Egypt in the years between 868 and 969 CE is notable for frequent changes in rulers, including three separate regimes in just over a century: the Tulunid Dynasty, the Abbasid Restoration Period, and the Ikshidid Dynasty, which eventually gave way to the Fatimid Caliphate. The Tulunids were a Turkic Dynasty who established an independent rule over Egypt and parts of Syria during a time of instability caused by infighting in the Abbasid court in Damascus. There was a notable ’flowering’ of the arts under the Tulunid rulers,
[1]
but the highs and lows of this era of instability are best encapsulated by the reign of Khumarawayh. Although Egypt saw ’peace and prosperity’ under his rule, it has been argued that his extravagant lifestyle and ’lavish’ spending on building projects and the maintenance of a large standing army ’overtaxed the state’s resources’.
[2]
’When Khumarawayh was murdered by one of his slaves in 896, the treasury was reportedly empty’.
[2]
Population and political organization
Egypt during the Tulunid-Ikshidid period has been described as ’an autonomous state, albeit under Abbasid suzerainty’.
[1]
When Ahmad ibn Tulun was appointed prefect or governor of Egypt in 868 CE, it was a province of the Abbasid Caliphate. Tulun, who was of Turkish ancestry, was recruited from the military
[3]
[4]
and ’never formally repudiated Abbasid authority’.
[3]
He took advantage of a revolt in Palestine and Syria to build up a new Egyptian army of Turkish, Nubian, and Greek mercenaries and slaves, which he paid for by seizing control of the revenue of Egypt from the Abbasid-appointed financial director in 871 CE.
[2]
Ibn Tulun also annexed Syria.
[5]
With his new army and the Abbasids distracted by unrest in the Levant, Ibn Tulun worked to increase Egyptian autonomy from the caliph in Baghdad;
[2]
he stopped sending taxes to the Abbasids and established a new capital at al-Qatai, at the neck of the Nile Delta near Fustat.
[4]
This de facto arrangement became official in 886 CE, when a treaty with the Abbasid Dynasty decreed that Khumarawayh and his successors would govern Egypt for a term of three decades
[2]
- although Egypt would in fact be under Abbasid control again from 905 to 935 CE.
[6]
After the Ikshidids gained control of Egypt under Muhammad ibn Tughj (935‒946 CE),
[2]
the Abbasids, in a similar treaty in 939 CE, granted the governorship of Egypt and Syria to ’the Ikshid and his heirs’ for 30 years.
[2]
The Tulunid governing apparatus included a vizier,
[7]
who, after the administrative reforms of Ibn Tulun,
[5]
apparently ran a competent bureaucracy that oversaw huge spending projects. Ibn Tulun built an aqueduct and a maristan (hospital), which cost 60,000 dinars.
[1]
Founded in 873 CE, the hospital was the first of its kind in Egypt. There was probably a functioning postal system (the Egyptian section of the Abbasid barid). Luxuries were never far away for the affluent elites, who spent their riches freely: Khumarawayh converted the maydan (city square) into a lush garden in the Mesopotamian tradition, while in the Ikshidid period Kafur’s palace near the Birkat Qarun cost a monumental 100,000 dinars.
[8]
The population of Egypt and the Levant at this time may have totalled 6.5 million,
[9]
and the largest city, Fustat in Egypt, had perhaps 150,000 residents.
[10]
[1]: (Raymond 2000, 26) André Raymond. 2000. Cairo. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
[2]: (Sundelin 2004) Lennart Sundelin. 2004. ’Egypt: Tulunids and Ikhshidids, 850-969’, in Encyclopedia of African History, edited by K. Shillington. Online edition. London: Routledge.
[3]: (Raymond 2000, 24) André Raymond. 2000. Cairo. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
[4]: (Middleton, ed. 2015, 966) J. Middleton, ed. 2015. World Monarchies and Dynasties. London: Routledge.
[5]: (Esposito, ed. 2003, 130) John L. Esposito, ed. 2003. The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford: Oxford University Press.
[6]: (Raymond 2000, 34) André Raymond. 2000. Cairo. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
[7]: (Raymond 2000, 35) André Raymond. 2000. Cairo. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
[8]: (Raymond 2000, 27, 34) André Raymond. 2000. Cairo. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
[9]: (McEvedy and Jones 1978, 138, 229) Colin McEvedy and Richard Jones. 1978. Atlas of World Population History. London: Allen Lane.
[10]: (Modelski 2003, 55) George Modelski. 2003. World Cities -3000 to 2000. Washington, DC: Faros.
36 R |
Egypt - Tulunid-Ikhshidid Period |
Fustat | |
Al-Qatai |
Abbasid Caliphate | |
Egypt - Tulunid-Abbasid-Ikhshidid Period | |
Tulunid Dynasty | |
Ikhshidid Dynasty |
none | |
vassalage to [---] |
Islam |
Fatimid Caliphate |
11,000,000 km2 |
continuity |
Preceding: Abbasid Caliphate I (iq_abbasid_cal_1) [continuity] |
unitary state |
inferred present |
present |
present |
inferred present |
inferred present |
present |
inferred present |
inferred present |
present |
inferred present |
inferred present |
unknown |
present |
inferred present |
absent |
absent |
inferred present |
inferred present |
inferred absent |
inferred present |
inferred present |
inferred present |
inferred absent |
inferred present |
inferred present |
unknown |
inferred present |
inferred present |
inferred present |
Year Range | Egypt - Tulunid-Ikhshidid Period (eg_thulunid_ikhshidid) was in: |
---|---|
(868 CE 969 CE) | Upper Egypt |
Fustat was the seat of government.
[1]
In 870 CE Ibn Tulunid founded al-Qatai as the capital.
[2]
[1]: (Raymond 2000, 30)
[2]: (Esposito 2004, 130) Esposito, J. 2004. The Oxford Dictionary of Islam. Oxford University Press.)
The twelve-year rule of Khumarawayh "saw peace and prosperity in Egypt, but the extravagance of his lifestyle and his lavish patronage of building projects, along with the expense of paying for a large standing army, overtaxed the state’s resources. When Khumarawayh was murdered by one of his slaves in 896, the treasury was reportedly empty."
[1]
[1]: (Sundelin 2013, 430-431) Shillington, K. 2013. Encyclopedia of African History: Volume 3. Routledge.
Ahmad ibn Tulun appointed prefect of Egypt 868 CE. Tulun was recruited from the military and had Turkish ancestry. [1] Egypt became independent when as Abbasid governor Ibn Tulun stopped sending taxes to the caliphate and established a new capital at al-Qatai. [2]
[1]: (Raymond 2000, 24)
[2]: (Middleton 2015, 966) Middleton, J. 2015. World Monarchies and Dynasties. Routledge.
"Ibn Tulun never formally repudiated Abbasid authority, but with his new army and a distracted caliphate he was able to establish himself as virtually autonomous."
[1]
Treaty of 886 CE Abbasids "granted the governorship of Egypt to Khumarawayh and his descendants for a period of thirty years."
[1]
Raymond describes the following as rulers of "an autonomous state, albeit under Abbasid suzerainty."
[2]
Ibn Tulun (868-884 CE)
Khumarawayh (884-896 CE)
Their successors (896-905)
Under Abbasid control again from 905-935 CE
[3]
Treaty of 939 CE Abbasids "granted to the Ikshid and his heirs governorship over Egypt and Syria for thirty years, virtually the same arrangement the Tulunids had."
[1]
De facto autonomy under Ikhshid rule (935-969 CE)
[3]
Muhammad ibn Tughj (935-946 CE) was the first Ikshid ruler
[1]
[3]
Two sons "raised under the tutelage of the regent Kafur, a black eunuch from Nubia." (946-966 CE)
[3]
Kafur died 968 CE
[4]
[1]: (Sundelin 2013, 430-431) Shillington, K. 2013. Encyclopedia of African History: Volume 3. Routledge.
[2]: (Raymond 2000, 26)
[3]: (Raymond 2000, 34)
[4]: (Raymond 2000, 35)
"Ibn Tulun never formally repudiated Abbasid authority, but with his new army and a distracted caliphate he was able to establish himself as virtually autonomous."
[1]
Treaty of 886 CE Abbasids "granted the governorship of Egypt to Khumarawayh and his descendants for a period of thirty years."
[1]
Raymond describes the following as rulers of "an autonomous state, albeit under Abbasid suzerainty."
[2]
Ibn Tulun (868-884 CE)
Khumarawayh (884-896 CE)
Their successors (896-905)
Under Abbasid control again from 905-935 CE
[3]
Treaty of 939 CE Abbasids "granted to the Ikshid and his heirs governorship over Egypt and Syria for thirty years, virtually the same arrangement the Tulunids had."
[1]
De facto autonomy under Ikhshid rule (935-969 CE)
[3]
Muhammad ibn Tughj (935-946 CE) was the first Ikshid ruler
[1]
[3]
Two sons "raised under the tutelage of the regent Kafur, a black eunuch from Nubia." (946-966 CE)
[3]
Kafur died 968 CE
[4]
[1]: (Sundelin 2013, 430-431) Shillington, K. 2013. Encyclopedia of African History: Volume 3. Routledge.
[2]: (Raymond 2000, 26)
[3]: (Raymond 2000, 34)
[4]: (Raymond 2000, 35)
People.
McEvedy and Jones (1978) estimates for 900 CE: Egypt 4.5m; Palestine and Jordan 0.5m; Syria and the Lebanon 1.5m. Total: 6.5m.
[1]
963-969 CE poor harvests and famine.
[2]
[1]: (McEvedy and Jones 1978) McEvedy C and Jones R. 1978. Atlas of World Population History. Allen Lane. London.
[2]: (Sundelin 2013, 430-431) Shillington, K. 2013. Encyclopedia of African History: Volume 3. Routledge.
Coding same as Abbasid Caliphate.
1. Caliph as head of the Sunni Muslim umma.
2. Imams, successors of the prophet and leaders of the muslim world.
In theory the Caliphate and governors were the head of the Sunni faith, but in practice local religious scholars (ulama) and aesthetics (Sufis) increasingly attracted the wider populace as definers of doctrine. Unlike the Orthodox or Catholic faith, the structure of the Islamic faiths were not clearly hierarchical and all were equal before Allah.
[1]
[1]: Lapidus, History of Islamic Society p. 82,p. 215
levels. Coding same as Abbasid Caliphate as a "placeholder" although since the Abbasid Caliphate is a part of this period (Tulunids-Abbasids-Ikshidids) we could simply use the Abbasid code.
Abbasid hierarchy (note: may be oversimplified:
1. Amir al-mu’ minin (official title of the Caliph)
2. Amir (commander or governor of a province or army)
3. Qa-id (military officer)
4. Arif (leader of a militay unit of ten to fifteen soldiers)
5. Muquatila(Muslim soldiers paid a salary); Malwa(rank and file Turkish soldier)
6. Arrarun (irregular volunteers)
[1]
[1]: Kennedy, The Armies of the Caliphate pp. 209-210
levels. Six for Abbasid Caliphate. Coding 5 as "placeholder."
Reference for Abbasid Caliphate: In Iraq and Egypt local government was divided into a hierarchy of districts with the subdivisions (Kura, Tassuj and rustag) used for assessing taxation which was passed to the governor.
[1]
1. Governor (- 939 CE) al-Ikshid (939 CE -)
"In 939 the caliph even acceded to Muhammed Ibn Tughj’s demand to be given the title al-Ikshid, held by rulers in the Farghana region of Central Asia whence his grandfather had come."
[2]
Treaty of 886 CE Abbasids "granted the governorship of Egypt to Khumarawayh and his descendants for a period of thirty years."
[2]
Treaty of 939 CE Abbasids "granted to the Ikshid and his heirs governorship over Egypt and Syria for thirty years"
[2]
2. Vizier
[3]
2. Financial director (until 871 CE)"After becoming governor, Ibn Tulun had to struggle for several years with the power of Ibn al-Muddabir, financial director of Egypt since 861 and answerable only to the caliph."
[2]
[1]: Lapidus, History of Islamic Society, p.61
[2]: (Sundelin 2013, 430-431) Shillington, K. 2013. Encyclopedia of African History: Volume 3. Routledge.
[3]: (Raymond 2000, 35)
Large standing army. [1] Under Ibn Tulunid’s early rule in Egypt: "A revolt that broke out in nearby Palestine and Syria, however, offered a pretext for building a new army in Egypt composed primarily of Turkish, Nubia, and Greek slaves and mercenaries. To pay for this army, Ibn Tulun took control of the revenue of the country, arranging for Ibn al-Muddabir’s [financial director of Egypt] transfer to Syria in 871." [1]
[1]: (Sundelin 2013, 430-431) Shillington, K. 2013. Encyclopedia of African History: Volume 3. Routledge.
The al-Madhara’i family were "financial officials in Fustat (Old Cairo) since the reign of Ibn Tulun" and they "would continue to play an important role in the country’s administration well into the Ikshidid period." [1]
[1]: (Sundelin 2013, 430-431) Shillington, K. 2013. Encyclopedia of African History: Volume 3. Routledge.
“In order to deal with the essential conditions that Claude Cahen and Gabriel Baer laid down so well in their articles, I would like to take as an example of an Islamic guild the Islamic legal professions, called madhhabs, and their institutional organization of legal education, as of the second half of the ninth century. The first steps toward the pro- fessionalization of legal studies were taken after the Inquisition, Mihna, which ended at the midpoint ofthe ninth century. The Inquisition was the culmination of an on-going struggle between two movements: one, of phil- osophical theology, the other, of juridical theology. It was fought over a theological question: whether the Koran was the created or uncreated word of God? We need retain here only that the philosophically-oriented movement entered the Inquisition supported by the central power; which power fifteen years later, made an about-face and came out in support of the juridically-oriented movement. To put it in simple terms: law won out over philosophical speculation. In the century following the Inquisition, the available sources make possible the recognition of the first colleges where law was taught. In the eleventh century, legal professions reached the height of their development with yet a new set of colleges, and a clear-cut structure of scholastic personnel, with various grades and functions.”
[1]
"In legal matters, Patricia Crone points out, "there is no trace of the Prophetic tradition until about 770" and it was the lawyers in particular who created the stories about Mohammed simply to back up their own arguments in law. "Numerous Prophetic traditions can be shown to have originated as statements made by the lawyers themselves ... it was the lawyers who determined what the Prophet said, not the other way around." Bukhari is said to have accumulated as many as 600,000 traditions, of which he only accepted as authentic 7,000, or just over one per cent!"
[2]
-- these are religious scholars not lawyers as this variable codes? lawyers do "red tape", defend, prosecute, submit claims etc.
[1]: (Makdisi 1985) Makdisi, G. 1985. The Guilds of Law in Medieval Legal History: An Inquiry into the Origins of the Inns of Court. 34 Clev. St. L. Rev. 3: 3-16. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/U4CNJ8Q5/library
[2]: (Pickard 2013, 432) Pickard, J. 2013. Behind the Myths: The Foundations of Judaism, Christianity and Islam. AuthorHouse.
In the Abbasid Caliphate formal the law was promulgated by a body known as the Fuqaha. The law code was heavily influenced by Sharia law. Sharia was based on the Sunna, which were teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, and the Quran, the holy book of Islam. Legal thought was also influenced by Ijma’, which were a body of rulings on legal issues based on the consensus of scholars who had met to discuss specific cases. Despite the Caliphate’s claims to religious authority based on their links to the Prophet Muhammed, it was rare for direct rulings on legal matters to originate from the caliphal authorities. Alongside a developing legal code was the development of the Qudis, who were full time judiciary officials.
[1]
Judges were appointed and were called Qadi.
[2]
At least in the Umayyad period judges were "multicompetent state officials dealing with justice, police, tax, and finance issues."
[3]
previous code: disputed_absent_present (refs below suggest presence, no clear indication of argument for absence) | Note: This is the code for Abbasid Caliphate. We code present for specialist judges. If judges were "multicompetent state officials" it does not appear they are specialists who only judge law. For similar case e.g. the Roman Principate. On the other hand, the source below suggests that qadis were "full time judiciary officials’.
[1]: Zubaida, Sami, Law and power in the Islamic world. (Tauris & Company Limited, 2005) pp. 74-84
[2]: Zubaida, Sami, Law and power in the Islamic world. (Tauris & Company Limited, 2005) p. 46
[3]: (Lapidus 2012, 96)
Note: This is the code for Abbasid Caliphate.
[1]
In the Abbasid Caliphate formal the law was promulgated by a body known as the Fuqaha. The law code was heavily influenced by Sharia law. Sharia was based on the Sunna, which were teachings of the Prophet Muhammad, and the Quran, the holy book of Islam. Legal thought was also influenced by Ijma’, which were a body of rulings on legal issues based on the consensus of scholars who had met to discuss specific cases. Despite the Caliphate’s claims to religious authority based on their links to the Prophet Muhammed, it was rare for direct rulings on legal matters to originate from the caliphal authorities. Alongside a developing legal code was the development of the Qudis, who were full time judiciary officials.
[2]
[1]: Van Berkel, Maaike, Nadia Maria El Cheikh, Hugh Kennedy, and Letizia Osti. Crisis and Continuity at the Abbasid Court pp. 87-90
[2]: Zubaida, Sami, Law and power in the Islamic world. (Tauris & Company Limited, 2005) pp. 74-84
Note: This is the code for Abbasid Caliphate. Simple postal stations in use as stopping point for couriers. [1] The Abbasid had a department of state running the post office, called the Barim. [2] For an detailed portrayal of Postal systems in the Pre-Modern Islamic world, see Adam J. Silverstein’s work on the subject. [3]
[1]: Silverstein, Adam J. Postal systems in the pre-modern Islamic world p. 77-78, 97..
[2]: ( Alcock, Susan E., John Bodel, and Richard Ja Talbert, eds. Highways, byways, and road systems in the pre-modern world. Vol. 9. (Wiley 2012) pp. 70-74)
[3]: Silverstein, Adam J. Postal systems in the pre-modern Islamic world. (Cambridge University Press, 2007)
[1] a ’hamami’ was a "despatcher of carrier pigeons and letters from one town to another" in Iraq, Egypt and Syria: 9th, 10th 11th CE. [2]
[1]: Silverstein, Adam J. Postal systems in the pre-modern Islamic world p. 77-78,
[2]: (Shatzmiller 1993, 140) Shatzmiller, Maya. 1994. Labour in the Medieval Islamic World. E. J. BRILL. Leiden.
[1] Royal couriers carried messages and directives of the court. a ’hamami’ was a "despatcher of carrier pigeons and letters from one town to another" in Iraq, Egypt and Syria: 9th, 10th 11th CE. [2]
[1]: Silverstein, Adam J. Postal systems in the pre-modern Islamic world p. 77-78,
[2]: (Shatzmiller 1993, 140) Shatzmiller, Maya. 1994. Labour in the Medieval Islamic World. E. J. BRILL. Leiden.
Present for Abbasid Caliphate: As used around Baghdad. [1] The technology to create fortifications was present, but in the case of large cities not implemented as the Caliphs preferred battles over sieges, and because of concerns that citizens would use them for protection during revolts. The Arabic word for castle or fortress was Hisn, with the Qasr more often used for a fortress. The use of fortifications depended on local tradition. In Syria, pre-existing walls were maintained. In other areas of conquest or after rebellions fortifications were torn down. Baghdad stands out as an exception in terms of a fortified urban centre. Baghdad was surrounded by large walls, and fortified gates were secured with two sets of iron covered doors and large numbers of guards. [1]
[1]: Kennedy, the Armies of the Caliphs pp. 185-192
Present for Abbasid Caliphate: Abbasid siege of Al-Wasit, last Umayyad stronghold in Iraq: "In the first such encounter Umayyad forces were defeated, and they retreated to the moat that surrounded the western section of the city." [1]
[1]: (Elad 1986, 65) Saron, M. 1986. Studies in Islamic History and Civilization: In Honour of Professor David Ayalon. Brill.
Present for Abbasid Caliphate: Torsion engines in use in Arabic warfare in this period. [1] [2] "A fragment of a wall painting depicting the use of a traction trebuchet at the siege of Penjikent (700-725) in modern Tajikistan. This unique painting is contemporary with Tang China, displaying how the traction trebuchet was used along the Silk Road." [3]
[1]: (Kennedy 2001, 184
[2]: Kelly DeVries, ’siege engines’ in The Oxford Companion to Military History, Eds. Holmes, Singleton, and Jones Oxford University Press: 2001)
[3]: (Turnball 2002) Turnball, S. 2002. Siege Weapons of the Far East (1): AD 612-1300. Osprey Publishing.
Present for Abbasid Caliphate: ’Arab’ and Persian’ bows mentioned in sources, both composite bows. [1] Unlike Medieval Europe, archery was seen as a noble pursuit. Compound bows and Crossbows were present, as well as more esoteric weaponry such as fire arrows, were used on some occasions. Volunteers and informal levies were reported to have used slings, makeshift spears and other unconventional weapons. [2]
[1]: (Kennedy 2001, 177-178)
[2]: Kennedy, Hugh N. The armies of the caliphs: military and society in the early Islamic state. Vol. 3 Routledge, 2001. pp. 168-182
Present for Abbasid Caliphate: "In defence the abna were trained to maintain ranks behind their long pikes and broadswords however hard the enemy pressed, and then to fight hand-to-hand with short-swords and daggers. I attack, a short spear or javelin seems to have replaced the pike, and a mace might also have been added. Although abna were often armoured, they would also fight without cuirass or even shield." [1]
[1]: (Nicolle 1982, 20) Nicolle, D. 1982. The Armies of Islam, 7th-11th Centuries. Osprey Publishing.
Present for Abbasid Caliphate:"In defence the abna were trained to maintain ranks behind their long pikes and broadswords however hard the enemy pressed, and then to fight hand-to-hand with short-swords and daggers. I attack, a short spear or javelin seems to have replaced the pike, and a mace might also have been added. Although abna were often armoured, they would also fight without cuirass or even shield." [1]
[1]: (Nicolle 1982, 20) Nicolle, D. 1982. The Armies of Islam, 7th-11th Centuries. Osprey Publishing.
Present for Abbasid Caliphate:"In defence the abna were trained to maintain ranks behind their long pikes and broadswords however hard the enemy pressed, and then to fight hand-to-hand with short-swords and daggers. I attack, a short spear or javelin seems to have replaced the pike, and a mace might also have been added. Although abna were often armoured, they would also fight without cuirass or even shield." [1]
[1]: (Nicolle 1982, 20) Nicolle, D. 1982. The Armies of Islam, 7th-11th Centuries. Osprey Publishing.
Present for Abbasid Caliphate: "In defence the abna were trained to maintain ranks behind their long pikes and broadswords however hard the enemy pressed, and then to fight hand-to-hand with short-swords and daggers. I attack, a short spear or javelin seems to have replaced the pike, and a mace might also have been added. Although abna were often armoured, they would also fight without cuirass or even shield." [1] Present for Abbasid Caliphate.
[1]: (Nicolle 1993) Nicolle, D. 1993. Armies of the Muslim Conquest. Osprey Publishing.
Present for Abbasid Caliphate: "In defence the abna were trained to maintain ranks behind their long pikes and broadswords however hard the enemy pressed, and then to fight hand-to-hand with short-swords and daggers. I attack, a short spear or javelin seems to have replaced the pike, and a mace might also have been added. Although abna were often armoured, they would also fight without cuirass or even shield." [1]
[1]: (Nicolle 1982, 20) Nicolle, D. 1982. The Armies of Islam, 7th-11th Centuries. Osprey Publishing.
Present for Abbasid Caliphate:"In defence the abna were trained to maintain ranks behind their long pikes and broadswords however hard the enemy pressed, and then to fight hand-to-hand with short-swords and daggers. I attack, a short spear or javelin seems to have replaced the pike, and a mace might also have been added. Although abna were often armoured, they would also fight without cuirass or even shield." [1]
[1]: (Nicolle 1982, 20) Nicolle, D. 1982. The Armies of Islam, 7th-11th Centuries. Osprey Publishing.
Used for cavalry. Horses and Camels were used extensively. Donkeys were used in a logistical capacity. The use of elephants is reported, but it seems to be in a purely ceremonial capacity. [1]
[1]: (Kennedy, Hugh. The Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State. London; New York: Routledge, 2001. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/SGPPFNAZ/q/kennedy)
Donkeys were used in a logistical capacity. [1]
[1]: (Kennedy, Hugh. The Armies of the Caliphs: Military and Society in the Early Islamic State. London; New York: Routledge, 2001. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/SGPPFNAZ/q/kennedy)
For Abbasid Caliphate: Used for shields. [1] Reconstructing the exact military equipment of Muslim armies during the Abbasid Caliphate is problematic due to lack of artefactural evidence. As such, sources are primarily literary and focus largely on notable equipment of unusual rarity or value. In Muslim armies, a full equipage was rare, and body armour even more so. Coats of mail was available to the Caliphate armies, but only to a small number of elite military members. Besides mail there is some evidence of lamellar leggings and breastplates. Helmets and shields were more widely available. Shields were smaller than their European counterparts and made of leather and wood.
[1]: Kennedy, the Armies of the Caliphs pp. 168-178
The Abbasid Caliphate was not a naval power in the Mediterranean. The Umayyad Caliphate had faced substantial losses at sea with Greek crewed ships, and the Abbasid never attempted to blockade Constantinople from the sea. Furthermore, while the Caliphs controlled the coastlines and had freedom of movement along this territory, it lacked both the facilities to build military ships and the raw materials to facilitate this endeavor. The situation in the Persian gulf was different, as large trade fleets plied the waters between Iraq and India, and down the Horn of Africa. [1] Territorial losses outside of the core territories in Egypt and Syria further weakened the capacity of the Abassid Caliphs capacity to wage naval warfare. [2]
[1]: Whitehouse, David. "Abbasid Maritime Trade: The Age of Expansion." prince MlKASA Takahito (éd.), Cultural and Economic Relations Between East and West: Sea Routes (1988): 62-70.
[2]: Gabrieli, Francesco. "Greeks and Arabs in the Central Mediterranean Area." Dumbarton Oaks Papers 18 (1964): 57-65.