of matrimonial compensation in agricultural labor, typical of modern autonomous village societies." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following suggests not only that cattle were no longer used as articles of exchange, but also the existence of system of exchange based on labor rather than physical currency. "By the middle of Red II this material symbol of inequality, cattle, ceased to be commonly kept, despite the emergence of a drier environment more suitable for animal husbandry in the second millennium A.D. Historically, cattle served as social capital in many non-centralized Voltaic societies, enabling marriages and funerary celebrations, and representing wealth. Consequently, the rejection of cattle, in addition to limiting the accumulation of wealth, may also indicate the beginning of matrimonial compensation in agricultural labor, typical of modern autonomous village societies." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following suggests not only that cattle were no longer used as articles of exchange, but also the existence of system of exchange based on labor rather than physical currency. "By the middle of Red II this material symbol of inequality, cattle, ceased to be commonly kept, despite the emergence of a drier environment more suitable for animal husbandry in the second millennium A.D. Historically, cattle served as social capital in many non-centralized Voltaic societies, enabling marriages and funerary celebrations, and representing wealth. Consequently, the rejection of cattle, in addition to limiting the accumulation of wealth, may also indicate the beginning of matrimonial compensation in agricultural labor, typical of modern autonomous village societies." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)
The following suggests not only that cattle were no longer used as articles of exchange, but also the existence of system of exchange based on labor rather than physical currency. "By the middle of Red II this material symbol of inequality, cattle, ceased to be commonly kept, despite the emergence of a drier environment more suitable for animal husbandry in the second millennium A.D. Historically, cattle served as social capital in many non-centralized Voltaic societies, enabling marriages and funerary celebrations, and representing wealth. Consequently, the rejection of cattle, in addition to limiting the accumulation of wealth, may also indicate the beginning of matrimonial compensation in agricultural labor, typical of modern autonomous village societies." [1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30)