| # | Polity | Coded Value | Tags | Year(s) | Edit | Desc |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
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Border markets are coded under Trade emporia as present. "The statesman and scholar Chia I, who died in 169 B.C., has left us with a brief account concerning the border markets: It is the border markets [kuan-shih] which the Hsiung-nu need most badly, and they have sought desperately to obtain them from us, even resorting to force. I urge your majesty to send envoys with lavish gifts to make peace with [the Hsiung-nu], using this opportunity to inform them of our decision, made not without reluctance, to grant their request of establishing large-sized border markets. Upon the return of our envoys, we should immediately open up many [markets] in locations of strategic importance. In each of these market places sufficient military forces must be stationed for [our] self- protection. Every large border market should include shops which specialize in selling raw meat, wine, cooked rice, and delicious barbecues. All the shops must be of a size capable of serving one or two hundred people. In this way our markets beneath the Great Wall will surely swarm with the Hsiung-nu. Moreover, if their kings and generals [try to] force the Hsiung-nu to return to the north, it is inevitable that they would turn to attack their kings. When the Hsiung-nu have developed a craving for our rice, stew, barbecues, and wine, this will have become their fatal weakness."
[1]
[1]: (Yu 1990, 124) |
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Not polity owned. "preexisting commercial towns (marka) ... were incorporated into the kingdom and ... enjoyed some autonomy from direct state intervention."
[1]
[1]: (Monroe and Ogundiran 2012, 25) J Cameron Monroe. Akinwumi Ogundiran. Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa. J Cameron Monroe. Akinwumi Ogundiran. eds. 2012. Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa: Archaeological Perspectives.Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. |
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’There is no evidence that the economy was monetized, and the exchange of goods recorded in some inscriptions do not appear to represent trade, at least not market transactions. Since land is described as donated by individual officials, it would appear that it was either private property, or property of the small communities which could be assigned for use by the communities’ leaders.’
[1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, p. 257) |
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’There is no evidence that the economy was monetized, and the exchange of goods recorded in some inscriptions do not appear to represent trade, at least not market transactions. Since land is described as donated by individual officials, it would appear that it was either private property, or property of the small communities which could be assigned for use by the communities’ leaders.’
[1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, p. 257) |
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In the early Russian period, Sakha actively participated in trade relations with Russians: ’Yakut also engaged in the fur trade; by the twentieth century hunters for luxury furs had depleted the ermines, sables, and foxes, and they were relying on squirrels. Yakut merchants and transporters spread throughout the entire northeast, easing communications and trade for natives and Russians. They sold luxuries like silver and gold jewelry and carved bone, ivory, and wood crafts in addition to staples such as butter, meat, and hay. Barter, Russian money, and furs formed the media of exchange. Guns were imported, as was iron for local blacksmiths.’
[1]
Outside of Russian settlements, Sakha relied on travelling merchants rather than markets: ’The system of tsarist administration was no different here from what existed in any other part of Northern Siberia. The Dolgans, Yakuts and Evenks had to pay the fur-tax as “natives” and formed “clans” headed by princelings, while the tundra peasants were forced to pay a poll tax, were formed into a “community” and headed by an elder. People living many hundreds of kilometers away from the nearest centers were economically dependent on the merchants who monopolized supplies to the region, bought up all the furs, and cruelly exploited the population.’
[2]
This aspect combined with Sakha transhumanism suggests an absence of permanent markets.
[1]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut [2]: Popov, A. A. 1964. “Dolgans”, 656 |
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The foreign authorities established colonial settlements (see above), enabling trading relations with the Orokaiva population: ’European contact was to alter radically two major facets of pre-contact Orokaivan life. Forced pacification and compulsory labour would inhibit the scope of feasting and fighting. It would also open the path for the more regular association of different clans and tribes in the context of voluntary market exchange and government carrying and road work. This wider, peaceful association would modify the narrow moral universe. This was also to be challenged by the introduced missionaries, who would call on people to love all fellow humans.’
[1]
Accordingly, it is assumed here that markets did not predate colonization.
[1]: Newton, Janice 1985. “Orokaiva Production And Change”, 24 |
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probably absent. No archaeological record for a market/ no reference to markets in the literature. According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange."
[1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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’Although there is considerable record of exchanges, between individuals and temples, and to a lesser extent between individuals, there are no references to market activities, nor even terms which may be glossed as "market", "trade", or "merchant"; and with one dubious exception, there is no reference to tax collection. Neither is there reference to coinage, although precious metals are mentioned as objects of exchanges among donors and temples. The lack of coinage seems confirmed by the inability of archaeologists or architects excavating and restoring temples to discover any coins which may be dated between the end of the Funan and the post-Angkor period.’
[1]
Strong evidence against the importance of trade or markets is the absence of money in post-6th-century Cambodia in contrast to Funan which had coinage’
[2]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 275) [2]: (Vickery 1998, 314) |
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"The economy of these communities was still as local as their political organisation, while cultural as well as environmental features existed on a regional level. However, there were also what could be defined, albeit anachronistically, as commercial interactions. There is no contradiction between the local aspect of production and the existence of long-distance exchange. Basic materials and resources needed for survival were still gathered within a radius of a few kilometres from the settlement itself. Moreover, the transport of food and heavy materials over long distances was not yet possible. However, there were precious materials (precious for that period), generally small and light to carry, which were transported over very long distances considering their place of origin."
[1]
May have been trade with villages.
[1]
None of this sounds like a formal market place, within a village.
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 45) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. |
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"absence of trade centres, restricted use of coinage (numismatic findings are limited), and absence of objects showing long distance trade."
[1]
[1]: (Sawant 2009) Reshma Sawant. 2008. ‘State Formation Process In The Vidarbha During The Vakataka Period’. Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-Graduate and Research Institute 68-69: 137-162.< |
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There is no evidence for markets, "nothing that would suggest an integrated economy of any kind."
[1]
"There were probably no markets at Cahokia. Distribution of food and manufactured goods (e.g. shell beads) were likely “event based”, taking place at feasts and rituals. Barter or reciprocal exchange was likely part of an informal economy that circulated goods on a limited basis. Some redistribution of surplus production may have taken place as well."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine 2014, 31) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange."
[1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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According to Marak, plains markets were frequented by the A’chik even when raiding was still practiced: ‘They visited markets at bordering plains with their produce from the hills like raw cotton, chillies, ginger, wax, rubber, lac and other things to barter for essential items such as salt, dried fish and jewellery of all kinds and most important metal implements and weapons which they needed so desperately. In other words, to generate surplus they needed slaves. To get slaves they had to attack the plains or neighbouring villages. To win and capture slaves they needed to be strong and alert. Obviously in a situation like this economic strength promoted the physical strength.’
[1]
Were these markets permanent structures or open fields where stalls could be set up, ad hoc? If the A’chik built permanent structures to function as a place for an exchange of goods then code as present, otherwise absent.
[1]: Marak, Kumie R. 1997. “Traditions And Modernity In Matrilineal Tribal Society”, 45 |
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"The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31) |
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No polity-owned markets appear to have existed, as the following quote appears to make their existence seem highly unlikely, though local marketplaces were supposedly present. “According to Mudenge (1974), trade in the Torwa–Changamire state was conducted by vashambadzi (Mudenge 1974), with no special market days or market places. There is no evidence to support the view that trade was conducted at the court of the kings (Mudenge 1974). Trading stations or local market places (bares) existed across the Rozvi region, and ‘vashambadzi traversed all that region, bartering for gold from village to village without necessarily ever visiting the Mambo’s court’ (Mudenge 1974, p. 386).”
[1]
.
[1]: (Chirikure & Moffett 2018, 18) Abigail Moffett & Shadreck Chirikure, “Exotica in Context: Reconfiguring Prestige, Power and Wealth in the Southern African Iron Age,” in Journal of World Prehistory Vol. 29 No. 3 (2016). Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z29GV5VQ/item-list |
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Before the New Kingdom inter-regional trade was conducted between institutions. "Merchants who worked for their own gain existed in ancient Egypt only during the New Kingdom." Ancient Egypt was a "supply state" with the necessities distributed down from institutions to the people. Goods exchanged at markets were primarily consumables like beer and bread, also some dried meat, fish, vegetables and fruits. Non-consumables included household artifacts.
[1]
However: "non-institutional trade networks should be considered. Egyptology has traditionally interpreted pharaonic foreign trade as relying exclusively on exchange operations promoted and carried out by the monarchy, especially through expeditions seeking for exotic and luxury items from Punt, Nubia and the Levant. However, things seem more complex."
[2]
Coded as unknown because no evidence for actual market places or buildings. AD Warburton disagrees with the supply state view "lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[3]
[1]: (Altenmuller 2001) [2]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Invaders or just herders? Libyans in Egypt in the third and second millennia BCE, 5) [3]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
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The following quote refers to the 17th century, and suggests that a significant commercial circuit only emerged in the 19th. "There probably were no markets in central Rwanda and it is not known whether the commercial circuit that existed north of Lake Kivu during the nineteenth century was already in place or not."
[1]
[1]: (Vansina 2004: 30) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5J4MRHUB/collection. |
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The Shuar engaged in barter trade with other Amerindian societies and whites, in order to obtain goods such as weapons or cloth: ’The material used for clothing is nowadays in many instances of European make, at least in the case of women’s dresses. They obtain this material, which is nothing but ordinary unbleached muslin. (tocuyo), through barter. They themselves dye it brown. I noticed that the itipe of the men was in all instances home made material. The reason for this may lie in the fact that the men do the spinning and weaving.’
[1]
’In all the tambos I found Winchester rifles which they had obtained from the rubber collectors by barter for rubber. But since the Indians most of the time do not have any [72] shot to go with it, these rifles are for the most part ornamental pieces. As a matter of fact, the Indians are not too fond of rifles since, they maintain, their report chases the game off.’
[2]
’Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös.’
[3]
’In former years the Indians came as far as Bella Vista and later even to Bagua Chica in order to exchange parrots and other animals for articles of everyday use. Raimondi tells us that in 1845 the Aguarunas destroyed at the same time the mestizo-settlements [47] Puyaya and Copallín, the one situated on the right bank of the Marañón River, somewhat below the Rentema, the other on the left bank.’
[4]
When dealing with white intermediaries or patrones, exchange rates between different types of goods were informal but somewhat regular: ’In order to get articles that were valuable to them the Indians started to collect the products of their forests. In exchange for rubber, various resins, canoes, Maní, yucca, bananas, tamed animals and parrots the Indians ask for Winchester repeating arms, rifles and the necessary ammunition, axes, knives, scissors, needles, fishhooks, mirrors, cotton wares, sewing thread, etc. At that time the rate of exchange was the following: For a small canoe for six people they would receive an ordinary single-barrelled rifle (European value perhaps 10 Marks). For a hen or a large bunch of bananas they would receive one vara (84 cm.) of Tocuyo (thin, unbleached cotton, muslin?). In exchange for a basket (15 liter) of ground-nuts (maní) they could barter 4 vara (336 cm.) of Tocuyo. I have witnessed it several times in Nazaret that the Indians were terribly cheated with regard to weight when they made their rubber deliveries to the white men, and I could see it from the expression on their faces that they were aware of the fraud.’
[5]
In most cases, barter trade operated through intermediaries or patrones rather than established markets in white settlements. [By and large this is true, but shuar parties would occasionally travel to colono settlements to trade , and even travel up to Andean cities to trade gold powder against metal tools. There are records of such incursions in last quarter of 18th century and again between 1850 and 1880.] ’The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.’
[6]
’Frontier’ communities would act as intermediaries between settlers and ’interior’ groups: ’Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI ) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.’
[6]
Given the ’occasional’ nature of incursion into market towns, we have provisionally coded the variable absent.
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 58 [2]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71p [3]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71 [4]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 46p [5]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 48 [6]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro |
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The Shuar engaged in barter trade with other Amerindian societies and whites, in order to obtain goods such as weapons or cloth: ’The material used for clothing is nowadays in many instances of European make, at least in the case of women’s dresses. They obtain this material, which is nothing but ordinary unbleached muslin. (tocuyo), through barter. They themselves dye it brown. I noticed that the itipe of the men was in all instances home made material. The reason for this may lie in the fact that the men do the spinning and weaving.’
[1]
’In all the tambos I found Winchester rifles which they had obtained from the rubber collectors by barter for rubber. But since the Indians most of the time do not have any [72] shot to go with it, these rifles are for the most part ornamental pieces. As a matter of fact, the Indians are not too fond of rifles since, they maintain, their report chases the game off.’
[2]
’Spears with iron points were generally in use when I visited the Indians. The point (see Figure 7) has a socket at the bottom. The shaft is fastened into the socket with the help of resin. The spear or lance has a length of 2 1/2 - 3 1/2 meters. They are said to obtain the iron points by way of barter from the Indians along the upper Senepa. The points are said to come from Ecuador. The spear with the iron point is called nánki by the Indians. Formerly spears were used shaped out of the wood of the chonta palm, and they still occur in isolated instances. The shape of their point is the same as the iron one, but its cross-section shows a somewhat concave outline. Shaft and point are made out of one piece. These chonta lances are called angös.’
[3]
’In former years the Indians came as far as Bella Vista and later even to Bagua Chica in order to exchange parrots and other animals for articles of everyday use. Raimondi tells us that in 1845 the Aguarunas destroyed at the same time the mestizo-settlements [47] Puyaya and Copallín, the one situated on the right bank of the Marañón River, somewhat below the Rentema, the other on the left bank.’
[4]
When dealing with white intermediaries or patrones, exchange rates between different types of goods were informal but somewhat regular: ’In order to get articles that were valuable to them the Indians started to collect the products of their forests. In exchange for rubber, various resins, canoes, Maní, yucca, bananas, tamed animals and parrots the Indians ask for Winchester repeating arms, rifles and the necessary ammunition, axes, knives, scissors, needles, fishhooks, mirrors, cotton wares, sewing thread, etc. At that time the rate of exchange was the following: For a small canoe for six people they would receive an ordinary single-barrelled rifle (European value perhaps 10 Marks). For a hen or a large bunch of bananas they would receive one vara (84 cm.) of Tocuyo (thin, unbleached cotton, muslin?). In exchange for a basket (15 liter) of ground-nuts (maní) they could barter 4 vara (336 cm.) of Tocuyo. I have witnessed it several times in Nazaret that the Indians were terribly cheated with regard to weight when they made their rubber deliveries to the white men, and I could see it from the expression on their faces that they were aware of the fraud.’
[5]
In most cases, barter trade operated through intermediaries or patrones rather than established markets in white settlements. [By and large this is true, but shuar parties would occasionally travel to colono settlements to trade , and even travel up to Andean cities to trade gold powder against metal tools. There are records of such incursions in last quarter of 18th century and again between 1850 and 1880.] Given the occasional nature of these activities, we provisionally coded the variable absent.
[1]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 58 [2]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71p [3]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 71 [4]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 46p [5]: Brüning, Hans H. 1928. “Travelling In The Aguaruna Region”, 48 |
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According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange."
[1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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|
According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange."
[1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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"lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[1]
[1]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
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The first possible evidence for markets does not occur until the Late/Terminal Formative
[1]
or Classic Period.
[2]
[3]
[4]
[1]: Castanzo, Ronald A. and Kenneth G. Hirth. (2008) "El asentamiento del periodo Formativo en la cuenca central de Puebla-Tlaxcala, Mexico. In Ann Cyphers and Kenneth G. Hirth (eds.) Ideologia politica y sociedad en el periodo Formativo:Ensayos en homenaje al doctor David C. Grove. IIA/UNAM, Mexico City, pp.203-231. [2]: Carballo, David M. (2013) "The Social Organization of Craft Production and Interregional Exchange at Teotihuacan." In Kenneth H. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury (eds.) Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, pg. 113-140. [3]: Kenneth H. Hirth. (2013) "The Merchant’s World: Commercial Diversity and the Economics of Interregional Exchange in Highland Mesoamerica." In Kenneth H. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury (eds.) Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, pg. 85-112. [4]: Kenneth H. Hirth. (2013) "Economic Consumption and Domestic Economy in Cholula’s Rural Hinterland, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 24(2): 123-148. |
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Before the New Kingdom inter-regional trade was conducted between institutions. "Merchants who worked for their own gain existed in ancient Egypt only during the New Kingdom." Ancient Egypt was a "supply state" with the necessities distributed down from institutions to the people. Goods exchanged at markets were primarily consumables like beer and bread, also some dried meat, fish, vegetables and fruits. Non-consumables included household artifacts.
[1]
However: "non-institutional trade networks should be considered. Egyptology has traditionally interpreted pharaonic foreign trade as relying exclusively on exchange operations promoted and carried out by the monarchy, especially through expeditions seeking for exotic and luxury items from Punt, Nubia and the Levant. However, things seem more complex."
[2]
AD: coded as unknown because no evidence for actual market places or buildings. Warburton disagrees with the supply state view "lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[3]
[1]: (Altenmuller 2001) [2]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Invaders or just herders? Libyans in Egypt in the third and second millennia BCE, 5) [3]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
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There was a pile-dwelling in Jiahu Phase I that was not a residence.
[1]
No ritual or domestic artifacts were found under the structure which signals that it might be a communal space. However, Peregrine (2001: 284) writes that households were independent and self-sustaining.
[2]
[1]: (Liu 2005: 75) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/Q77FKW2H?. [2]: (Peregrine 2001: 284) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/QUL2KD3Z. |
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There is no evidence for markets, "nothing that would suggest an integrated economy of any kind."
[1]
"There were probably no markets at Cahokia. Distribution of food and manufactured goods (e.g. shell beads) were likely “event based”, taking place at feasts and rituals. Barter or reciprocal exchange was likely part of an informal economy that circulated goods on a limited basis. Some redistribution of surplus production may have taken place as well."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine 2014, 31) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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|
There is no evidence for markets, "nothing that would suggest an integrated economy of any kind."
[1]
"There were probably no markets at Cahokia. Distribution of food and manufactured goods (e.g. shell beads) were likely “event based”, taking place at feasts and rituals. Barter or reciprocal exchange was likely part of an informal economy that circulated goods on a limited basis. Some redistribution of surplus production may have taken place as well."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine 2014, 31) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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-
|
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|
Were these markets permanent structures or open fields where stalls could be set up, ad hoc? If the A’chik built permanent structures to function as a place for an exchange of goods then code as present, otherwise absent. - ‘They visited markets at bordering plains with their produce from the hills like raw cotton, chillies, ginger, wax, rubber, lac and other things to barter for essential items such as salt, dried fish and jewellery of all kinds and most important metal implements and weapons which they needed so desperately. In other words, to generate surplus they needed slaves. To get slaves they had to attack the plains or neighbouring villages. To win and capture slaves they needed to be strong and alert. Obviously in a situation like this economic strength promoted the physical strength.’
[1]
‘Each of the markets in the Garo Hills is held on a particular day in the seven-day week. They are staggered to allow the traders to make the rounds of several markets, staying just one day at each before moving on. The traders are plains men, mostly Bengalis. The Rengsanggri people deal primarily with two markets. The most important is the Friday market at Rongram, which is on the road about three miles from the village; but a few villagers always attend the Saturday market which is held in Tura, another nine miles along the road to the south. More rarely one or two men from Rengsanggri visit the market which is held at Garobadha, to the west of Tura. The Rongram market has been opened only since the partition of India, following which a new road was put through to Tura to avoid the threat of disrupted communications raised by the partition. Formerly most marketing was done in Tura, but the one at Rongram is more convenient and has become one of the most important markets of the Garo Hills. It draws people from all sides-particularly from the north and east, since in those directions there are no markets for many miles, while it has competition from Tura and Garobadha in the south and west. People are already streaming into the market area by Thursday afternoon, since the Friday market really begins then. Those who come from a great distance camp for the night in the market area and cook their supper at open fires from food that they bring with them. On Friday morning they are joined by many more people from the villages closer by. Garos walk in over the footpaths that crisscross the hills, and almost everybody carries a basket hung by a tump line from his forehead. Some carry goods to sell, others need the space to carry home their purchases, and everyone brings along a few personal possessions. Traders come by truck or by bus, bringing large burlapwrapped bundles of their wares. Activity in Rongram reaches a peak early Friday morning, when as many as three thousand people may be milling around the market; by noon, people are leaving again. Many go back to their villages, but most of the traders, and a few of the Garos, move up to Tura for the market the next day.’
[2]
[1]: Marak, Kumie R. 1997. “Traditions And Modernity In Matrilineal Tribal Society”, 45 [2]: Burling, Robbins 1963. “Rengsanggri: Family And Kinship In A Garo Village”, 272 |
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"The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31) |
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In the colonial period, Iban farmers traded cash crops at local markets and trading centres: ’Although the price of rubber has slumped, some Iban are still tapping their trees and selling them unsmoked at twenty eight cents per kati in the up river areas, and forty to forty five cents in the bazaar. According to one informer it is not worth the trouble to work the family rubber trees, since the cost of processing the rubber comes to about the same as the price (for example, the cost for diluted acid for coagulating rubber latex is $1.50 per bottle). Most Iban have small holdings of rubber, the usual size is between 200-300 trees per family. The government assistance is by way of providing planting schemes (called RPS or Rubber Planting Schemes) to replant old trees with high yielding rubber. Under this scheme in 1971, over 300 acreas of rubber were to be replanted (ARLAD 1971). The Iban’s gardens include both ‘RPS’ and old ones. The total district rubber sheet production for 1970 was 10,000 pikuls . The rubber is bought by Chinese retailers in Engkilili and Lubuk Antu bazaars who then smoke the sheets and transport them to Kuching for shipment overseas. Iban in the district sell only unsmoked rubber (ARLAD 1970).’
[1]
Trade relations were frequently channelled through non-tribal middlemen: ’Chinese and Iban economic relations characteristically have been of a patron-client nature. In early trading contacts, the Chinese were dependent upon Ibans and other indigenes for the supply of jungle produce on which their livelihood was based. With the establishment of trading centers such as the Sibu pasar, exchange tended to become fixed between the Iban client and his Chinese patron ( towkay ), rather than an Iban dealing with a number of different businessmen. The patron-client relationship has proved to be of mutual advantage to both parties. In time of need ( maya suntok ), the Iban can obtain credit or even a cash advance from his towkay. When he has marketable goods, he is assured of an outlet through the trader. When he comes to the pasar on business, because of an illness, or just to see the town ( ngalu diri’ ) he can usually find lodging over or behind his towkay’s shophouse. From the towkay’s perspective, he has an assurance of produce, as well as first choice on anything the client brings to market. Whereas the client usually has but one towkay , the patron has a number of clients, all of whom are bound to him by credit relations. These relations are built upon trust and friendship which is honored in a majority of cases.’
[2]
Some Iban leaders also formally owned bazaar shops: ’By 1900 it was not uncommon for Third Division Iban leaders to own bazaar shophouses. Since the Ibans never took part in the operation of the business, which remained entirely in the hands of the Chinese, “owning” a shop in this manner was really no more than a form of loan, with rental substituted for interest and the shophouse serving as security. In the Second Division, where the Ibans did not enjoy such close proximity to an enormous hinterland rich in jungle produce, there is less evidence of cash wealth on such a scale at so early a period. But with the advent of cultivated rubber, the Saribas Ibans in particular caught up with and passed their migrated brethren in the Rejang. In the boom years during and following World War I, they too began to invest in Chinese shops, until nearly half the shops in Betong Bazaar, and more than half of those in some smaller outstations such as Spaoh on the Paku, were Iban owned. This trend, which was always restricted to the Saribas, has not continued since World War II, but in 1966 more than twenty of the sixty-six shophouses in Betong were still wholly or partially owned by Ibans.’
[3]
The sources seem to indicate that this practice originated in the colonial period only, piracy and home production being the norm beforehand.
[1]: Kedit, Peter M. (Peter Mulok) 1980. “Modernization Among The Iban Of Sarawak”, 86 [2]: Sutlive, Vinson H. 1973. “From Longhouse To Pasar: Urbanization In Sarawak, East Malaysia”, 126 [3]: Pringle, Robert Maxwell 1968. “Ibans Of Sarawak Under Brooke Rule, 1841-1941”, 497 |
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There is no evidence for markets, "nothing that would suggest an integrated economy of any kind."
[1]
"There were probably no markets at Cahokia. Distribution of food and manufactured goods (e.g. shell beads) were likely “event based”, taking place at feasts and rituals. Barter or reciprocal exchange was likely part of an informal economy that circulated goods on a limited basis. Some redistribution of surplus production may have taken place as well."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine 2014, 31) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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" There are no indications of far- or middle-distance exchange or trade contacts (apart from a few stone raw materials that do not occur locally and the depiction of a sea shell on the head of a male terracotta sculpture), no signs of communal construction activities, and no preserved facilities to store agricultural surplus. [...] It has to be considered that the preservation of features in Nok sites is generally poor and that the amount of data is not too large and regionally restricted to a rather small key study area."
[1]
[1]: (Breunig and Ruppe 2016: 253) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/ES4TRU7R. |
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The following suggests that the only identified buildings were houses, and that houses fulfilled multiple purposes ("economically generalized”). ”The community [of Kirikongo] was founded by a single house (Mound 4) c. ad 100 (Yellow I), as part of a regional expansion of farming peoples in small homesteads in western Burkina Faso. A true village emerged with the establishment of a second house (Mound 1) c. ad 450, and by the end of the first millennium ad the community had expanded to six houses. At first, these were economically generalized houses (potting, iron metallurgy, farming and herding) settled distantly apart with direct access to farming land that appear to have exercised some autonomy."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 21-22) |
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" There are no indications of far- or middle-distance exchange or trade contacts (apart from a few stone raw materials that do not occur locally and the depiction of a sea shell on the head of a male terracotta sculpture), no signs of communal construction activities, and no preserved facilities to store agricultural surplus. [...] It has to be considered that the preservation of features in Nok sites is generally poor and that the amount of data is not too large and regionally restricted to a rather small key study area."
[1]
[1]: (Breunig and Ruppe 2016: 253) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/ES4TRU7R. |
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’Markets were apparently ad hoc, seasonal with no permanent buildings. They do not seem owned by anybody, but the owner of the land they stood on could receive compensation. There were no ‘polity-owned’ markets.’
[1]
Icelanders maintained trading relations with Scandinavians and Europeans: ’The early Icelanders maintained commercial contacts with Europe and obtained goods from Scandinavia, England, the Norse Orkneys, and the Netherlands. The majority of trade, however, was with Norway, both for Norwegian goods and for foreign goods obtained by Norwegian merchants. The limited resources, especially in terms of raw materials for manufactured goods, made Iceland highly dependent on imported goods. Even before the decline and cessation of grain production in Iceland it is unlikely that Iceland ever produced enough cereals to meet its own needs. Of special significance in a feasting economy, grain and malt were essential to ale production. After Christianization imported wine also become essential for the celebration of communion. Many higher quality iron products, for example weapons and armor, could not be produced from local sources and were imported, mostly in finished forms. Other metals - brass, tin, lead, gold, silver, and bronze - were unavailable locally as well as steatite for utensils and stone suitable for making whetstones. Iceland had a limited number of exportable resources and goods. Homespun woolen cloth was the principal export and was a common standard of value in local exchanges. Sulfur, unavailable from any continental source, was a valuable commodity. Falcons and various animal skins - sheep, fox, and cat - were marketable as were cheese and possibly butter. Fish, the current mainstay of the Icelandic economy was not a significant export item in early Iceland.’
[2]
According to Bolender, there were no formal markets: ’There were no formal markets and most exchanges and payments, such as rents, were made in kind. Regular assemblies provided a venue for traders and specialized producers who also traveled among farmsteads. Despite the rarity of monetary exchanges, the Icelanders maintained a complex system of value equivalencies based on a silver ounce standard that encompassed most exchangeable goods.’
[2]
But Smith et al mention trading and harbor sites, usually the result of private initiative: ’Other models, each with specific archaeological correlates, could be utilized to examine other relationships. Information on fortifications, boat houses, or the size of dwellings might be used to generate data on the position of farms in political hierarchies. The size and distribution of chapels, cemeteries, and other sacred structures could provide information on religious hierarchies. Other features of the landscape (réttar, þing sites), trail or road markers (Jónsson 1980), boundary markers (Jónsson 1983), and trading or harbor sites (Þorkelsson [Page 195] 1984) could provide information on patterns of regional integration. Modern agricultural data on the productivity of different vegetative communities could also be integrated with archaeological information on farm complexes to estimate their foddering capabilities, their potential productivity, and the degree to which their resources were over- or under-exploited or changed through time (cf. McGovern 1980). The integration of data on economic, political, and ecclesiastic rank, economic strategies, regional integration, and biological productivity should permit detailed analyses of the structure of and changes in regional socioeconomic and political organization and evaluation of the role of different social and ecological factors in causing or directing cultural change.’
[3]
[1]: Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins [2]: Bolender, Douglas James and Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders [3]: Smith, Kevin P., and Jeffrey R. Parsons 1989. “Regional Archaeological Research In Iceland: Potentials And Possibilities”, 194 |
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The multi-function Roman forum building which also functioned as a marketplace was not present at this time.
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The multi-function Roman forum building which also functioned as a marketplace was not present at this time.
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Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31) |
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There is no evidence for markets, "nothing that would suggest an integrated economy of any kind."
[1]
"There were probably no markets at Cahokia. Distribution of food and manufactured goods (e.g. shell beads) were likely “event based”, taking place at feasts and rituals. Barter or reciprocal exchange was likely part of an informal economy that circulated goods on a limited basis. Some redistribution of surplus production may have taken place as well."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine 2014, 31) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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The Iroquois figured prominently in indigenous and colonial trade networks, and goods were exchanged at colonial forts and through intermediaries,
[1]
[2]
but no permanent market places are reported for Iroquois settlements in the pre-reservation period. During the reservation period, access to markets in white settlements became important for the sale of cash crops, however.
[2]
[1]: Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois [2]: Foley, Denis 1994. “Ethnohistoric And Ethnographic Analysis Of The Iroquois From The Aboriginal Era To The Present Suburban Era”, 64 |
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The Iroquois figured prominently in indigenous and colonial trade networks: ’Long before European contact the Iroquois were involved in an intricate trade network with other native groups (see cultural relations above). Clay pipes were an important trade item that reached other native groups all along the east coast of North America. The aggressive behavior the Iroquois exhibited towards their neighbors during the fur trade period has been interpreted by some as the result of their aim to protect and expand their middleman role. Others have suggested that the aggressive behavior of the Iroquois tribes was related to the scarcity of furs in their own territory and the resulting difficulty in obtaining European trade goods. According to this theory, the Iroquois warred primarily to obtain the trade goods of their neighbors in closer contact with Europeans. After the center of fur trading activities had moved farther west, the Iroquois continued to play an important role as voyageurs and trappers.’
[1]
Furs were particularly important: ’New goods flooded Iroquois markets in return for beaver pelts. Iroqueis warriers, intensified their dostructive exploits, in return for gratuities from foriegn agents as Sir Willian Johnson. However, as long as matrons romained the chief distributers and as long as coremenials such as the Ten Day Feast funstioned, goods were distributed throughout the tribe, village or lineage in an equalitarian manner. Consequently the symbelis system prevented any significant inorease in distributional inequality. However, beginning in the first half of the sixteonth century, a small segment of Mohawk tradesmen and hunters abandoned their traditional religion in order to cement trading relationships with Dutch, French and English mershantd (Feister 1973). These Christians quickly reverted back to their traditional belief system.’
[2]
Goods were exchanged at colonial forts and through intermediaries, but no permanent market places are reported for Iroquois settlements or near them.
[1]: Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois [2]: Foley, Denis 1994. “Ethnohistoric And Ethnographic Analysis Of The Iroquois From The Aboriginal Era To The Present Suburban Era”, 187 |
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The first possible evidence for markets does not occur until the Late/Terminal Formative
[1]
or Classic Period.
[2]
[3]
[4]
[1]: Castanzo, Ronald A. and Kenneth G. Hirth. (2008) "El asentamiento del periodo Formativo en la cuenca central de Puebla-Tlaxcala, Mexico. In Ann Cyphers and Kenneth G. Hirth (eds.) Ideologia politica y sociedad en el periodo Formativo:Ensayos en homenaje al doctor David C. Grove. IIA/UNAM, Mexico City, pp.203-231. [2]: Carballo, David M. (2013) "The Social Organization of Craft Production and Interregional Exchange at Teotihuacan." In Kenneth H. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury (eds.) Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, pg. 113-140. [3]: Kenneth H. Hirth. (2013) "The Merchant’s World: Commercial Diversity and the Economics of Interregional Exchange in Highland Mesoamerica." In Kenneth H. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury (eds.) Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, pg. 85-112. [4]: Kenneth H. Hirth. (2013) "Economic Consumption and Domestic Economy in Cholula’s Rural Hinterland, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 24(2): 123-148. |
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The Sakha actively participated in trade relations with Russians: ’Yakut also engaged in the fur trade; by the twentieth century hunters for luxury furs had depleted the ermines, sables, and foxes, and they were relying on squirrels. Yakut merchants and transporters spread throughout the entire northeast, easing communications and trade for natives and Russians. They sold luxuries like silver and gold jewelry and carved bone, ivory, and wood crafts in addition to staples such as butter, meat, and hay. Barter, Russian money, and furs formed the media of exchange. Guns were imported, as was iron for local blacksmiths.’
[1]
Outside of Russian settlements, the Sakha relied on travelling merchants rather than markets: ’The system of tsarist administration was no different here from what existed in any other part of Northern Siberia. The Dolgans, Yakuts and Evenks had to pay the fur-tax as “natives” and formed “clans” headed by princelings, while the tundra peasants were forced to pay a poll tax, were formed into a “community” and headed by an elder. People living many hundreds of kilometers away from the nearest centers were economically dependent on the merchants who monopolized supplies to the region, bought up all the furs, and cruelly exploited the population.’
[2]
[1]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut [2]: Popov, A. A. 1964. “Dolgans”, 656 |
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Not enough data, though it seems to reasonable infer absence.
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The following suggests that perhaps "community-focus structures" developed later. A Middle Archaic example of open-air site is Gheo-Shih [Oaxaca Valley], which is a field marked by boulders and kept clean. This is considered to be one of Mesoamerica’s earliest example of a community-focus structure, such as the plaza, temple-pyramid, and palace, all of which developed in the Formative and later periods.
[1]
[1]: (Evans 2004: 92) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/EWW3Q2TA. |
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Border markets are coded under Trade emporia as present. "The statesman and scholar Chia I, who died in 169 B.C., has left us with a brief account concerning the border markets: It is the border markets [kuan-shih] which the Hsiung-nu need most badly, and they have sought desperately to obtain them from us, even resorting to force. I urge your majesty to send envoys with lavish gifts to make peace with [the Hsiung-nu], using this opportunity to inform them of our decision, made not without reluctance, to grant their request of establishing large-sized border markets. Upon the return of our envoys, we should immediately open up many [markets] in locations of strategic importance. In each of these market places sufficient military forces must be stationed for [our] self- protection. Every large border market should include shops which specialize in selling raw meat, wine, cooked rice, and delicious barbecues. All the shops must be of a size capable of serving one or two hundred people. In this way our markets beneath the Great Wall will surely swarm with the Hsiung-nu. Moreover, if their kings and generals [try to] force the Hsiung-nu to return to the north, it is inevitable that they would turn to attack their kings. When the Hsiung-nu have developed a craving for our rice, stew, barbecues, and wine, this will have become their fatal weakness."
[1]
[1]: (Yu 1990, 124) |
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According to Alan Covey: "No evidence of money. I don’t know how one would document “markets”—in the exchange sense or the spatial sense? There is not enough evidence to evaluate exchange systems in the Cuzco region before Inca times, and the study of Inca exchange is steeped in substantivist/Marxian ideology that downplays exchange."
[1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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’There were no polity owned market buildings.’
[1]
Norway attempted to monopolize the Icelandic trade, but the flow of goods was interrupted in times of crisis: ’Though few ships might at times arrive in Icelandic harbors, many Norwegian merchantmen usually visited Iceland every year. The Icelandic annals state that in 1340 eleven ships came to Iceland, in 1345 twevle ships, in 1357 eighteen ships besides two which foundered on the voyage. Seagoing vessels were also built in Iceland. Many Icelanders owned ships with which they undoubtedly carried on trade, as had always been their custom, though most of the commerce was now in the hands of Norwegian merchants. But the import trade, which had always been small, could not supply the growing needs of the people. The Icelandic annals show that at times there must have been great need of imports, since it happened that the mass could not be celebrated for want of wine. During years when no ships came to Iceland, or when only one or two arrived each year, the need of articles for which people were wholly dependent on imports must have been very great. Still more deplorable was the inadequacy of imports during periods of famine and other great calamities, when little aid could be given the stricken population. Under ordinary circumstances commerce was probably sufficient to supply the people with the necessary articles, but the meaning of the provision regarding commerce inserted in the "Gamil sáttmáli", and constantly repeated in the union agreement, seems to have been that the Norwegian government should not suffer commerce at any time to fall below the specified minimum amount.’
[2]
’Trade and economic conditions continued as before without any distinct manifestation either of progress or decline. The destructive civil wars of the Sturlung period had undoubtedly done much to weaken the people’s strength, but and had hampered somewhat their intercourse with foreign lands, but the more peaceful era inaugurated by the union with Norway brought no perceptible change in prevailing conditions. Some scholars have considered the provision in the union agreement that six ships should be sent to Iceland every year as evidence that the commerce with Iceland at this time was declining, but K. Maurer has shown that this conclusion is erroneous. For various reasons few ships would arrive in Iceland during some years, but the same happened also during the most vigorous period of Icelandic national life, as in 1187 and 1219, when the Icelandic annals record that no ship arrived in Iceland. [He proceeds to describe some famines during the Commonwealth Period.] The old spirit of maritime enterprise was dying out among the Icelanders, as among all the Scandinavian peoples. No progress was made in trade or ship-building, and the Hanseatic merchants had already made their appearance as competitors for the control of Scandinavian commerce.’
[3]
Fish became an important resource for the export trade: ’It is not until around 1300 that fish exports are mentioned in reliable sources. Icelandic fish is first noted in English export records in 1307. In 1340 a court ruling was made in Norway that merchants were obliged to pay tithes on fish, fish oil and sulphur imported from Iceland, and not only on woollen cloth, as had been customary. The ruling states that this is because until recently little fish has been exported from Iceland, and a large quantity of woollen cloth, but that now fish and fish oil are exported from there in quantity.’
[4]
Karlsson mentions trading centres, usually the result of private initiative: ’It was in the years after 1300 that seasonal fishing stations became esablished on the southwest coast, and the wealthiest sector of society began to congregate in this region. The most powerful chieftains had almost all been based inland. Now the prosperous élite began to settle along the coast between Selvogur in the southwest and Vatnsfjördur in the West Fjords. Hvalfjördur and Hafnarfjördur developed into Iceland’s most important trading centres. The royal administration in Iceland was located at Bessastadir [...] This period saw the development of the mixed agrarian/fishing society that typefied the Icelandic economy for centuries. In January and Feburary, people travelled from rural areas to the fishing stations, where they remained until spring, fishing from small boats. This was the most favourable fishing season, as fish stocks were plentiful, the weather was cool enough to permit fish to be dried before spoiling, and relatively few hands were required on the farm. People were thus domiciled in rural areas, on farms.’
[5]
[1]: Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins [2]: Gjerset, Knut [1924]. "History of Iceland", 228p [3]: Gjerset, Knut [1924]. "History of Iceland", 209 [4]: Karlsson, Gunnar 2000. "A Brief History of Iceland", 24 [5]: Karlsson, Gunnar 2000. "A Brief History of Iceland", 24p |
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“Markets patterned on pre-conquest retail traditions resulted in crowds of vendors selling goods and foodstuffs from whatever patch of ground they could claim. Spanish goods and retailers also jockeyed for this open space, occasionally setting up so-called cajones de ropa or market stalls. As part of a larger effort to impose order (and raise revenues) upon public space, the Crown sought to regulate retailing; Viceroy Bucareli (1771–9) often remembered for using royal troops to clear vendors from the main square of Mexico City, fits within a longer process of moving markets into permanent structures and under government regulation of hygiene, propriety and, of course, taxation (Agostoni 2003). The most famous of these new permanent commercial structures was the parián, catering to a Europeanized clientele by the early 1700s. Mexico City’s bazaar-like arcade, aptly labeled the world’s first mall, featured purpose-built shops with stalls that displayed and stored merchants’ wares, all under the supervision of municipal authorities and the merchants’ guilds (the consulado or the gremio de los chinos). Merchants would not only sell goods, but also function as investment bankers, frequently receiving deposits of significant sums. By the first decade of national independence in the 1820s, the merchants of the Mexico City parián, the Parián, represented the epicenter of the country’s commercial transactions, holding deposits for investors, warehousing and distributing goods, and extending credit to wholesalers in other locales.”
[1]
“Authorities clearly understood the revolutionary potential of frustrated consumers, and not only worked hard to monitor, repair, and construct markets that delivered plenty of food to the population, but also, when a rise in grain and beef prices between 20 and 40% between 1907 and 1910 sowed discontent, the regime stepped in to boost food imports.”
[2]
“Few historians have looked at the dramatic changes wrought upon the urban landscape by commercial architecture and spaces for consumption, whether of goods, services, or leisure. Over time, open and enclosed markets, bazaars, street vendors, tailors, seamstresses, milliners, ready-made (often used) clothing retailers known as cajones, pawnshops, specialty shops, and other retailers had carved out spaces of consumption for differing social strata. In Mexico City, a fashionable shopping district demarcated by Plateros (today Madero), Tlapaleros (presently 16 de Septiembre), and Capuchinas (today’s Venustiano Carranza) emerged by the early twentieth century, in which 25% of all the country’s commercial transactions took place (Johns 1997).”
[3]
[1]: (Bunker and Macias-Gonzalez 2011: 58) Bunker, Steven B. and Macías-González, Víctor M. 2011. “Consumption and Material Culture from Pre-Contact through the Porfiriato,” in A Companion to Mexican History and Culture, ed. William H. Beezley. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. pp54–82. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDIQ5VE7 [2]: (Bunker and Macias-Gonzalez 2011: 73) Bunker, Steven B. and Macías-González, Víctor M. 2011. “Consumption and Material Culture from Pre-Contact through the Porfiriato,” in A Companion to Mexican History and Culture, ed. William H. Beezley. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. pp54–82. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDIQ5VE7 [3]: (Bunker and Macias-Gonzalez 2011: 71) Bunker, Steven B. and Macías-González, Víctor M. 2011. “Consumption and Material Culture from Pre-Contact through the Porfiriato,” in A Companion to Mexican History and Culture, ed. William H. Beezley. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. pp54–82. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDIQ5VE7 |
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Markets were present in towns and cities.
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Regarding the trade between the French and the Waalo on the Senegal River in 1686 CE. “The trading was generally conducted in Biert, in Maca, which La Courbe calls: ‘The stopover of the little junket, is a stopover or port on the river at eight leagues from our settlement.’ Trading also occurred at Bouscar, situated at twelved locations in Saint-Louis, forming a cluster of several villages in a great plain on the edge of the water. This commerce took place primarily at the crossroads of the desert which was the major market of Waalo and of which the European voyagers provided numerous descriptions.”
[1]
[1]: (Barry 2012, 64) Barry, Boubacar. 2012. The Kingdom of Waalo: Senegal Before the Conquest. New York: Diasporic Africa Press. Seshat URL:https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/9KV5MEKN/collection |
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Towns and cities had markets and trading emporiums. “Jeremy Haslam has suggested that not only was Offa responsible for a defensive network of burhs at important bridgeheads in eastern England, but that he may also have established a series of ‘urban’ markets to stimulate the Mercian economy.”
[1]
[1]: (Yorke 1990: 117) York, Barbara. 1990. Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England. London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203447307. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/YXTNCWJN |
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The Passage, established in the 1840s, is one of the oldest and most famous department stores in Russia, located on Nevsky Prospect, Saint Petersburg’s main avenue.
After the 1917 Revolution, like many private businesses, the Passage was nationalized by the Soviet government. It continued to operate as a state-owned department store throughout the Soviet period, making it a consistent and prominent example of a market under state ownership. [1] [1]: Zelenskiĭ, V. A. Passazh Sankt Peterburg, 1848-1998 = Passage St. Peterburg 1848-1998. Artdeko, 1998. Zotero link: 9IRLS5PW |
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Gostiny Dvor, one of the world’s oldest shopping arcades, is a historic market complex in the heart of Saint Petersburg. Its construction started in the 18th century and continued into the 19th century.
The first plan for a Gostiny Dvor (effectively, a large scale trading market) on Nevsky Prospect was developed in the late 1750s by the architect A. Rinaldi (never carried out). In 1757, the project for a two-storied Gostiny Dvor, was developed by the architect F. Rastrelli, this was approved and the construction started. [1] [1]: “Saint Petersburg Encyclopaedia.” Accessed December 13, 2023. http://www.encspb.ru/object/2804002210?lc=en. Zotero link: 8WJQBXTT |
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Bazaars were the local markets.
[1]
"Markets, weights and measures and trade generally, and, later, public morals, were controlled by the diwan of the muhtasib."
[2]
[1]: (Starr 2013) Starr, S. Frederick. 2013. Lost Enlightenment: Central Asia’s Golden Age from the Arab Conquest to Tamerlane. Princeton University Press. Princeton. [2]: (Negmatov 1997, 86) Negmatov, N N. in Asimov, M S and Bosworth, C E eds. 1997. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume IV. Part I. UNESCO. |
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Region was an important trade route and had markets prior to Hephthalite conquest. Hephthalites engaged in trade and minted coins for exchange.
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Hmong communities traded with Chinese merchants in towns and desginated market-places: ’Trade. - The Miao people do not know how to trade. Formerly, the Chinese brought salt and cloth into the Miao villages to exchange for their local products, but there were many dishonest traders, who cheated the Miao, giving rise to much confusion at times. Later the Chinese were officially prohibited from entering Miao villages to trade, but certain places were designated for sitting up markets, to be used once every five days, six times a month. The best-known markets among the Miao are the Te-sheng-ying, Kan-tzu-p’ing, Ya-pao-chai, Ya-la-ying, and Hsin-chai (Illus. 40) of Feng-huang; the Ta-hsin-chai of Kan-ch’eng; and the Wei-ch’eng, Lung-t’an, and Ma-li-ch’ang of Yung-sui. The important articles of trade are salt, cloth, animals, /Illus. 39, p. 73/ /Illus. 40 appears here/ and grains. Formerly, in trade between the Chinese and the Miao four small bowls were equal to one sheng. For cloth one measure between two hands was considered four ch’ih. The price of cattle and horses are set by the number of fists, regardless of age. The method of measurement by fist is like this. They take a bamboo splint and wind it around the fore ribs of the cow to set its girth, and then they measure the bamboo splint with their fists. A water buffalo which measures 16 fists is big, and a common yellow cow which measures 13 fists is large. The operation is called “fisting a cow.” In the case of horses age does come into consideration. They measure a horse from the ground to the saddle place by comparing it with a wooden rod. A 13-fist high one is big. A horse with few teeth but of many fists fetches a higher price, and the reverse fetches a lower price. This operation is called “comparing horses.” In recent times, in the sale of rice, cloth, and other articles, they have adopted the Chinese standards of weight and measurement, but “fisting cows” and “comparing horses” are sometimes still done.’
[1]
’Before 1949, some Miao sold opium, but more often poppy growing and production of raw opium was the required rent for cropland and the profits went to the landlord and middlemen. Very few Miao were full-time merchants or traders.’
[2]
’There are localities where the Ch’uan Miao barter a great deal because of the shortage of money, the differences being paid in cash. This is more common in northern Yunnan than in Szechwan where market-places and towns are more accessible. The Ch’uan Miao sell cattle, goats, sheep, horses, pigs, chickens, corn, rice, eggs and vegetables and purchase salt. cloth, silver ornaments, pottery and implements and tools made of iron.’
[3]
[1]: Ling, Shun-sheng, Yifu Ruey, and Lien-en Tsao 1947. “Report On An Investigation Of The Miao Of Western Hunan”, 103 [2]: Diamond, Norma: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Miao [3]: Graham, David Crockett 1937. “Customs Of The Ch’Uan Miao", 24 |
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Present in Ramesside period.
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There are no archaeological data. Markets thought existed both in Byzantine and Islamic world.
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"It is true, as Karl Polányi has pointed out, that we have to distinguish between market-place and market: the former is securely attested (Akkadian mah˘ı¯rum) in Mesopotamia from the Old Babylonian period onwards".
[1]
[1]: (Liverani 2014, 200) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/7DRZQS5Q/q/liverani. |
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"Other major administrative achievements of the Elamites included ... the construction and maintenance of numerous public works and enterprises, such as roads, bridges, cities and towns, communication centers, and economic and commercial centers..."
[1]
-- which period?
[1]: (Farazmand 2009, 22) Farazmand, Ali. 2009. Bureaucracy and Administration. CRC Press. Boca Raton. |
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"Other major administrative achievements of the Elamites included ... the construction and maintenance of numerous public works and enterprises, such as roads, bridges, cities and towns, communication centers, and economic and commercial centers"
[1]
[1]: (Farazmand 2009, 22) Farazmand, Ali. 2009. Bureaucracy and Administration. CRC Press. Boca Raton. |
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polity owned?
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continuity with Mongol Empire and the Yuan?
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"Almost every Aztec settlement[...] had a marketplace".
[1]
[1]: (Smith 1996: 114) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/6XJ65SKB. |
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Although the name ‘Jimma’ in this book is used for the whole kingdom, there is now a modern town called Jimma. It is located on the site of Jimma Abba Jifar’s greatest market, Hirmata, and is about two hundred miles-by road west-southwest of Addis Ababa.”
[1]
[1]: (Lewis 2001, xvi) Lewis, Herbert S. 2001. Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932. Lawrenceville, New Jersey: The Red Sea Press. Zotero link: NRZVWSCD |
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“There is evidence for the persistence of the forum as a central or market space in many cities, but in others the forum may have gone out of use even before the Ostrogothic period.”
[1]
[1]: (Deliyannis 2016: 241) Deliyannis, D. M. 2016. Urban Life and Culture. In Arnold, Bjornlie and Sessa (eds) A Companion to Ostrogothic Italy pp. 234-262. Brill. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JG677MNK/item-list |
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The right to hold a market or fair was granted by the king or local lords through market charters. These charters specified the location, frequency, and rules of operation.
Example: The market charter of Winchester, which regulated the trade of goods in one of England’s major towns. [webpage_Home | Domesday Book], [Carpenter 2003] |
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Kings and regional rulers granted charters for markets, giving them a legal status and often ensuring that a portion of the revenues (e.g., tolls or fees) went to the crown or regional authorities. [Reuter 1991]
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"It was quite common in the sedentary regions of Arabia to inscribe texts of a legal nature on stone (see chapter 5 above for examples). The advantage of this was that these texts were then easily available for all to read (or have read for them) and would endure for many lifetimes. The subjects are diverse: commercial ordinances (such as the list of taxes owing on goods sold in Palmyra put up by the city council, and the regulations concerning trade in the market of Timna established by the king of Qataban), sanctions against criminals, hydrological legislation, cultic prescriptions, boundary settlements, property claims and so forth. The issuing authority was most often a deity (whose edicts were effected by means of an oracle and received and transcribed by a religious functionary), a king or his representative, or a city or tribal council. And even individuals might avail themselves of this practice, laying down conditions for use of their tombs, asserting their ownership of houses and the like. A special type of juridical inscription, so far known chiefly from the Jawf region of south Arabia and Raybun in Hadramawt, is the penitential text, in which persons confess their infraction of a law, usually to do with purity, and make an offering in atonement."
[1]
[1]: (Hoyland 2001, 124) Hoyland, R. 2001. Arabia and the Arabs: From the Bronze Age to the Coming of Islam. Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/hoylan/titleCreatorYear/items/AUHRSTGG/item-list |
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“Jinling: The city of Jinling was repaired and maintained in Southern Tang. Due to the growing urban population and the prosperity of economy, the scope of the city was expanded and many new markets were set up. […] In addition to the above cities, there was new development in Chengdu during Shu. For example, some professional markets came into being in Chengdu, such as silk market, drug market and Qibao market, which was a new feature in the development of the city.”
[1]
[1]: (Fu and Cao 2019: 188) Fu, C. and W. Cao. 2019. Cities During the Five Dynasties and the Ten Kingdoms Period, and the Turning Point of Chinese Urban History. In Fu and Cao (eds) Introduction to the Urban History of China pp. 185 - 196. Palgrave Macmillan. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/TJXI5EU4/library |
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The following quote mentions the "central suq" and its position in relation to a mosque dating to the tenth century.
"In general, it can be stated that Zabid has a relatively shallow accumulation of occupational debris on the west side near the Grand Mosque, by comparison with that recorded in the northeastern quadrant at the same latitude. One may surmise, therefore, that this monumental structure was originally built in a relatively open area, not in one that called for the demolition of buildings to make room for the new mosque. This may help explain why the mosque is further away from the central suq than is the case with the older al-Asha’ir mosque" [1] [1]: (Keall 1989: 67) Keall, E. 1989. A Few Facts About Zabid. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies , 1989, Vol. 19, Proceedings of the Twenty Second SEMINAR FOR ARABIAN STUDIES held at Oxford on 26th - 28th July 1988 (1989), pp. 61-69. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NHAHN75U/library |
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"In cities, trade was often conducted in enclosed marketplaces, and cities normally had one marketplace. Capitals often had more. For example, from Western Jin to Northern Wei, Luoyang had three markets."
[1]
[1]: (Xiong 2019: 322) Xiong, V. C. 2019. The Northern Economy. In Dien and Knapp (eds) The Cambridge History of China Volume 2: The Six Dynasties 220-589 pp. 309-329. Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KZB84M8U/library |
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"Al-Biruni, writing in the early eleventh century (on the basis of Ghaznavid traders’ eyewitness reports), detailed a complex of trade routes linking the major cities of the Gurjara realm both intemally and with the couniries on all frontiers. He left no doubt that these were measured by the caravaneers who frequented them. Arab travellers of the ninth and tenth centuries described a number of trade goods originating in various parts of the subcontinent, which moved to the market by a variety of pack animals. Indeed, one of the most consistently demanded trade item must have been the horse itself: Sulaiman (AD 851) states of the Gurjara king that ’no other Indian prince has so fine a cavalry . . ’his camels and horses are numerous.’ Ghoshal comments that the Indian authorities of both this period and the later eleventh-twelfth centuries agree in assigning ’the first rank in their classified list of horses to the foreign breeds, and the lowest to the indigenous breeds.’ The former indicates well-established trade links."
[1]
[1]: (Deyell 2001, 398) Deyell, J. 2001. The Gurjara-Pratiharas. In R. Chakravarti (ed) Trade in Early India. OUP. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/MF59EW5P/library |
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Referring to the Hoysala period: "The increased prosperity of the merchants and the prestige they acquired in society encouraged them to enlarge the networks of trade by opening the markets, weekly fairs and other facilities. Epigraphs refer to the establishment of such networks by the merchants with the consent of the state and with the co-operation of the local people."
[1]
[1]: (Nayaka 2003, 240) Nayaka, H. 2003. MERCHANTS AS AGENTS OF THE STATE UNDER THE HOYSALAS. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress 64: 238-246. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/D8JNVI55/item-list |
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Iban farmers traded cash crops at local markets and trading centres: ’Although the price of rubber has slumped, some Iban are still tapping their trees and selling them unsmoked at twenty eight cents per kati in the up river areas, and forty to forty five cents in the bazaar. According to one informer it is not worth the trouble to work the family rubber trees, since the cost of processing the rubber comes to about the same as the price (for example, the cost for diluted acid for coagulating rubber latex is $1.50 per bottle). Most Iban have small holdings of rubber, the usual size is between 200-300 trees per family. The government assistance is by way of providing planting schemes (called RPS or Rubber Planting Schemes) to replant old trees with high yielding rubber. Under this scheme in 1971, over 300 acreas of rubber were to be replanted (ARLAD 1971). The Iban’s gardens include both ‘RPS’ and old ones. The total district rubber sheet production for 1970 was 10,000 pikuls . The rubber is bought by Chinese retailers in Engkilili and Lubuk Antu bazaars who then smoke the sheets and transport them to Kuching for shipment overseas. Iban in the district sell only unsmoked rubber (ARLAD 1970).’
[1]
Trade relations were frequently channelled through non-tribal middlemen: ’Chinese and Iban economic relations characteristically have been of a patron-client nature. In early trading contacts, the Chinese were dependent upon Ibans and other indigenes for the supply of jungle produce on which their livelihood was based. With the establishment of trading centers such as the Sibu pasar, exchange tended to become fixed between the Iban client and his Chinese patron ( towkay ), rather than an Iban dealing with a number of different businessmen. The patron-client relationship has proved to be of mutual advantage to both parties. In time of need ( maya suntok ), the Iban can obtain credit or even a cash advance from his towkay. When he has marketable goods, he is assured of an outlet through the trader. When he comes to the pasar on business, because of an illness, or just to see the town ( ngalu diri’ ) he can usually find lodging over or behind his towkay’s shophouse. From the towkay’s perspective, he has an assurance of produce, as well as first choice on anything the client brings to market. Whereas the client usually has but one towkay , the patron has a number of clients, all of whom are bound to him by credit relations. These relations are built upon trust and friendship which is honored in a majority of cases.’
[2]
Some Iban leaders also formally owned bazaar shops: ’By 1900 it was not uncommon for Third Division Iban leaders to own bazaar shophouses. Since the Ibans never took part in the operation of the business, which remained entirely in the hands of the Chinese, “owning” a shop in this manner was really no more than a form of loan, with rental substituted for interest and the shophouse serving as security. In the Second Division, where the Ibans did not enjoy such close proximity to an enormous hinterland rich in jungle produce, there is less evidence of cash wealth on such a scale at so early a period. But with the advent of cultivated rubber, the Saribas Ibans in particular caught up with and passed their migrated brethren in the Rejang. In the boom years during and following World War I, they too began to invest in Chinese shops, until nearly half the shops in Betong Bazaar, and more than half of those in some smaller outstations such as Spaoh on the Paku, were Iban owned. This trend, which was always restricted to the Saribas, has not continued since World War II, but in 1966 more than twenty of the sixty-six shophouses in Betong were still wholly or partially owned by Ibans.’
[3]
[1]: Kedit, Peter M. (Peter Mulok) 1980. “Modernization Among The Iban Of Sarawak”, 86 [2]: Sutlive, Vinson H. 1973. “From Longhouse To Pasar: Urbanization In Sarawak, East Malaysia”, 126 [3]: Pringle, Robert Maxwell 1968. “Ibans Of Sarawak Under Brooke Rule, 1841-1941”, 497 |
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"This growth has primarily been studied at Samarkand and still more so at Panjikent. [...] The city continued to grow, although at a less steady rate, for at the end of the 7th century a small bazaar appeared outside the walls to the northeast, as did an artisans’ suburb to the south."
[1]
[1]: (De la Vaissière 2005, 106) |
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Judea was a fully commercial society. Markets are frequently referenced in Talmudic accounts.
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“In later times the wives of an Ata represented a very material part of his prosperity, for they traded extensively, and due to their position exercised a virtual monopoly in the Idah markets; to some extent this is still the case.”
[1]
“The big markets (such as "Igala Bank" and "Ikiri") were not for the poor: it required a huge capital investment to acquire the trade goods, buy and fit out the canoes, employ those who would run the canoes, and provide armed escort for the canoes. Besides, a trader invariably retained agents in the markets he/ she attended. In the particular case of Aboh, there were other restraining factors: traders were required to pay taxes before they could transact any business in export commodities. As a result, the long distance trade from Aboh to Idah or Ikiri, or from Igala to Aboh was, according to Oguagha, ‘limited to wealthy chiefs and rulers. The more common trade was a journey to one of the river bank markets or the boundary market opposite Asaba.’”
[2]
“Attah’s court (Ogbede) was the highest court located in front of Ede market which day’s cases were heard publicly. Attah was the president of the court but because of many engagements, such power was delegated to one of the senior eunuchs called Ogbe who acted as president of the court.”
[3]
[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 412. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection [2]: Nwaubani, Ebere. “The Political Economy of Aboh, 1830-1857.” African Economic History, no. 27, 1999, pp. 93–116: 97. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FZIM9AVA/collection [3]: Jacob, Audu. “Pre-Colonial Political Administration in the North Central Nigeria: a Study of the Igala Political Kingdom.” European Scientific Journal, vol. 10, no. 19, 2014, pp. 392–402: 399. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5AN8R7UW/collection |
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“The Eze Nri (priest-kings of Nri) claim for themselves a status equivalent to that of the spirits. Every reigning Eze Nri is embued with the spirit of Eri, his first ancestor, who was sent down by Chukwu from heaven to organize the world. Eri dried up the water which covered the earth and thus organized the physical world. By sacrificing his son and daughter, he obtained yams and cocoyams, the main food and cash crop of the Igbo, thus introducing agriculture and agricultural rituals. He introduced ichi scarification, and the eze chiefly-title system, thus reorganizing social life. Finally, he organized economic life by introducing the four Igbo market days.”
[1]
“In an agricultural society concerned with fertility of humans, plants and animals, the importance of the earth-goddess and her priest cannot be overemphasized. Consistent efforts were, therefore, made to appease Ala, and her priest had to carry out ritual propitiation ceremonies of the goddess on every market day of the four-day Igbo week, ize muo.”
[2]
[1]: Ikenga-Metuh, E. (1985). Ritual Dirt and Purification Rites among the Igbo. Journal of Religion in Africa, 15(1), 3–24: 7. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/SFADDVVX/collection [2]: Oriji, J. (2007). The End of Sacred Authority and the Genesis of Amorality and Disorder in Igbo Mini States. Dialectical Anthropology, 31(1/3), 263–288: 270. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/46MVQP3M/collection |
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“According to this, Kano and Rano became sarakunan babba (kings of indigo), since their main occupation was the production and dyeing of textiles, whereas Katsina and Daura were called sarakunan kasuwa (kings of the market), since trade was concentrated in those towns. Gobir was sarkin yaki (the king of war), because its duty was to defend the others against external enemies. Finally Zazzau (Zaria) became sarkin bayi (the king of slaves), since it supplied slave labour to the other Hausa cities.19 This reflects the general situation after the establishment of the main Hausa city-states, once they had attained a high level of economic growth.”
[1]
“The Kano Chronicle ascribes to Muhammad Rumfa (1463-99) a number of innovations of varying importance, among them the extension of the city walls and the building of new gates; the appointment of eunuchs to state offices; the establishment of Kurmi market, the main market in Kano; and the setting up of a council of nine leading office-holders (tara-ta-Kano — ’the Nine of Kano’) as a kind of ministry.”
[2]
[1]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann; University of California Press: 270. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection [2]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann; University of California Press: 272–273. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection |
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“It will be recalled that Kuka had been built by Shehu Laminu in 1814 and had been sacked and destroyed by Muhammed Sheriff, King of Wadai, in 1846. It had then been rebuilt by Shehu Umar in two sections; an Eastern town, which contained the houses of the Shehu and the court notables, and a Western town which was specially the trading area and contained the great Monday market, so vividly described by Barth.”
[1]
[1]: Ellison, R. E. (1959). Three Forgotten Explorers of the Latter Half of the 19th Century With Special Reference to Their Journeys to Bornu. Journal of the Historical Society of Nigeria, 1(4), 322–330: 323. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/R84SSEKK/collection |
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“Nearby was a market called Akwe-janahan, meaning, if you didn’t have cowries, you could buy nothing. "A busy trade is always under weigh at this place," Skertchly reported, "for the traffic between Kana and Abomey is very considerable, and the grateful shade of the majestic cotton and umbrella trees entices the wayfarer to halt, and indulge in a ’chop’ [meal] and smoke.”
[1]
[1]: Alpern, S. B. (1999). Dahomey’s Royal Road. History in Africa, 26, 11–24: 19. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/J4ZASAV6/collection |
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“Overseas goods, such as guns, powder, salt, and cloth, were obtained at the river ‘beaches’ on the south-west fringes of the kingdom from European merchants and Itsekiri middlemen, who, in return, bought Benin palm-oil, kernels, ivory, vegetable gums, and, in earlier times, slaves. The European goods were head-loaded to inland markets along well defined routes, the return traffic being in slaves, livestock, stone beads (from Ilorin), leather, and other commodities. This long distance trade was controlled by various trading associations, each operating in a different direction.”
[1]
“Nyendael did, nevertheless, commend the Bini’s dye-making processes, their soaps, and their cotton cloths; and he asserted that "the king hath a very rich income." He also stated that Benin City was "at least four miles large. The streets are prodigiously long and broad, in which continual markets are kept. "”
[2]
[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 6. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection [2]: Graham, J. D. (1965). The Slave Trade, Depopulation and Human Sacrifice in Benin History: The General Approach. Cahiers d’Études Africaines, 5(18), 317–334: 325. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4AS9CVZH/collection |
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"The waters off Kyagwe were noted as being particularly rich fishing-grounds, and by the early eighteenth century the long-established markets along the Kyagwe shore were renowned throughout the kingdom. [...] By the mid-nineteenth century, certain markets had become established as the most important in the interlacustrine region. In 1876-7 Emin Pasha identified ’Werhanje’ in Karagwe, *Mpara Nyamoga’ in Bunyoro, and Rubaga, then the capital of Buganda, as the major regional marts. At Kabarega’s capital he found an exciting and cosmopolitan atmosphere in which anything and everything was brought for sale. [...] Although it is clear that there were a few major markets in the region, one of which was in the Ganda capital itself, there seems little doubt that smaller marts were scattered throughout Buganda. Although within the capital, the kabaka exercised a certain amount of control over commercial interaction - most obviously in the restrictions placed on certain imported goods - there appear to have been few such restrictions placed on local markets outside the capital. Local traders did, however, have to work within regulations, and Roscoe suggests that even markets in the outlying districts were closely supervised by political authority. Fees, for example, were levied on all articles brought for sale. In the capital itself, and possibly beyond, markets were under the supervision of a ’special chief appointed by the kabaka, one of whose duties was to collect the market dues which "amounted to ten per cent, of the value of each article sold or bought."
[1]
[1]: (Reid 2010: 83, 111, 117) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2H64W34U/collection. |
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“Kaveripumpattinam (also known as Pumpuhar or Puhar) was the premier Chola port in early historical times. Classical accounts refer to it as Kahberis or Camara. An entire Sangam collection-the Pattinappalai- is devoted to a description of this place. There are references to its two bustling markets laid out between the two sectors of the city, guarded by officers of the king, and to its inhabitants who spoke different languages.”
[1]
[1]: (Singh 2008, 402) Singh, Upinder. 2008. A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century. London: Pearson Education. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/UJG2G6MJ/collection |
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The following quote suggests that bartering of articles was commonplace in market-places during the Sangam Period in Tamil Nadu. “Poems refer to the exchange of goods for goods (notuttal). Kadam or kadan meaning debt is mentioned in the texts. The loan of a commodity to be paid back in the same kind and quantity was in vogue and was called kurittumaretirppai or kuriyetirppai. Avanam or angadi were the main organized points of exchange (market place). People from Kurinji had ivory, honey, wild meat, animal skins and bamboo rice for exchange, while those from mullai had dairy products, millet, horse-grain and ragi for exchange. The costal people had mainly fish and salt for exchange.”
[1]
“The walls, moat (ahali or kidangu) and the towered gates (parvgal) of the large Pandyan capital Madurai, its tall mansions and broad streets and its bazaars bright with flags of various kings, are described in the Maduraikanji.”
[2]
[1]: (Agnihotri 1988, 357) Agnihotri, V.K. 1988. Indian History. New Delhi: Allied Publishers Pvt. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/PNX9XBJQ/collection [2]: (Agnihotri 1988, 354) Agnihotri, V.K. 1988. Indian History. New Delhi: Allied Publishers Pvt. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/PNX9XBJQ/collection |
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“In addition to military forces, the palaykkars kept up police establishments called the ‘kaval’. The ‘Kavalkars’ protected private property and places of public resort like roads and markets.”
[1]
“The Navaiyat dynasty came to power when Saadutullah Khan was appointed subadhar, or chief of military and revenue officer of the newly established Mughal subah of Arcot in 1710. The Navaiyats, wanting to take advantage of the relative weakness of the links to the Mughal centre, and wanting to carve out an independent dynastic rule for themselves, quickly fell into the traditional pattern of empire-building. They extended existing citadels like Vellore and Gingee by ‘importing’ North Indian traders, artisans and soldiers; they established a number of new market centres; they founded and endowed mosques; and they invited poets, artists and scholars and Sufi holy men to the new capital of Arcot.”
[2]
“Unlike the Navaiyats, however, the Walajahs also endowed Hindu temples and shrines. The need to maintain a military superiority and the need to establish princely authority by acts of religious patronage coincided in the magnificent endowments lavished on the fortresses and temples of Trichinopoly. The control with temple centres was not only necessary in order to establish princely authority but also because the temples were centres of trade and important sources of revenue for the rulers.”
[2]
[1]: (Ramaswami 1984, 79) Ramaswami, N.S. 1984. Political History of Carnatic Under the Nawabs. New Delhi: Abhinav Publications. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/PTIS9MB4/collection [2]: (Bugge, 2020) Bugge, Henriette. 2020. Mission and Tamil Society: Social and Religious Change in South India (1840-1900). London: Routledge Curzon. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/9SKWNUF4/collection |
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“The Pallavas were also known for their commercial enterprise, increased production, and economic expansion. Both internal and external trade increased under the Pallavas. Internally, urban centers featured markets, while a good road system allowed villagers to transport goods to market.”
[1]
[1]: (Bush Trevino 2012, 46) Bush Travino, Macella. 2012. ‘The Pallava Dynasty’ In Cultural Sociology of the Middle East, Asia and Africa: An Encyclopedia. Vol.4 Edited by Carolyn M. Elliot. Los Angeles: Sage. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/4RPCX448/collection |
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A passing comment by Pikirayi explicitly states the presence of market spaces in the Zimbabwean archaeological record, however this gives no indication of whether the institution could have been called polity-owned per-se. “During its fluorescence, displaying elite residences,… markets, houses of commoners and artisans… [Great Zimbabwe] became the largest metropolis in southern Africa.” 27-28
[1]
[1]: (Pikirayi 2013, 27-28) “Great Zimbabwe in Historical Archaeology: Reconceptualizing Decline, Abandonment, and Reoccupation of an Ancient Polity, A.D. 1450-1900,” in Historical Archaeology Vol. 47, No. 1 (2013): 26-37. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/642PWKV7/collection |
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“On the return trip from his first voyage to India, Vasco da Gama simply passed by Mogadishu in 1499 without making any attempt to control it. And the Portuguese description show that it was still in a very strong and prosperous condition. Rich commercial ships were anchored in its harbour, and it was in regular and active contact with India and Arabia. A list of its exports, given in the account of a Portuguese writer within the second decade of the sixteenth century, includes ‘much gold, ivory, wax, cereals, rice, horses, and fruits’.”
[1]
[1]: (Tamrat 2008, 59) Tamrat, Taddesse. 2008. ‘Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the Horn’ In the Cambridge History of Africa: c. 1050 – c.1600 vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp 98-182. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/Tamrat/titleCreatorYear/items/A68FCWWI/item-list |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present as the Habr Yunis had a thriving trading network. The population numbers are an approximation and do not represent a definitive number. “The dimensions of Zeila Burton compares to Suez, sufficient to hold a few thousand inhabitants, and provided with six mosques, a dozen large white-washed stone houses, and two hundred or more thatched mud – and-wattle huts. The ancient wall of coral rubble and mud defending the town was no longer fortified with guns, and in many places had become dilapidated. Drinking water had to be fetched from wells four miles from the town. Yet trade was thriving: to the north caravans plied the Danakil country, while to the west the lands of the ‘Ise and Gadabursi clans were traversed as far as Harar, and beyond Harar to the Gurage country in Abyssinia. The main exports were slaves, ivory hides, horns, ghee, and guns. On the coast itself Arab divers were active collecting sponge cones and provisions were cheap.”
[1]
[1]: (Lewis 2002, 34) Lewis, Ioan M. 2002. A Modern History of the Somali: Nation and State in the Horn of Africa. Athens: Ohio University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/KHB7VSJK/collection |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present. “Like the town of Jimma, Agaro [Haggaro] was located on major trade routes leading to different regions. Consequently, it rapidly developed into a big trade centre visited by merchants coming from regions as far as eastern Wallagga, Gojjam, and Muslim Jabartis from northern Ethiopia.”
[1]
[1]: (Benti 2016, 41) Benti, Getahun. 2016. Urban Growth in Ethiopia, 1887-1974: From the Foundation of Finfinnee to the Demise of the First Imperial Era. Lanham, Maryland: Lexington Books. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/C2UNK7RK/collection |
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The capital Afgoy was situated at the crossroads of major caravan routes suggesting that Afgoy most likely had markets. “Afgoy was the crossroads of caravans bringing ivory, leopard skins, and aloe in exchange for foreign fabrics sugar, dates, and firearms.”
[1]
[1]: (Mukhtar 2003, 28) Mukhtar, Mohamed H. 2003. Historical Dictionary of Somalia. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/Mukhtar/titleCreatorYear/items/J8WZB6VI/item-list |
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The Sultanate of Shoa was along import long-distance caravan routes which mostly likely linked to markets in town or cities. “It was on the long-distance caravan routes to these regions that the most viable Muslim communities were established.”
[1]
[1]: (Tamrat 2008, 134) Tamrat, Taddesse. 2008. ‘Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the Horn’ In the Cambridge History of Africa: c. 1050 – c.1600 vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp 98-182. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/Tamrat/titleCreatorYear/items/A68FCWWI/item-list |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present in the Harla Kingdom due the existence of long-distance trade networks. “In contrast, Harlaa was at least partially Islamised and its inhabitants participated in long distance trade in the 12th -13th centuries.”
[1]
[1]: (Insoll 2017, 208) Insoll, Timothy. 2017. ‘First Footsteps in Archaeology of Harar, Ethiopia’. Journal of Islamic Archaeology. Vol 4:2. Pp 189-215. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/VQ38B374/collection |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present as the Hadiya Sultanate contributed to the slave trade and imported slaves into the Sultanate. “Hadeya was much involved in the slave trade, for it imported slaves from the ‘country of infidels’, presumably nearby Christian or ‘pagan lands’.”
[1]
[1]: (Pankhurst 1997, 79) Pankhurst, Richard. 1997. The Ethiopian Borderlands: Essays in Regional History from Ancient Times to the End of the 18th Century. Lawrenceville, New Jersey: The Red Sea Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/F5TE8HH5/collection |
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Due to the existence of vital caravan routes and the importance of Zeila port which was a key city associated with the Ifat Sultanate, markets would have been likely established. “We have already seen that Christian Ethiopia had started to make use of the caravan routes to Zeila by the middle of the thirteenth century. The rise of the ‘Solomonic dynasty’, and the resultant shift of the centre of southern Amhara and Shoa, gave a particular significance to the Zeila routes in which the Christian kings began to show an ever increasing interest.”
[1]
[1]: (Tamrat 2008, 143) Tamrat, Taddesse. 2008. ‘Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the Horn’ In the Cambridge History of Africa: c. 1050 – c.1600 vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp 98-182. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/Tamrat/titleCreatorYear/items/A68FCWWI/item-list |
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The quote below suggests that markets were likely present. “However, there periodically emerged throughout Somali history regional sultanates whose leaders claimed authority over many clans and over large tracts of territory. Examples include the medieval Sultanates of Adal, Ifat and Harar on the eastern fringes of the Ethiopian highlands; the Ajuraan Sultanate in the sixteenth century; The Majeerteen Sultanate in the extreme northeast which arose in the eighteenth century; and the nineteenth-century Sultanates of Hobya and Geledi. While it is impossible to determine with any precision the boundaries of these pastoral polities, it is apparent that they encompassed well sites, trade routes, and market towns shared by many different clans.”
[1]
[1]: (Cassanelli 1982, 70-71) Cassanelli, Lee. V. 1982. The Shaping of Somali Society: Reconstructing the History of a Pastoral People, 1600-1900. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/TKPH7Z89/library |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present in the Kingdom of Gumma. “Trade between the north and the southwest passed through Jimma, much of it carried on by Jimma merchants. Through Hirmata (where the modern town of Jimma is situated) passed caravans to the southwest (to Kafa, Maji, Gimira); the south (Kullo, Konta, Uba, and elsewhere); to the west (Gomma, Guma, Gera Ilubabor); and north to Limmu, Nonno, Shoa, Wollo, and Gondar.”
[1]
[1]: (Lewis 2001, 49) Lewis, Herbert S. 2001. Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932. Lawrenceville, New Jersey: The Red Sea Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NRZVWSCD/collection |
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The below quote suggests the presence of markets as there was a vast caravan trade into the interior of Ethiopia. “The caravan trade followed two main routes: from Massawa through Adowa, Gondar and Gojjam and from Tajura and Zeila through Awsa or Harar and then Shoa.”
[1]
[1]: (Rubenson 2008, 83) Rubenson, Sven. 2008. ‘Ethiopia and the Horn’ In The Cambridge History of Africa c.1790 – c.1870. Edited by John E. Flint. Vol. 5. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/Sven/titleCreatorYear/items/VRU64Q8P/item-list |
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The following suggests the existence of markets. "Of the various axes of Ifè.’s interaction sphere, none was as important as the northern axis. This strategic area linked Ilé-Ifè with the trade termini on the River Niger and gave the Yorùbá world access to the commercial traffic between the Western Sudan and the Mediterranean. Saharan copper and salt, as well as Mediterranean and Chinese silk and other clothing materials, were entering the Yorùbá region from across the Niger by the eleventh or twelfth century in exchange for sundry rain forest goods, of which Ifè glass beads and ivory were the most highly prized. Therefore, early in its development, Ilé-Ifè employed military and diplomatic strategies to open up and protect the trade routes to the River Niger, especially between Moshi and Osin tributaries. These efforts are encapsulated in the oral traditions regarding the activities of Òrànmíyàn, who is said to have launched military campaigns in the River Niger area. The stories of this legendary figure reveal Ilé-Ifè’s efforts to secure the safe passage of its exports and imports across the river. Indeed, Ifè trading stations were located in this zone of trading termini, in addition to several Yorùbá-speaking communities that occupied a 310-kilometer stretch of land on both banks of River Niger for most of the Classical period. This was a zone of transition in which trading stations, and port towns and villages received exports from Ilé-Ifè and other parts of the Yorùbá world and imports from the Sudan."
[1]
[1]: (Ogundiran 2020: 115) |
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“The development of the Atlantic commerce stimulated the southward migration and relocation of peoples, and initiated population push on settlements along the major arteries of trade. Arochukwu was one of these settlements along the major trade routes which experienced an unprecedented population pressure from neighbouring communities.”
[1]
[1]: Nwauwa, A. O. (1995). The Evolution of the Aro Confederacy in Southeastern Nigeria, 1690–1720. A Theoretical Synthesis of State Formation Process in Africa. Anthropos, 90(4/6), 353–364: 358. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/G4DWA3GQ/collection |
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Not clear if this mas physical marketplaces or not: “When Kom began its wars of expansion by mid- 19th century the surrounding chiefdoms (Bum, Bafmeng, Babanki) (Kijem) suffered directly. Captives taken in these wars were either kept by their captors or they were sold in Nkwen, Baba, Babungo, Mankon and Bali-Nyonga. The raiding of Bafut and the Kom present tributaries (Mujang, Mejung, Baiso) brought in captives that were rechannelled into the northern trade route linking Kom and Fonfuka (Bum) to the Jukun markets. Some evidence indicates that other ethnic units followed the same pattern. Two Meta girls taken in a well-remembered Bafut raid were sent down with royal messengers to Pinyin where some fine cloth had been spotted (Chilver, 1961: 245). In Nso’ there was a two way trade with the surrounding chiefdoms. Slaves were obtained in Bamum and sold in the direction of Bum. Bali-Nyonga disposed of its slaves in Widekum, Bangwa and in the northern Banyang markets. Slaves reached Kumba via Ikiliwindi markets. Slaves sold in Bum markets were obtained from places like Nkwen, Bali, Baba and Babungo, and these eventually reached the northern markets in Takum, Ibi, Wukari and Yola.”
[1]
[1]: Nkwi, P. N. (1995). Slavery and Slave Trade in the Kom Kingdom of the 19th Century. Paideuma, 41, 239–249: 244–245. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/A648Z5UT/collection |
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The following quotes suggests that markets were likely present. “All three capitals: Kahone, Diakhao, and Lambaye, were established in the mid-sixteenth century when the fertile coastal provinces of the Empire of Jolof- an inland empire established in the thirteenth century-gained independence […] They prospered as independent kingdoms during the mercantilist era and, together, constituted the ‘Peanut Basin’ that developed during the colonial era. They maintained trade relations with the European and Eura-african merchants who frequented their port cities, and diplomatic relations with the Dutch, French and English/British chartered companies that claimed to monopolize trade along their coasts.”
[1]
[1]: (Bigon and Ross 2020, 42) Bigon, Liora and Ross, Eric. 2020. Grid Planning in the Urban Design Practices of Senegal. London: Springer. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/MM67I638/collection |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present. “The Senegambia’s link to the expansive interior trade incorporated several commercial complexes that were connected to the major empires in West Africa besides Mali to the north and Jolof to the east, allowing the flow of a variety of foreign commodities into the region. Part of this conglomerate of networks made use of the Gambia River to gain salt, rice, grasses, and dried fish that would be bartered for iron, cloth, kola, and in all likelihood luxury items (a notable portion of which were of European origin) that until that time could only be obtained from interior markets.”
[1]
[1]: (Gijanto 2016, 31-32) Gijanto, Liza. 2016. The Life of Trade: Events and Happenings in the Niumi’s Atlantic Center. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/7XNBIF95/collection |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present due to the vast trading networks with French merchants and other Muslim kingdoms. “The Torodbe belonged to the Tucolor, a West African people closely related to the Fulani. Once in the Futa Toro, they began to expand the trade with French merchants who came up the Senegal River, as well as with other Muslim centres of trade in the western region of Western Sudan.”
[1]
[1]: (Davidson 2014, 88) Davidson, Basil. 2014. West Africa Before the Colonia Era: A History to 1850. London: Taylor and Francis. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/XNXIN893/collection |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present as there was a complex caravan trade network across the trans-Sahara. “The main trade routes throughout this period of history were the trans-Saharan caravan routes of the interior through which gold, salt, and slaves passed.”
[1]
[1]: (McLaughlin 2008, 83) McLaughlin, Fiona. 2008. ‘Senegal: The Emergence of a National Lingua Franca’. In Languages and National Identity in Africa. Edited by Andrew Simpson. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/7VBFQ96V/collection |
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Markets inferred from existence of important trade centres. "As one of the leading trading centres in Karagwe, Kafuro reportedly grew into a large depot as important as Kazeh and Ujiji (Katoke 1975)."
[1]
[1]: (Mapunda 2009: 102) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/9GV5C5NF/collection. |
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The following quote suggests that markets were likely present due to presence of merchant guilds. “Merchants organized themselves into a guild and were associated with similar associations in other parts of India. Inscriptions in the Pandyan country dating from 9th century onwards gives us graphic account of activities of members of the guild. Several facts concerning their free movement from one place to another, their settlements, the names of the guilds, their philanthropic activity both inside the Pandyan country and outside are well attested.”
[1]
[1]: (Soundaram 2011, 77) Soundaram, A. 2011. ‘The Characteristic Features of Early Medieval Tamil Society: An Overview’ In History of People and Their Environs: Essays in Honour of Prof. B.S. Chanrababu Edited by S. Ganeshram and C. Bhavani. Chennai: Indian Universities Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/CISI5MVX/collection |
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The following quotes suggest that markets were likely present in the Thanjavur Maratha Kingdom “Parallel to, and frequently working with, the banjara caravans were specialist merchant castes, who used their own internal organizations to develop trade over long distances. Most prominent, down the south-east coast, were Telugu Komatis who specialized in chilli, turmeric, and tobacco, grown in Andhra, but were also involved in the cloth and rice trades. The spread across many of the casbahs in the Tamil and Kannada countries but kept their identity and cohesion through maintenance of their language and, also, worship at their own sectarian temples.”
[1]
“Temples were also important centers for economic investment and re-distribution- to support masses of annual pilgrims but also to create ‘fairs’ for the trans-regional exchange of specialist goods, and these were not always of a religious nature.”
[1]
[1]: (Washbrook 2010, 276) Washbrook, David. 2010. ‘Merchants, Markets, and Commerce in Early Modern South India’. Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient. Vol. 53:1/2 Pp 266-289. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/7ZBUUSJN/collection |
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The following quote discusses early Tamil inscriptions from Madurai and Sivaganga dated between the Second Century BC and the Sixth Century AD. The inscriptions mention various professions particularly merchants and traders suggesting that markets were likely present. “Although the earliest are mainly found in the Madurai and Sivaganga districts, these epigraphs are scattered all over Tamil Nadu. They sometimes simply record a name (tiyancantan in Alakarmalai cave in Madurai district), sometimes the name of a person along with his profession (goldsmith, salt merchant, accountant, nun, sugar merchant, trader in ploughshares, cloth merchant, for example, all in the cave of Alakarmalai).”
[1]
[1]: (Gillet 2014, 284-285) Gillet, Valérie. 2014. ‘The Dark Period: Myth or Reality?’ Indian Economic and Social History Review. Vol. 51:3. Pp 283-302. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/NMH86RIS/collection |
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“What gave order to Granada, thought its chronicler Bermúdez de Pedraza (1638), was ultimately the network of markets—the plazas or squares, ‘the stomach of this commonwealth, from which food is distributed throughout its members’. It was an important task of the corregidor, affirmed Castillo de Bobadilla, to regulate these activities—to separate out ‘the things which give off an evil odour, from which the air usually grows foul and plague ensues’. So, butchers’ shops, tanneries, oil presses, ponds for retting flax, stables, ‘even ovens for baking bricks’, must all be kept to the edge of town. Even respectable trades, like tailors, shoemakers and blacksmiths, ‘who as well as cluttering up the street, foul it with their rags and waste’, should not be allowed to set up their stalls at street corners.”(Casey 2002: 114) Casey, James. 2002. Early Modern Spain: A Social History. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/2SNTRSWT “As Joseph entered the second year of his reign in the summer of 1809, he was in a position to initiate an extensive program of reforms… He brought progress in city planning, notably the building of covered sewers, and organized market areas.”(Bergamini 1974: 143-144) Bergamini, John D. 1974. The Spanish Bourbons: The History of a Tenacious Dynasty. New York: G. P Putnam’s Sons. https://archive.org/details/spanishbourbons00john. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/5A2HNKTF
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In the late nineteenth century, King Galli Sherocho executed Christian converts at the market of Anderacha. “He was incensed that some men of the royal Minjo clan had accepted baptism and arrested many newly converted Christians and summarily executed them in the market place of Anderacha.”
[1]
We have chosen 1798 CE as a cutoff point because the period 1798 CE -1821 CE has been described as “the height of the Kafa empire”.
[2]
[1]: (Orent 1970, 281) Orent, Amnon. 1970. ‘Refocusing on the History of Kafa Prior to 1897: A Discussion of Political Processes’. African Historical Studies. Vol. 3:2. Pp 263-293. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2A389XGK/collection [2]: (Orent 1970, 263) Orent, Amnon. 1970. ‘Refocusing on the History of Kafa Prior to 1897: A Discussion of Political Processes’. African Historical Studies. Vol. 3:2. Pp 263-293. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2A389XGK/collection |
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The following quotes suggests that markets were likely present. “All three capitals: Kahone, Diakhao, and Lambaye, were established in the mid-sixteenth century when the fertile coastal provinces of the Empire of Jolof- an inland empire established in the thirteenth century-gained independence … They prospered as independent kingdoms during the mercantilist era and, together, constituted the ‘Peanut Basin’ that developed during the colonial era. They maintained trade relations with the European and Eura-african merchants who frequented their port cities, and diplomatic relations with the Dutch, French and English/British chartered companies that claimed to monopolize trade along their coasts.”
[1]
[1]: (Bigon and Ross 2020, 42) Bigon, Liora and Ross, Eric. 2020. Grid Planning in the Urban Design Practices of Senegal. London: Springer. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/MM67I638/collection |
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“Moors and Jews collected supplies of European merchandise from the Christian stores on the coast and distributed them among their branches at Fez, Meknès, Marrakesh, Taroudant and High. Meknès was still the principal market for grain, leather and wax. Any surplus, over that which the five towns consumed, was sent to the Tafilalet, ‘where in exchange for it the Arabs give tibir or gold dust, indigo, ostrich feathers, dates, or sometimes a few elephants’ teeth otherwise known as morfil or raw ivory’. Caravan traffic with the Sudan continued to be active.”
[1]
[1]: (Julien 1970: 255) Julien, Charles-Andre. 1970. History of North Africa: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, From the Arab Conquest to 1830, ed. R Le Tourneau and C.C. Stewart, trans. John Petrie. New York; Washington: Praeger Publishers. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ZJVWWN24 |
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There were markets all across the polity, as they were already established in settlements of their conquered territory, and the Golden Horde then controlled the trade route through Eurasia.
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Markets were present all across England (later the UK) and expanded rapidly across the Empire. Local as well as colonial markets were providing goods from across the world.
[1]
[1]: (Canny 1998: 145, 209) Canny, Nicholas. ed. 1998. The Oxford History of the British Empire: Volume I The Origins of Empire, vol. 1, 5 vols. Oxford, New York: Oxford University Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RTDR3NCN |
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The following quotes suggests that markets were likely present. “All three capitals: Kahone, Diakhao, and Lambaye, were established in the mid-sixteenth century when the fertile coastal provinces of the Empire of Jolof- an inland empire established in the thirteenth century-gained independence […] They prospered as independent kingdoms during the mercantilist era and, together, constituted the ‘Peanut Basin’ that developed during the colonial era. They maintained trade relations with the European and Eura-african merchants who frequented their port cities, and diplomatic relations with the Dutch, French and English/British chartered companies that claimed to monopolize trade along their coasts.”
[1]
[1]: (Bigon and Ross 2020, 42) Bigon, Liora and Ross, Eric. 2020. Grid Planning in the Urban Design Practices of Senegal. London: Springer. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/MM67I638/collection |
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“The number and structure of towns in Bohemia and Moravia answered to their economic strength. Urban production and commerce was however concentrated for the most part on local or regional demand. Only rich merchants looked to markets through which ran the transit routes to neighbouring countries and to towns with the right of compulsory storage… “In the towns, those crafts and commerce developed most which were dedicated to meeting local demands (for provisions, clothing and footwear, common metal implements and pottery, and further basic goods). Merchants in the larger towns, who were in contact with foreign businessmen, purchased goods from the countryside (honey, leather, freshwater fish, game) and ordered foreign products, mostly spices, wines (from Italy, Austria, Franconia, the Rhine), salted sea-fish, fabrics and jewels. Cattle and horses came from Hungary and Poland, the smaller part of which remained in the Bohemian crown lands, and the rest was sent on to the West. The Gold Road, along which flowed carriages from salt chambers of Austria loaded with sacks, became an important source of income. Fruit from the south was also available, as well as the paper necessary for the ever-growing work of administration and correspondence (as opposed to pergamon, which was expensive). These types of goods were imported mostly from the Low Lands, Germany and Italy. Prague took on special importance in this area of commerce, as it had the most advantageous storage rights, and also because it drew upon the presence of the royal court and its guests, for whom it provided luxury goods. Markets in the other Bohemian and Moravian residential towns (mostly Brno and Olomouc) responded to higher levels of consumption.”
[1]
“Towns were subject to specific town law, and a large part of the population including free craft workers produced for the market with- out devoting their time to agriculture. Towns could hold markets, build fortifications, and insist that merchants stop and offer their wares for sale.”
[2]
[1]: (Pánek and Oldřich 2009: 144) Pánek, Jaroslav and Oldřich, Tůma. 2009. A History of the Czech Lands. University of Chicago Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4NAX9KBJ [2]: (Agnew 2004: 20) Agnew, Hugh LeCaine. 2004. The Czechs and the Lands of the Bohemian Crown. California: Hoover Institution Press. http://archive.org/details/czechslandsofboh0000agne. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/6LBQ5ARI |
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Present across the US since preceding period. Markets were present across the polity.
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Markets were present across the polity.
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“Tikal was in a unique position to take advantage of the overland part of the traders’ journey. The city sat squarely on its ridge in the middle of one of the few passable overland routes between the east-flowing and west-flowing rivers. All goods being carried between the river systems had to pass through the city, and Tikal charged dearly for that privilege. That was the source of the city’s wealth and power.”
[1]
“Hasaw led Tikal to greatness that was unheard of even during the years of Stormy Sky. Giant trade canoes traveled the rivers, and the marketplace was again crowded and busy.”
[2]
“Although they built many ceremonial structures, the two ahaus didn’t neglect the daily business of the city. Yik’in constructed a large, permanent marketplace east of the Great Plaza. He and Yax Ain II widened the raised causeways that led to it, paving them with plaster and building walls on both sides. The magnificent sweeping causeways provided visiting traders with a memorable entrance into Tikal. And, since the only entrance was through narrow, easily guarded gates, the causeways gave Tikal’s rulers control over everything that came into the market.”
[3]
[1]: (Mann 2002: 9) Mann, Elizabeth. 2002. Tikal: The Centre of the Mayan World. New York: Mikaya Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VM7Q67Q8 [2]: (Mann 2002: 25) Mann, Elizabeth. 2002. Tikal: The Centre of the Mayan World. New York: Mikaya Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VM7Q67Q8 [3]: (Mann 2002: 34) Mann, Elizabeth. 2002. Tikal: The Centre of the Mayan World. New York: Mikaya Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VM7Q67Q8 |
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“Wares could also be displayed and deals made at fairs and in the great market towns. But after 1660 fairs and markets grew less necessary as the transportation network improved and as craftsmen increasingly sold their goods in established shops with a ready stock. According to one estimate, the number of market towns fell from about 800 in 1690 to just under 600 by 1720. Finally, the more remote parts of the countryside also relied on less substantial traders – peddlers, hawkers, chapmen, and tinkers – to distribute books, metalware, ribbons, and other small manufactured goods. These individuals could not afford accommodation so grand as an inn, often taking shelter in a farmer’s barn or hayloft.
[1]
“High agricultural prices gave farmers the incentive to produce crops for sale in the dearest markets rather than for the satisfaction of rural subsistence. Rising population put intense strain on the markets themselves, especially urban ones: demand for food often outstripped supply. So most urban markets were forced to promulgate stringent regulations whereby local purchasers were given preference over non-residents and outside speculators.”
[2]
[1]: (Bucholz et al 2013: 362-363) Bucholz, Robert, Newton Key, and R.O. Bucholz. 2013. Early Modern England 1485-1714: A Narrative History. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uvic/detail.action?docID=1166775. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/XQGJH96U [2]: (Guy 1988: 37) Guy, John. 1988. Tudor England. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/IIFAUUNA |
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“Theresan cameralism also looked upon the Habsburg holdings as a kind of inner-European colonial empire, self-sufficient enough to free the government from dependence on outside suppliers… Some provinces continued to send goods to traditional markets rather than to sell them at home.”
[1]
[1]: (Fichtner 2003: 71) Fichtner, Paula Sutter. 2003. The Habsburg Monarchy, 1490-1848: Attributes of Empire. Macmillan International Higher Education. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/QQ77TV4K |
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Markets and bazaars were present all across the region.
[1]
Muhtasib’s were bazaar supervisors who ensured the quality and cleanliness of goods, as well as suppressing crime and forgery.
[2]
[1]: Barthold 1968: 153. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2CHVZMEB [2]: Buniyatov 2015: 84. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SAEVEJFH |
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There were markets in the region, and some were particularly significant such as the one established at Snaketown.
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Gostiny Dvor, one of the world’s oldest shopping arcades, is a historic market complex in the heart of Saint Petersburg. Its construction started in the 18th century and continued into the 19th century.
The first plan for a Gostiny Dvor (effectively, a large scale trading market) on Nevsky Prospect was developed in the late 1750s by the architect A. Rinaldi (never carried out). In 1757, the project for a two-storied Gostiny Dvor, was developed by the architect F. Rastrelli, this was approved and the construction started. [1] In Moscow, the Red Square was a massive expanse of assorted market stalls and self-made wooden huts, which were replaced by a building complex at the end of the 18th century. [2] [1]: “Saint Petersburg Encyclopaedia.” Accessed December 13, 2023. http://www.encspb.ru/object/2804002210?lc=en. Zotero link: 8WJQBXTT [2]: “Market on Red Square,” accessed January 3, 2024, https://bridgetomoscow.com/time-gap-market-on-red-square. Zotero link: U52MXJ75 |
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For example: “In the Amnokgang River (鴨綠江) area, the Khi- tans established a local government base to serve as the gateway to Liao, as well as a market for the exchange of local specialty products, where private trade did take place.”
[1]
[1]: (Namwon 2011, 91) Namwon, J. 2011. Ceramics Exchange between Northern China and Early Goryeo. JOURNAL OF KOREAN ART & ARCHAEOLOGY 5: 90-104. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/33R6NHBQ/library |
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There were market places in Ancient Egypt e.g. Ramesside Egypt.
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inferred continuity with earlier periods in the region
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Qataban king controlled settlements in Somalia that produced incense and cinnamon and could fix the international price of cinnamon. "Pliny explains that ’only the king of the Gebbanitae (Qataban) has the authority to control the sale of cinnamon and he opens the market by public proclamation’.
[1]
[1]: (McLaughlin 2014, 138) Raoul McLaughlin. 2014. The Roman Empire and the Indian Ocean: The Ancient World Economy and the Kingdoms of Africa, Arabia and India. Pen and Sword Military. Barnsley. |
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Inferred from previous periods.
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The ’standard marketing community,’ comprising an area of around 20 square miles allowed all villagers within two or three miles of the town access to its periodic markets held every three days. In contrast to officially registered, licensed, and taxed markets at higher levels, these lower-level markets supported unlicensed petty brokers who were self-regulated and self-taxed. Most sellers at any standard market (including peasants) were likely to be itinerants and the standard market town usually possessed certain permanent facilities including eating places, teahouses, wine shops and other shops selling basic items.
[1]
[1]: (Smith 2015, p.160) |
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Kidarite rule "coincided with ... the foundation of new cities such as Panjikent and Kushaniya. (The name of the latter probably indicates a Kidarite royal foundation, as neither the Great Kushans nor the Kushano-Sasanians had exerted control over that region.)"
[1]
We could infer that the new cities were built with market infrastructure. Economy was advanced enough that copper coinage was minted in quantities that implied it was used as ’small change’.
[2]
The Kidarite monetary system "created favourable conditions for maintaining the established traditions in local trades. ... flourishing international trade networks and wide trading links between various regions of the Kidarite state."
[3]
[1]: (Grenet 2005) Grenet, Frantz. 2005. KIDARITES. Iranicaonline. www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kidarites [2]: (Zeimal 1996, 135) Zeimal, E. V. The Kidarite Kingdom In Central Asia. in Litvinsky, B. A. ed. and Iskender-Mochiri, I. ed. 1996. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume III. The crossroads of civilizations: A.D. 250 to 750. pp.123-137. unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/001046/104612e.pdf [3]: (Zeimal 1996, 136) Zeimal, E. V. The Kidarite Kingdom In Central Asia. in Litvinsky, B. A. ed. and Iskender-Mochiri, I. ed. 1996. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume III. The crossroads of civilizations: A.D. 250 to 750. pp.123-137. unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/001046/104612e.pdf |
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"While recognizing the supremacy of the Great Yueh-chih, who remained in Transoxiana, Bactria still retained its independence (Chang-Ch’ien went there as to another country), and normal life went on without any obvious effects of"nomad invasions": there were cities and settlements of permanent inhabitants, surrounded by walls; in the capital there was a market with a great variety of goods; trade flourished, including international trade (merchants from Bactria travelled on business to India). This situation probably continued into the first century B.C., if we accept the account given in the Han shu."
[1]
[1]: (Zeimal 1983, 243-244) |
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"During the Western Zhou Dynasty, handicrafts and commerce came under government monopoly, and a system was instituted whereby craftsmen and merchants ceased to be household retainers and became government subjects."
[1]
"It was not until the Western Zhou period (1027-771 bc) that professional merchants emerged, mainly to serve feudal aristocrats by supplying them with the desired commodities. Only in the Spring and Autumn (770-403 BC) and the Warring States period (403-211 BC), when agricultural technology was much improved, did households retain sufficient surpluses that professional merchants found it profitable to serve the ordinary people (Sa 1966:29)"
[2]
"During the Zhou dynasty (1134-256 BC) onward, merchants’ guilds based on family relationships came into being in China (Chuan 1978)."
[3]
However, before the Sui and Tang, "merchants could open stores only in restricted locations, and merchant guilds were localized."
[2]
[1]: (Yu 1997, 190) Yu, Weichao. 1997. A Journey Into China’s Antiquity: Palaeolithic Age, Low Neolithic Age, Upper Neolithic Age, Xia Dynasty, Shang Dynasty, Western Zhou Dynasty, Spring and Autumn Period. Morning Glory Press. [2]: (Lin 2014, 9-10) Lin, Man-houng in Chow, Gregory C and Perkins, Dwight H. eds. 2014. Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Economy. Business & Economics. [3]: (Lin 2014, 10) Lin, Man-houng in Chow, Gregory C and Perkins, Dwight H. eds. 2014. Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Economy. Business & Economics. |
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There was a pile-dwelling in Jiahu Phase I that was not a residence.
[1]
No ritual or domestic artifacts were found under the structure which signals that it might be a communal space. However, Peregrine (2001: 284) writes that households were independent and self-sustaining.
[2]
[1]: (Liu 2005: 75) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/Q77FKW2H?. [2]: (Peregrine 2001: 284) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/QUL2KD3Z. |
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Halles au ble
[1]
: Established since Philip II ET: Still run?; Market in Paris for sales of wheat/grain "French kings conceded fairs as privileges to some locales by regalian right, uncontested except in the case of the most rebellious of lords, such as the duke of Burgundy under Louis XI.
[2]
[1]: (Spufford 2006, 99) [2]: (Reyerson 1995, 640) |
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"Bamboo slips excavated in a tomb in Linyi, Shangdong province, in 1972 contain sections of a document known as Shi fa (Rules about markets). According to Shi fa, markets were administered by officials, specific products were sold in prescribed locations, and misconduct in the marketplace was punished."
[1]
"Although markets are a stipulation of the ideal Chinese city since Zhou times, Han is the first period from which one can confirm their presence."
[2]
"The marketplace became a key site in Warring States and early imperial cities, a site marked both by a tower and a grid. It provided the interface between politics and commerce. Walled, laid out in a grid, it was a scene of state authority. This included not only regulation of prices and the quality of goods, but also the proclamation of decrees, the carrying out of punishments, and the display of corpses. Despite these attempts at control, the market was also a site for activities outside the state sphere. ..."
[3]
[1]: (Steinhardt 2013, 113) Steinhardt, N in Clark, Peter ed. 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History. Oxford University Press. [2]: (Steinhardt 2013, 114) Steinhardt, N in Clark, Peter ed. 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History. Oxford University Press. [3]: (Lewis 2012, 186-187) Lewis, Mark Edward. 2012. The Construction of Space in Early China. SUNY Press. |
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Markets in Chang ’an.
[1]
Local markets were regulated.
[2]
"Bamboo slips excavated in a tomb in Linyi, Shangdong province, in 1972 contain sections of a document known as Shi fa (Rules about markets). According to Shi fa, markets were administered by officials, specific products were sold in prescribed locations, and misconduct in the marketplace was punished."
[3]
"Although markets are a stipulation of the ideal Chinese city since Zhou times, Han is the first period from which one can confirm their presence."
[4]
[1]: (Roberts 2003, 49) [2]: (Keay 2009, 146) [3]: (Steinhardt 2013, 113) Steinhardt, N in Clark, Peter ed. 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History. Oxford University Press. [4]: (Steinhardt 2013, 114) Steinhardt, N in Clark, Peter ed. 2013. The Oxford Handbook of Cities in World History. Oxford University Press. |
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"During the Western Zhou Dynasty, handicrafts and commerce came under government monopoly, and a system was instituted whereby craftsmen and merchants ceased to be household retainers and became government subjects."
[1]
"It was not until the Western Zhou period (1027-771 bc) that professional merchants emerged, mainly to serve feudal aristocrats by supplying them with the desired commodities. Only in the Spring and Autumn (770-403 BC) and the Warring States period (403-211 BC), when agricultural technology was much improved, did households retain sufficient surpluses that professional merchants found it profitable to serve the ordinary people (Sa 1966:29)"
[2]
"During the Zhou dynasty (1134-256 BC) onward, merchants’ guilds based on family relationships came into being in China (Chuan 1978)."
[3]
However, before the Sui and Tang, "merchants could open stores only in restricted locations, and merchant guilds were localized."
[2]
[1]: (Yu 1997, 190) Yu, Weichao. 1997. A Journey Into China’s Antiquity: Palaeolithic Age, Low Neolithic Age, Upper Neolithic Age, Xia Dynasty, Shang Dynasty, Western Zhou Dynasty, Spring and Autumn Period. Morning Glory Press. [2]: (Lin 2014, 9-10) Lin, Man-houng in Chow, Gregory C and Perkins, Dwight H. eds. 2014. Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Economy. Business & Economics. [3]: (Lin 2014, 10) Lin, Man-houng in Chow, Gregory C and Perkins, Dwight H. eds. 2014. Routledge Handbook of the Chinese Economy. Business & Economics. |
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Greve market transferred to Les Champeaux (near Les Halles), and "the concession of the Grèveport to the newly established “Marchands de l’Eau” in 1141".
[1]
"By 1070 Italian merchants were frequenting the Saint-Denis fairs."
[2]
"French kings conceded fairs as privileges to some locales by regalian right, uncontested except in the case of the most rebellious of lords, such as the duke of Burgundy under Louis XI.
[2]
[1]: (Clark and Henneman 1995, 1324) [2]: (Reyerson 1995, 640) |
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We know that when the Spaniards arrived to Ciénaga, it was an important market to which people flocked to from the mountains. According to a few references from the 16th century, it was a great village to which the mountain people descended to obtain salt and fish, bringing cloths and gold. Ciénaga was a meeting point for the Mompox indigenous populations and ’others which lived on the shores of the Magdalena’, who met in order to obtain salt. Thanks to its strategic location close to the sea, the marshes and the mountains, and easy access to the interior plains, Ciénaga acted like an enclave of prehispanic trade between ’Tairona’ societies and the populations of the Lower Magdalena and the plains of the River Cesar, enabling products from the Sierra to reach further territories via intermediaries. "Sabemos, efectivamente, que a la llegada de los españoles Ciénaga era un mercado importante al cual acudían los indígenas de las montañas (en Friede, 1975. 1:212). Según algunas referencias del siglo XVI se trataba de "un gran pueblo, donde abajan los indios de la Sierra a rescatar pescado y sal, y traénles oro y mantas" (en Friede, 1960: 2141; de otro lado, aún en 1787. Ciénaga constituía un punto de encuentro para los indígenas de Mompox y de "otros que habitan en una y otra orilla del Magdalena" que se reunian con el fin de conseguir sal (Julíán, 1980: 110). Por su posición estratégica, cerca al mar, a las ciénagas, a la Sierra, y con fácil acceso a las llanuras del interior, Ciénaga actuaba como un enclave de comercio prebispánico entre las sociedades "tairona" y los pobladores del bajo Magdalena y Uanuras del Cesar, brindando la posibilidad de que, a través de intermediarios, los productos producidos en la Sierra Uegaran a territorios bien alejados."
[1]
[1]: (Langebaek 1987, 65-66) |
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"In a traditional society that lacked the concept of public or municipal agencies, as individuals, the members of this ruling class assumed responsibility for what we would consider public concerns. The mamluks were patrons of art, schools, and mosques; builders of roads, bridges, and markets; and overseers of "public works," morality, and charity."
[1]
"The markets were open structures on either side of a street at a crossroads, in most cases simply a series of shops. Generally grouped according to occupation, they were most often spontaneous developments, although some were built by powerful personages. ... The caravanserais, on the other and, were monumental structures."
[2]
Cairo "experienced a period of rapid development for businesses, shops, and caravanserais."
[3]
"The emir built a funduq, vast in area, and surrounded it with shops. He stipulated that the renter of any shop pay no more than five dirhams..."
[4]
Nasir Muhammad had a market built in Siriyaqus.
[5]
[1]: (Dols 1977, 152) [2]: (Raymond 2000, 158) [3]: (Raymond 2000, 122-123) [4]: (Raymond 2000, 123 quote: Maqrizi) [5]: (Raymond 2000, 124) |
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Markets "maintained right up until the end of Mamluk rule".
[1]
"In a traditional society that lacked the concept of public or municipal agencies, as individuals, the members of this ruling class assumed responsibility for what we would consider public concerns. The mamluks were patrons of art, schools, and mosques; builders of roads, bridges, and markets; and overseers of "public works," morality, and charity."
[2]
"The markets were open structures on either side of a street at a crossroads, in most cases simply a series of shops. Generally grouped according to occupation, they were most often spontaneous developments, although some were built by powerful personages. ... The caravanserais, on the other and, were monumental structures."
[3]
Mamluk urban development: "the Suwayqa al-Izzi ... would remain one of the busiest markets in Cairo right to the end of the eighteenth century."
[4]
Caravanserais were built in the early 15th century by charitable and religious foundations.
[5]
Sultan Ghuri built a "great caravanseri (wakala) in 1504 CE and rebuilt the Khan- al-Khalili.
[6]
One of Qatybay’s top officials, Emir Azback min Tutukh, governor of Syria and commander-in-chief (atabek) between 1476-1484 CE undertook a construction project intended to finance a religious foundation (waqf). Buildings included a commercial and financial complex and shops."
[7]
[1]: (Oliver and Atmore 2001, 21) Oliver R and Atmore A. 2001. Medieval Africa 1250-1800. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. [2]: (Dols 1977, 152) [3]: (Raymond 2000, 158) [4]: (Raymond 2000, 132) [5]: (Raymond 2000, 174) [6]: (Raymond 2000, 174-175) [7]: (Raymond 2000, 182-183) |
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"It is true, as Karl Polányi has pointed out, that we have to distinguish between market-place and market: the former is securely attested (Akkadian mah˘ı¯rum) in Mesopotamia from the Old Babylonian period onwards".
[1]
[1]: (Liverani 2014, 200) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/7DRZQS5Q/q/liverani. |
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"In a traditional society that lacked the concept of public or municipal agencies, as individuals, the members of this ruling class assumed responsibility for what we would consider public concerns. The mamluks were patrons of art, schools, and mosques; builders of roads, bridges, and markets; and overseers of "public works," morality, and charity."
[1]
"The markets were open structures on either side of a street at a crossroads, in most cases simply a series of shops. Generally grouped according to occupation, they were most often spontaneous developments, although some were built by powerful personages. ... The caravanserais, on the other and, were monumental structures."
[2]
"Several commercial structures were built, among them the caravanserai that, taking the name of its builder, Emir Jaharkas al-Khalili al-Yalbughawi, was to become the most famous center of commerce in Cairo, and the present-day symbol of its old suqs, the Khan al-Khalili (before 1389)."
[3]
[1]: (Dols 1977, 152) [2]: (Raymond 2000, 158) [3]: (Raymond 2000, 142) |
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Before the New Kingdom inter-regional trade was conducted between institutions. "Merchants who worked for their own gain existed in ancient Egypt only during the New Kingdom." Ancient Egypt was a "supply state" with the necessities distributed down from institutions to the people. Goods exchanged at markets were primarily consumables like beer and bread, also some dried meat, fish, vegetables and fruits. Non-consumables included household artifacts.
[1]
Warburton disagrees with the supply state view "lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[2]
[1]: (Altenmuller 2001) [2]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
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|
Halles au ble
[1]
: Established by Philip II (reign 1180-1222 CE); Market in Paris for sales of wheat/grain. "French kings conceded fairs as privileges to some locales by regalian right, uncontested except in the case of the most rebellious of lords, such as the duke of Burgundy under Louis XI.
[2]
International fairs and markets not polity owned under patronage and protection of counts, who levied tolls:
[3]
Provins; Troyes; Lagny; Bar-Sur-Aube
[1]: (Spufford 2006, 99) [2]: (Reyerson 1995, 640) [3]: (Spufford 2006, 146) |
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|
Before the New Kingdom inter-regional trade was conducted between institutions. "Merchants who worked for their own gain existed in ancient Egypt only during the New Kingdom." Ancient Egypt was a "supply state" with the necessities distributed down from institutions to the people. Goods exchanged at markets were primarily consumables like beer and bread, also some dried meat, fish, vegetables and fruits. Non-consumables included household artifacts.
[1]
However: "non-institutional trade networks should be considered. Egyptology has traditionally interpreted pharaonic foreign trade as relying exclusively on exchange operations promoted and carried out by the monarchy, especially through expeditions seeking for exotic and luxury items from Punt, Nubia and the Levant. However, things seem more complex."
[2]
[1]: (Altenmuller 2001) [2]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Invaders or just herders? Libyans in Egypt in the third and second millennia BCE, 5) |
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|
"Merchants who worked for their own gain existed in ancient Egypt only during the New Kingdom." In the New Kingdom there is "evidence that Asian merchants traded on the market in Thebes."
[1]
"Among the various public officials were the Qabbaneh, or public weighers, who erected their balances in the market place while a notary stood by to record the details."
[2]
Earliest known depiction of the balance dates to Amenophis III (1391-1353 BCE)
[2]
Warburton disagrees with the supply state view so presumably independent merchants could have existed earlier "lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[3]
[1]: (Altenmuller 2001) [2]: (Willard 2008, 2249) [3]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
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|
The Markets of Alexandria and Baghdad saw goods from China to Andalusia traded in purpose built areas. The Islamic Suq was built next to the central mosque of the Islamic city and represented the commercial heart of urban spaces. Mosques were integral to the commercial activities and shared the space of the market place in cities conquered by the Abassids.
[1]
[1]: Bloom, Jonathan M., and Sheila Blair, eds. The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture Vol. 3, p. 56 |
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|
"Merchants who worked for their own gain existed in ancient Egypt only during the New Kingdom." In the New Kingdom there is "evidence that Asian merchants traded on the market in Thebes."
[1]
"Among the various public officials were the Qabbaneh, or public weighers, who erected their balances in the market place while a notary stood by to record the details."
[2]
Earliest known depiction of the balance dates to Amenophis III (1391-1353 BCE)
[2]
Warburton disagrees with the supply state view so presumably independent merchants could have existed earlier "lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[3]
[1]: (Altenmuller 2001) [2]: (Willard 2008, 2249) [3]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
||||||
|
Before the New Kingdom inter-regional trade was conducted between institutions. "Merchants who worked for their own gain existed in ancient Egypt only during the New Kingdom." Ancient Egypt was a "supply state" with the necessities distributed down from institutions to the people. Goods exchanged at markets were primarily consumables like beer and bread, also some dried meat, fish, vegetables and fruits. Non-consumables included household artifacts.
[1]
However: "non-institutional trade networks should be considered. Egyptology has traditionally interpreted pharaonic foreign trade as relying exclusively on exchange operations promoted and carried out by the monarchy, especially through expeditions seeking for exotic and luxury items from Punt, Nubia and the Levant. However, things seem more complex."
[2]
AD: coded as unknown because no evidence for actual market places or buildings. Warburton disagrees with the supply state view "lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[3]
[1]: (Altenmuller 2001) [2]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Invaders or just herders? Libyans in Egypt in the third and second millennia BCE, 5) [3]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
||||||
|
Before the New Kingdom inter-regional trade was conducted between institutions. "Merchants who worked for their own gain existed in ancient Egypt only during the New Kingdom." Ancient Egypt was a "supply state" with the necessities distributed down from institutions to the people. Goods exchanged at markets were primarily consumables like beer and bread, also some dried meat, fish, vegetables and fruits. Non-consumables included household artifacts.
[1]
However: "non-institutional trade networks should be considered. Egyptology has traditionally interpreted pharaonic foreign trade as relying exclusively on exchange operations promoted and carried out by the monarchy, especially through expeditions seeking for exotic and luxury items from Punt, Nubia and the Levant. However, things seem more complex."
[2]
Coded as unknown because no evidence for actual market places or buildings. AD Warburton disagrees with the supply state view "lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[3]
[1]: (Altenmuller 2001) [2]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Invaders or just herders? Libyans in Egypt in the third and second millennia BCE, 5) [3]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
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|
"The presence of travellers from Dilmun, Magan, and Meluhha at Susa, far inland from the Gulf, raises the possibility that Susa was a base for the overland caravan trade, both within Iran and further afield."
[1]
[1]: (Foster 2016, 74-75) Foster, Benjamin R. 2016. The Age of Agade. Inventing Empire In Ancient Mesopotamia. Routledge. London. |
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|
Commercial activities were carried out in port-side areas called Karums
[1]
Babylonia was an area particularly short of natural resources, such as timber and stone, so it set itself up as a trader of goods between places such as Anatolia and Afghanistan.
[2]
There were many merchants selling their own wares. Shepherds had their own flock and kept institutional animals, they were required to give a certain amount to the temple, but could sell the excess.
[3]
[1]: Crawford, H. 2007. Architecture in the Old Babylonian Period. In Leick, G. (ed.) The Babylonian World. London: Routledge. p.82 [2]: Gill, A. 2008. Gateway of the Gods: The Rise and Fall of Babylon. London: Quercus. p.65 [3]: Goddeeris, A. 2007. The Old Babylonian Economy. In Leick, G. (ed.) The Babylonian World. London: Routledge. p.200 |
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|
"The cities that were members of the Hellenion received the right to manage the only authorised trade zone connecting Egypt with the Mediterranean world. They appointed the "provosts" of this port market, the prostatai tou emporiou, according to Herodotus (II.178-179). The pharaohs nevertheless maintained within this area a royal establishment in charge of collecting taxes levied in the port."
[1]
[1]: (Agut-Labordere 2013, 1006) |
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|
Trading was a daily activity.
[1]
"lack of evidence of state ’control’ of crafts or of the economy; ... absence of evidence of ’redistribution’ ... increasingly widespread evidence of commercial activity ... exaggerated attention to titles has paid neither sufficient attention to their absence, nor to the lack of evidence for an administrative role of titles when they are documented. Together these points suggest that the Ancient Egyptian economy was a pre-capitalist market economy in which administration played a relatively unimportant role in itself."
[2]
[1]: (Wilson and Allen 1939, 24) [2]: (Warburton 2007) Warburton, David A. 2007. Work and Compensation in Ancient Egypt. The Journal of Egyptian Archaeology. Vol. 93. pp 175-194. Egypt Exploration Society. |
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|
market-places were present
[1]
"What gave order to Granada, thought its chronicler Bermúdez de Pedraza (1638), was ultimately the network of markets—the plazas or squares, ‘the stomach of this commonwealth, from which food is distributed throughout its members’."
[2]
[1]: (Casey 2002, 128) Casey, James. 2002. Early Modern Spain: A Social History. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/2SNTRSWT [2]: (Casey 2002, 114) Casey, James. 2002. Early Modern Spain: A Social History. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/2SNTRSWT |
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|
The Roman author Pliny in ’Natural History’ c70 CE described Adulis as a large trading centre.
[1]
"The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, around 50 CE, described Adulis as ’a fair sized village’" about 3.3km from the coast and calls Adulis ’a legally limited port’ "though there has been considerable debate about what this means (e.g. Casson 1989, Appendix 1)."
[1]
The seaport Adulis was "the most famous ivory market in northeast Africa."
[2]
Market and trading places other than Adulis included Aratou, Tokonda, Etch-Mare, Degonm, Haghero-Deragoueh, Henzat.
[3]
However, archaeologists are not certain whether the trade happened inside or outside the towns.
[3]
"Adulis was the meeting-point for maritime trade, as it was ... for inland trade."
[4]
[1]: (Glazier and Peacock 2016) Darren Glazier. David Peacock. Historical background and previous investigations. David Peacock. Lucy Blue. eds. 2016. The Ancient Red Sea Port of Adulis, Eritrea: Results of the Eritro-British Expedition, 2004-5. Oxbow Books. Oxford. [2]: (Falola 2002, 60) Toyin Falola. 2002. Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide. Greenwood Publishing Group. Westport. [3]: (Anfray 1981, 369) F Anfray. The civilization of Aksum from the first to the seventh century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California. [4]: (Anfray 1981, 377) F Anfray. The civilization of Aksum from the first to the seventh century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California. |
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|
In Paris there was a merchant’s quarter. "... in the cities of Provence, the curator or defensor civitatis was also responsible for the supervision of the market."
[1]
Large annual market of St. Denis, near Paris "founded and granted with toll privileges by King Dagobert I". 9th October, after religious celebration of St. Denis.
[2]
Dagobert I (603-639 CE).
[1]: (Hen 1995, 232) [2]: (Hen 1995, 232-233) |
||||||
|
In Paris there was a merchant’s quarter. "... in the cities of Provence, the curator or defensor civitatis was also responsible for the supervision of the market."
[1]
Large annual market of St. Denis, near Paris "founded and granted with toll privileges by King Dagobert I". 9th October, after religious celebration of St. Denis.
[2]
Dagobert I (603-639 CE).
[1]: (Hen 1995, 232) [2]: (Hen 1995, 232-233) |
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|
’The Kumasi markets deserve detailed analysis as an index of the degree of the monetization of the Asante economy. That they were held daily is evidence that a large proportion of the Kumasi population depended on them for subsistence and that Kumasi had urban status in the early decades of the 19th century (Bowdich 1819: 321-24; Bascom 1959: 39-41; Wilks 1975: 374-86).’
[1]
[1]: Arhin, Kwame 1983. “Peasants In 19Th-Century Asante”, 473 |
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|
"Open-air areas that can specifically be tied to market transactions were not incorporated into the urban setting or at least market activities were not conducted on a large enough scale to warrant special facilities.
[1]
An exception may be the case of Gortys where an auditorium-type assembly place co-existed with an agora that may therefore have been given over to commercial activity.
[2]
[1]
It may here noted that agora, a world used during the Classical and Hellenistic period to denote a commercial center, in Crete preserved its Archaic meaning i.e. the place of open assembly.
[3]
[1]: Raab, H. A. 2001. Rural Settlement in Hellenistic and Roman Crete (BAR I.S. 984), Oxford, 12. [2]: Sanders, I. F. 1982. Roman Crete: An Archaeological Survey and Gazetteer of Late Hellenistic, Roman and Early Byzantine Crete, Warminister,65-6 [3]: Willetts, R. F. 1955. Aristocratic Society in Ancient Crete, Westport, 177, 196-200. |
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|
he existence of markets in the Aegean did not enjoy scholarly support for many decades, mostly due to the wide and uncritical acceptance of the Polanyian paradigm of ancient economies. Palatial institutions were seen as the only regulators of any economic transaction. Acting as redistributive agents, they were thought to draw upon raw materials and labour from the hinterland in order to produce and distribute specialized artisanal goods. In recent years, however, new perspectives have effectively challenged not only the redistributive role of governing institutions but also the negative attitude towards the existence of market and market-like systems in the Aegean. Once people started looking for them, markets have begun to appear in much earlier chronological horizons, shaping the emergence of state administrative institutions.
[1]
( Garraty and Stark 2010). Although there are some constrains in recognizing and understanding markets in prehistoric societies, the market is an economic process which should developed further in Bronze Age Crete.
[1]: see various contributions in Garraty, C. P. and B. L. Stark (eds). 2010. Archaeological Approaches to Market Exchange in Ancient Societies. Boulder, University of Colorado Press. |
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|
Pavillions, trading houses and fortifications are recorded in Aden.
[1]
[1]: Porter, Venetia Ann (1992) The history and monuments of the Tahirid dynasty of the Yemen 858-923/1454-1517, Durham theses, Durham University, p. 174, Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5867/ |
||||||
|
The existence of markets in the Aegean did not enjoy scholarly support for many decades, mostly due to the wide and uncritical acceptance of the Polanyian paradigm of ancient economies. Palatial institutions were seen as the only regulators of any economic transaction. Acting as redistributive agents, they were thought to draw upon raw materials and labour from the hinterland in order to produce and distribute specialized artisanal goods. In recent years, however, new perspectives have effectively challenged not only the redistributive role of governing institutions but also the negative attitude towards the existence of market and market-like systems in the Aegean. Once people started looking for them, markets have begun to appear in much earlier chronological horizons, shaping the emergence of state administrative institutions.
[1]
( Garraty and Stark 2010). Although there are some constrains in recognizing and understanding markets in prehistoric societies, the market is an economic process which should developed further in Bronze Age Crete.
[1]: see various contributions in Garraty, C. P. and B. L. Stark (eds). 2010. Archaeological Approaches to Market Exchange in Ancient Societies. Boulder, University of Colorado Press. |
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|
It has been generally argued that all economic transactions were based on fruitful barter.
[1]
Recent research, however, suggest that market exchanges also existed in prehistory Aegean.
[2]
[3]
[1]: e.g. Chadwick, J. 1976. The Mycenaean World, Cambridge, 78. [2]: Christakis, K. S. 2008. The Politics of the Storage. Storage and Sociopolitical Complexity in Neopalatial Crete (Prehistory Monographs 25), Philadelphia, 138-39 [3]: Parkinson, W., Nakassis, D., and Galaty, M. L. 2013. "Crafts, Specialists, and Markets in Mycenaean Greece: Introduction," American Journal of Archaeology 117, 413-22. |
||||||
|
he existence of markets in the Aegean did not enjoy scholarly support for many decades, mostly due to the wide and uncritical acceptance of the Polanyian paradigm of ancient economies. Palatial institutions were seen as the only regulators of any economic transaction. Acting as redistributive agents, they were thought to draw upon raw materials and labour from the hinterland in order to produce and distribute specialized artisanal goods. In recent years, however, new perspectives have effectively challenged not only the redistributive role of governing institutions but also the negative attitude towards the existence of market and market-like systems in the Aegean. Once people started looking for them, markets have begun to appear in much earlier chronological horizons, shaping the emergence of state administrative institutions.
[1]
( Garraty and Stark 2010). Although there are some constrains in recognizing and understanding markets in prehistoric societies, the market is an economic process which should developed further in Bronze Age Crete.
[1]: see various contributions in Garraty, C. P. and B. L. Stark (eds). 2010. Archaeological Approaches to Market Exchange in Ancient Societies. Boulder, University of Colorado Press. |
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|
"The relationship between the village-based producers of the rice plain and international traders was always indirect and mediated by other communities more directly related to international commerce. Local produce reached the international ports only through an intricate, multi-layered system of markets. The farmers and artisans of the villages took their produce, principally rice, salt, beans, and dyestuffs, to a periodic farmers’ market that came to them every so many days, according to a fixed schedule. There they could find merchants who travelled with this market from place to place. The travelling merchants bought the local produce and passed it along in exchanges with intermediary wholesalers. Then merchants from the ports of Java’s north coast purchased the produce from the wholesalers and sold it to merchants who travelled the seas, who delivered it to the ports where international merchants congregated. There were thus at least four layers of merchants and of markets between central Java’s rice producers and the international traders.23"
[1]
[1]: (Tarling 1993, 203) |
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|
Relationship between village producers and international traders mediated by four layers of merchants and markets: rice, salt, beans, and dyestuffs were taken by the producers to the farmers’ market; merchants bought the produce and passed it to intermediary wholesalers; then passed on to merchants on the coast who delivered it to ports; then delivered to international merchants.
[1]
[1]: (Hall in Tarling 1993, 203) |
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|
"…the antlers that were strewn along the southern side of the passageway [within the gatehouse of Tel Yafo] together with the vessels and seeds provide a glimpse into the role of the gate as a marketplace. The remains of these antlers included both whole and carefully cut portions, which reveal that a trade in antler tools and raw materials was conducted within the passageway…. Furthermore, the quantity and conditions of the remains, because they showed no evidence of having been crushed, indicate that they were located in the gateway before the gate’s destruction, in either sacks or baskets of which no traces could be identified. The patterns of deposition were also not random but rather consisted of collections of types (e.g., olive pits, wheat, chickpeas). Seeds and artifacts recovered within the gate indicate that the Egyptian gate was not an exclusively defensive structure but that it also likely served as an administrative center (second story), a storage space (second story), and possibly a market (passageway)."
[1]
[1]: Burke et al. (2017:110). |
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|
"Physical markets, since they are as much a process as a location, are hard to detect archaeologically. Occasional markets are places of exchange, not storage, and leave few traces. At smaller cities, storage and administrative buildings next to a city gate might have served as a periodic market (Kochavi 1998; Herr 1988). In larger centers, such as Tel Dan, the paved plaza outside the city gate was a more developed locale—though the stalls for such a marketplace could still be temporary and the traders might only occasionally visit. Perhaps the most developed attempt to outline a local extramural market center would be the recent work of Yifat Thareani, who argues that the public building at Tel Aroer, containing an unusually large number of weights for measuring silver, served a commercial function (2011: 161-73, 301-4)."
[1]
[1]: McMaster (2014:87) |
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|
"It is true, as Karl Polányi has pointed out, that we have to distinguish between market-place and market: the former is securely attested (Akkadian mah˘ı¯rum) in Mesopotamia from the Old Babylonian period onwards".
[1]
[1]: (Liverani 2014, 200) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/7DRZQS5Q/q/liverani. |
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|
"It is true, as Karl Polányi has pointed out, that we have to distinguish between market-place and market: the former is securely attested (Akkadian mah˘ı¯rum) in Mesopotamia from the Old Babylonian period onwards".
[1]
[1]: (Liverani 2014, 200) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/7DRZQS5Q/q/liverani. |
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|
"It is true, as Karl Polányi has pointed out, that we have to distinguish between market-place and market: the former is securely attested (Akkadian mah˘ı¯rum) in Mesopotamia from the Old Babylonian period onwards".
[1]
[1]: (Liverani 2014, 200) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/7DRZQS5Q/q/liverani. |
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|
Alongside the enforced flow of goods into the capital, trade developed as well.
[1]
Cut off from the main trade routes, Babylon set up a market to make it the final destination for trade. Other large market centres existed throughout the empire along the trading routes, e.g. Susiana and Lydia.
[2]
[1]: Vanderhooft, D.S. 1999. The Neo-Babylonian Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets. Harvard Seimitc Muesum Monographs 59. p.47 [2]: Liverani, M. 2011. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.549 |
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|
"The state was not only an important final recipient of merchandise and raw materials that had been acquired by Phoenician traders in the open market and that often finally flowed into the coffers of the Great King. It also played a pivotal role in the organization of the exchange of raw materials and rations for precious metals or even coins, therefore promoting the development of local markets."
[1]
[1]: (Morris and Scheidel 2008, 83) Morris I and Scheidel, W. 2008. The Dynamics of Ancient Empires: State Power from Assyria to Byzantium. Oxford University Press. |
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|
"The revenue of the Aq Qoyunlu came from taxes and dues levied on the sedentary population of Armenians, Kurds, and Arabs, as well as tolls collected along the main trade routes through eastern Anatolia."
[1]
General reference for Seljuk? - Safavid? time period: "The bāzār was usually, though not always, divided into a number of sūqs (markets) in which different crafts and occupations had separate quarters. At night, after members of the crafts and shopkeepers had shut their premises and retired to their homes, the gates of the bāzārs were locked and barred."
[2]
Grand Bazaar of Isfahan first built in the Seljuk period. "There are abundant material remains and other nonwritten sources for the Aq-quyunlu period. Metin Sözen has catalogued nearly one hundred Aqquyunlu architectural structures in almost thirty locales in Anatolia alone. These buildings include mosques, madrasas, tombs, hospices, markets, caravanserais, baths, bridges, fountains, palaces, and fortifications. Unfortunately, no similar work exists for these monuments constructed in Iran during the imperial period, many of which have now disappeared."
[3]
[1]: (Quiring-Zoche 2011) Quiring-Zoche, R. 2011. Aq Qoyunlu. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/aq-qoyunlu-confederation [2]: (Lambton 2011) Lambton, Ann K S. 2011. CITIES iii. Administration and Social Organization. Encyclopedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cities-iii [3]: (Woods 1998, 218) |
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|
"development of large, planned cities"
[1]
big change to the layout of rural villages may indicate optimisation for markets - now unwalled, and sprawling and constructed on virgin land rather on sites of historical communities of previous periods.
[2]
[1]: (Wenke 1981, 314-315) Wenke, Robert J. 1981. Elymeans, Parthians, and the Evolution of Empires in Southwestern Iran. Journal of the American Oriental Society. Vol. 101. No. 3. Jul-Sep. American Oriental Society. pp. 303-315. http://www.jstor.org/stable/602592 [2]: (Wenke 1981, 313) Wenke, Robert J. 1981. Elymeans, Parthians, and the Evolution of Empires in Southwestern Iran. Journal of the American Oriental Society. Vol. 101. No. 3. Jul-Sep. American Oriental Society. pp. 303-315. http://www.jstor.org/stable/602592 |
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|
General reference for Seljuk? - Safavid? time period: "The bāzār was usually, though not always, divided into a number of sūqs (markets) in which different crafts and occupations had separate quarters. At night, after members of the crafts and shopkeepers had shut their premises and retired to their homes, the gates of the bāzārs were locked and barred."
[1]
In Iraq, Ala al-Din Juwayni oversaw the construction of a new city al-Ma’man which was provided with a market.
[2]
[1]: (Lambton 2011) Lambton, Ann K S. 2011. CITIES iii. Administration and Social Organization. Encyclopedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cities-iii [2]: (Gilli-Elewy 174) Gilli-Elewy, Hend in Fuess, Albrecht and Hartung, Jan-Peter. 2014. Court Cultures in the Muslim World: Seventh to Nineteenth centuries. Routledge. |
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|
"Other major administrative achievements of the Elamites included ... the construction and maintenance of numerous public works and enterprises, such as roads, bridges, cities and towns, communication centers, and economic and commercial centers"
[1]
[1]: (Farazmand 2009, 22) Farazmand, Ali. 2009. Bureaucracy and Administration. CRC Press. Boca Raton. |
||||||
|
"Other major administrative achievements of the Elamites included ... the construction and maintenance of numerous public works and enterprises, such as roads, bridges, cities and towns, communication centers, and economic and commercial centers"
[1]
[1]: (Farazmand 2009, 22) Farazmand, Ali. 2009. Bureaucracy and Administration. CRC Press. Boca Raton. |
||||||
|
"Other major administrative achievements of the Elamites included ... the construction and maintenance of numerous public works and enterprises, such as roads, bridges, cities and towns, communication centers, and economic and commercial centers"
[1]
[1]: (Farazmand 2009, 22) Farazmand, Ali. 2009. Bureaucracy and Administration. CRC Press. Boca Raton. |
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|
"Internal market centers developed in the interior as a consequence at the towns of Katimbo in Biriwa Limba, Koindu in Kissi country, Falaba in the Solima Yalunka kingdom, and at other centers."
[1]
[1]: (Fyle and Foray 2006: xxxii) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM. |
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|
e.g.the city of Apologos (Uulla) “an official emporium”.
[1]
"Parthian cities included palace complexes, fortresses for the military garrison, and temple complexes, as well as markets and residential areas."
[2]
[1]: Brunner, Christopher, ‘Geographical and Adminstrative Divisions: Settlements and Economy’, in The Cambridge history of Iran: the Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian periods. Part 2, ed. by Ehsan Yar-Shater (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), III, p.55 [2]: Rezakhani, Khodadad. 2016. Arsacid Society and Culture. Accessed 06.09.2016: https://iranologie.com/the-history-page/the-arsacid-empire/arsacid-society-and-culture/ |
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e.g.the city of Apologos (Uulla) “an official emporium”.
[1]
"Parthian cities included palace complexes, fortresses for the military garrison, and temple complexes, as well as markets and residential areas."
[2]
[1]: Brunner, Christopher, ‘Geographical and Adminstrative Divisions: Settlements and Economy’, in The Cambridge history of Iran: the Seleucid, Parthian and Sasanian periods. Part 2, ed. by Ehsan Yar-Shater (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1983), III, p.55 [2]: Rezakhani, Khodadad. 2016. Arsacid Society and Culture. Accessed 06.09.2016: https://iranologie.com/the-history-page/the-arsacid-empire/arsacid-society-and-culture/ |
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|
"The commercial centre, the bazaar, provided facilities for financial exchange and for the storage in caravanserais of trading commodites, as well as quarters for the storage in caravanserais of trading commodities, as well as quarters for the handicraft industries carried out by the guilds."
[1]
[1]: (Martin 2005, 15) Vanessa Martin. 2005. The Qajar Pact: Bargaining, Protest and the State in Nineteenth-Century Persia. I. B. Tauris. London. |
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|
Whereas local markets economically integrated town and countryside, it was luxuries acquired in trade that served as the political glue binding rural lords to urban royal dynasties.”
[1]
“These cities also provided the primary markets in their territories. The marketplace at Savi drew 5,000 people on market day in its heyday. Rural communities brought goods to the markets of Savi and Grand Ardra every fourth day (the market week) to ply commodities such as salt, tex tiles, basketry, calabashes, pottery and other products for sale. These polities were thus characterized by regional settlement differentiation, in which urban centers served as political and economic nexuses for smaller settlements across nearby rural areas. Rural communities and urban centers were integrated in terms of production and distribution of everyday domestic products.”
[2]
[1]: Monroe, J. Cameron. “Urbanism on West Africa’s Slave Coast: Archaeology Sheds New Light on Cities in the Era of the Atlantic Slave Trade.” American Scientist, vol. 99, no. 5, 2011, pp. 400–09: 403. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/E5WA63Z2/collection [2]: Monroe, J. Cameron. “Urbanism on West Africa’s Slave Coast: Archaeology Sheds New Light on Cities in the Era of the Atlantic Slave Trade.” American Scientist, vol. 99, no. 5, 2011, pp. 400–09: 402. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/E5WA63Z2/collection |
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|
Safavid government had a muhtasib
[1]
(a supervisor of bazaars and trade). Shah Abbas built bazaars.
[2]
"the dārūḡa fixed prices, which no shopkeeper dared to transgress, for fear of punishment".
[3]
The kalāntar of Isfahan, among his duties, "oversaw the bāzār".
[4]
General reference for Seljuk? - Safavid? time period: "The bāzār was usually, though not always, divided into a number of sūqs (markets) in which different crafts and occupations had separate quarters. At night, after members of the crafts and shopkeepers had shut their premises and retired to their homes, the gates of the bāzārs were locked and barred."
[4]
[1]: (Keyvani 1982, 130) Keyvani, Mehdi. 1982. Artisans and Guild Life in the Later Safavid Period: Contributions to the Social-economic History of Persia. Klaus Schwarz. Artisans. [2]: E Eshraghi, ‘PERSIA DURING THE PERIOD OF THE SAFAVIDS, THE AFSHARS AND THE EARLY QAJARS’, in Chahryar Adle and Irfan Habib (eds), History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Vol. V The Sixteenth to the Mid-Nineteenth Centuries (Paris: Unesco, 1992), p.261. [3]: (Lambton 2011) Lambton, Ann K S. 2011. CITIES iii. Administration and Social Organization. Encyclopedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cities-iii [4]: (Lambton 2011) Lambton, Ann K S. 2011. CITIES iii. Administration and Social Organization. Encyclopedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cities-iii |
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|
Markets were introduced to non-urban areas partly so as to impose coinage-taxation on farmers, rather than taxation paid in kind.
[1]
[1]: Aperghis, G. G. 2004. The Seleukid Royal Economy: The Finances and Financial Administration of the Seleukid Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p31-2, p69 |
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|
muhtasib: "market inspector; city official responsible for upholding public morals"
[1]
Toghrïl Beg “built a new quarter at Baghdad … which included ... bazaars”.
[2]
Seljuks built markets.
[3]
General reference for Seljuk? - Safavid? time period: "The bāzār was usually, though not always, divided into a number of sūqs (markets) in which different crafts and occupations had separate quarters. At night, after members of the crafts and shopkeepers had shut their premises and retired to their homes, the gates of the bāzārs were locked and barred."
[4]
Grand Bazaar of Isfahan first built in the Seljuk period.
[1]: (Peacock 2015, 335) Peacock, A C S. 2015. The Great Seljuk Empire. Edinburgh University Press Ltd. Edinburgh. [2]: Lambton, A.K.S., ‘The Internal Structure of the Saljuq Empire’, in The Cambridge History of Iran. Vol 5, The Saljuq and Mongol Period, ed. by J.A. Boyle (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1968),p.223. [3]: (Starr 2013) Starr, S. Frederick. 2013. Lost Enlightenment: Central Asia’s Golden Age from the Arab Conquest to Tamerlane. Princeton University Press. Princeton. [4]: (Lambton 2011) Lambton, Ann K S. 2011. CITIES iii. Administration and Social Organization. Encyclopedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cities-iii |
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|
[1]
"Apart from few royal inscriptions, the evidence on the Sukkal-mah period is mainly based on legal documents. Apart from the use of the Babylonian language, the Elamite legal system adopted several instruments typical of the Old Babylonian period. At Susa, a fragment of a code has been found, though it is too small for a reconstruction of Elamite society. However, this fragment is clear enough to attest to the royal practice, copied from Eshnunna or Babylon, of producing legal or celebratory texts. For instance, we know that Attahushu (nineteeth century BC), one of the first sukkal-mah, placed a stele in the market place with a list of fair prices."
[2]
[1]: Potts 1999, 174 [2]: (Leverani 2014, 254) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. |
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|
"Other major administrative achievements of the Elamites included ... the construction and maintenance of numerous public works and enterprises, such as roads, bridges, cities and towns, communication centers, and economic and commercial centers"
[1]
[1]: (Farazmand 2009, 22) Farazmand, Ali. 2009. Bureaucracy and Administration. CRC Press. Boca Raton. |
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"The Porticus was ... the location for nearly all Rome’s documented ergasteria or shops in our period."
[1]
Civitas Leoniana was a market area. "What was being sold in the Civitas Leoniana? Food and drink, for sure; sex, doubtless, though it is not documented; lead and tin seals with portraits of the apostles Peter and Paul by 1199 at the latest, and so presumably the same array of religious trinkets that one can buy in and around piazza S. Pietro today. Our documents mention several negotientes, as actors or witnesses, as one would expect; a cambiator or money changer in 1083; and several food sellers of different types. Only a few artisans appear: workers in metal and cloth. This was, then, a commercial suburb, more than a productive one. The basilica gained the right not only to sell seals in 1199 but to have them made..."
[2]
Wickham’s map of "Classical and secular buildings" also shows basilicas in the forum area.
[3]
These may indicate market areas.
[1]: (Wickham 2015, 135) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [2]: (Wickham 2015, 140) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [3]: (Wickham 2015 xxvii) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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Italy in general was, during this period, probably the most economically sophisticated part of Europe, and markets were to be found in all major cities of the Papal States and most of the towns, villages, and even small hamlets.
[1]
[1]: While it is concerned primarily with Florence, Goldthwaite, Economy, is a good introduction to the Italian economic situation in the late medieval and early modern periods. |
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Markets held every eight days (a period called the nundinum), usually in fora of Roman towns. Urban markets since 2nd century BCE
[1]
Markets were also held outside the Basilica Aemilia, first built 179 BCE.
[2]
[3]
The multi-function forum building also functioned as a marketplace.
[1]: (Crawford 2001, 40) |
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|
Cities of Latium were Hellenistic (Hellenisation of Latium beginning in the 8th Century
[1]
): walls, streets, market places, temples, monumental buildings.”
[2]
[3]
The multi-function forum building also functioned as a marketplace.
[1]: (Cornell 1995, 87) [2]: (Cornell 1995, 59) [3]: (Cornell 1995, 102) |
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‘Markets served as places of exchange on the shoen and on large shoen were held on prescribed days each month. Through these grant lands and markets, the shoen acquired the commodities it did not produce. It is clear that shoen were not self sufficient and that the division of labor was quite advanced.’
[1]
[1]: Yamamura, Kozo (ed). 2008. The Cambridge History of Japan. Vol. 3. Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press [sixth edition].p.306 |
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|
’About a half-mile north of the temples lay two official markets, similarly called the East and West Markets, about 600 yards east and west of Suzaku Avenue. The markets were, interestingly, among the earliest features of the Heian landscape, having been transferred there from Nagaoka three or four months before the arrival of Emperor Kammu in 794. Walled and gated, it appears, and distinguished architecturally by a tower or loft structure, each market was four blocks in area, the same size as the temple sites, and contained, in addition to the stalls, warehouses, and residences of the merchants, the offices of the market administrators.’
[1]
[1]: Shively, Donald H. and McCullough, William H. 2008. The Cambridge History of Japan Volume 2: Heian Japan. Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press.p.117-118 |
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|
‘There is no doubt that the number of markets - most of them having only three market days per month (sansai-ichi) - steadily increased across the nation during the second half of the Kamakura period. When we count the number of local markets mentioned in historical records, we find that there were only six between 1200 and 1250, increasing to nineteen between 1250 and 1300, and to twenty-one between 1300 and 1331.38 Such data, though limited, are a useful indicator of the rise in the number of local markets. These markets frequently sprang up at or near the nodes of transportation - ports and the more important crossroads - and in such places as provincial capitals and the larger local temples.’
[1]
[1]: Yamamura, Kozo (ed). 2008. The Cambridge History of Japan. Vol. 3. Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press [sixth edition].p.364. |
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|
’Such exchange took place at two state-run markets (the Eastern and the Western) in the capital, which were centers of a vast commercial network that included markets, ports, and stations in neighboring provinces... Each province had its own market, located near the provincial headquarters, that was linked with a number of local trading posts.’
[1]
[1]: Brown, Delmer M. 1993. The Cambridge History of Japan Volume 1: Ancient Japan. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press.p.434 |
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Towns and cities had markets and trading emporiums. “Jeremy Haslam has suggested that not only was Offa responsible for a defensive network of burhs at important bridgeheads in eastern England, but that he may also have established a series of ‘urban’ markets to stimulate the Mercian economy.”
[1]
[1]: (Yorke 1990: 117) York, Barbara. 1990. Kings and Kingdoms of Early Anglo-Saxon England. London: Routledge. https://doi.org/10.4324/9780203447307. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/YXTNCWJN |
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|
Karakhanids took an active interest in the success of trade: "The Karakhanids built caravanserais to foster trade along heretofore neglected routes. Notable among these was the monumental Ribat-i-Malik on the road between Bukhara and Samarkand and Bukhara."
[1]
"It may be concluded from indirect evidence that state control of market prices existed during Ibrahim’s reign."
[2]
"Every town had its bazaars and caravanserai."
[3]
[1]: (Starr 2013) Starr, S. Frederick. 2013. Lost Enlightenment: Central Asia’s Golden Age from the Arab Conquest to Tamerlane. Princeton University Press. Princeton. [2]: (Davidovich 1997, 136) Davidovich, E A. in Asimov, M S and Bosworth, C E eds. 1997. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume IV. Part I. UNESCO. [3]: (Davidovich 1997, 148) Davidovich, E A. in Asimov, M S and Bosworth, C E eds. 1997. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume IV. Part I. UNESCO. |
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|
’In other scenes, wrestling palace guards amuse themselves by tying one another into knots; and, in the marketplace, pedlars grapple with baskets, hung from the shoulder-yole, that are still a familiar sight in monsoon Asia.’
[1]
’Fish, probably from the Great Lake, is sold in the market, a scene daily repeated in the area today. The Bayon.’
[2]
According to Zhou Daguan, ’"In Cambodia it is the women who take charge of trade... Market is held every day from six o’clock until noon. There are no shops in which merchants live; instead, they display goods on a matting spread upon the ground".’
[3]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.127). [2]: (Higham 2014b, p. 388) [3]: (Freeman and Jacques 1999, p. 36) |
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|
’In other scenes, wrestling palace guards amuse themselves by tying one another into knots; and, in the marketplace, pedlars grapple with baskets, hung from the shoulder-yole, that are still a familiar sight in monsoon Asia.’
[1]
According to Zhou Daguan, ’"In Cambodia it is the women who take charge of trade... Market is held every day from six o’clock until noon. There are no shops in which merchants live; instead, they display goods on a matting spread upon the ground".’
[2]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.127). [2]: (Freeman and Jacques 1999, p. 36) |
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|
“As we have no answers to these questions, we must be grateful to Zhoufor what he gives us. His description of rural marketing, for example,could easily have been written about rural markets in Cambodia today: "The local people who know how to trade are all women....There is a market every day from around six in the morning until midday. There are no stalls only a kind of tumbleweed mat laidout on the ground, each mat in its usual place. I gather there isalso a rental fee to be paid to officials." "
[1]
[1]: (Chandler 2008, 87) |
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|
’In other scenes, wrestling palace guards amuse themselves by tying one another into knots; and, in the marketplace, pedlars grapple with baskets, hung from the shoulder-yole, that are still a familiar sight in monsoon Asia.’
[1]
According to Zhou Daguan, ’"In Cambodia it is the women who take charge of trade... Market is held every day from six o’clock until noon. There are no shops in which merchants live; instead, they display goods on a matting spread upon the ground".’
[2]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.127). [2]: (Freeman and Jacques 1999, p. 36) |
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|
Weekly local or village markets were the center of a remarkable system of exchange and distribution for great quantities of food and other types of products. "Les marchés locaux ou marchés de village se tenant une fois par semaine étaint des centres d’un remarquable système d’échange et de distribution de grandes quantités de denrées alimentaires, et de produits de toutes sortes."
[1]
There were also interregional markets.
[2]
Description of the merchant class and their exchange activities in the cities (mainlt Djenné and Timbuktu), on rivers and in caravans
[3]
polity owed? An official called the Yobu-koi "was in charge of the market."
[4]
[1]: (Niane 1975, 200) [2]: (Niane 1975, 202) [3]: (Niane 1975, 174-180) [4]: (Diop 1987, 112) Diop, Cheikh Anta. Salemson, Harold trans. 1987. Precolonial Black Africa. Lawrence Hill Books. Chicago. |
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|
"It is certain, however, that Karabalghasun developed into quite an impressive city. It contained a royal palace, which appears from the Shine-usu inscription (south side, line 10) to have been built at about the same time as the city itself, and was completely walled. Tamim records that "the town has twelve iron gates of huge size. The town is populous and thickly crowded and has markets and various trades."."
[1]
[1]: (Mackerras 1990, 337-338) |
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|
Border markets. "The border trade not only altered Zunghar internal relations but also began to change relations with the frontier merchants. Border officials, realizing that merchants knew prices better than the government, decided to co- operate with them. They created a system of “merchant management under overall official supervision” (shangban er guan wei zongshe zhaokan).17 Nineteenth-century advocates of self-strengthening programs would later call this arrangement “official supervision and merchant management” (guandu shangban). The quantities of goods which the Zunghars brought to the border exceeded what local markets could bear. Dried grapes and rare medicinal products like sal ammoniac and antelope horn, obtained from mines in Turkestan and pastures in Mongolia, piled up in warehouses when no one could arrange distribution. Cattle and sheep served local interests better because they could be used to support military garrisons, but even these herds exceeded local demand. Furthermore, Zunghars constantly insisted on being paid in silver, thus threatening to cause a substan- tial bullion outflow."
[1]
[1]: (Perdue 2005, 263) |
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|
There is no direct evidence for a market system during this period (and no evidence for a market at the capital Monte Alban)
[1]
, but other, indirect, evidence suggests a form of production and trade in the valley at this time. This evidence includes the specialisation of ceramic production by different communities (such as those seen in different assemblages at Monte Albán)
[2]
, and the absence of evidence for state storage facilities, “a prominent byproduct of the redistributive economies, suggests the presence of a different mode of exchange.”.
[3]
We asked Gary Feinman
[4]
and he said: "Markets clearly have a long history in Mesoamerica before Aztec times. Back in the 1980s, I wrote a paper with Blanton and Kowalewski arguing that there were markets in Monte Albán I (ca. 500-200 BC). You can also find that argument in Ancient Mesoamerica and Ancient Oaxaca. While this may not yet be a consensual view yet, the literature on pre-Aztec markets across Mesoamerica is burgeoning."
[1]: Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p162 [2]: Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p84 [3]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p55 [4]: Gary Feinman, personal communication to Peter Turchin and Jenny Reddish, March 2020. |
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|
Mehmet II built commercial centres including a covered bazaar in the Old City of Istanbul. (
[1]
Endowment funds were invested in bazaars and shops.
[2]
Fixed economy in Istanbul. "The state required traders to guarantee the delivery wheat, salt, meat, oil, fish, honey, and wax directly to the palace and the capital city at fixed prices. Merchants were thus made agents of the state to meet the fiscal and provisioning needs of the capital."
[3]
In Cairo, the waqf instigated urban development of Ridwan Bey (a "powerful emir" in the late seventeenth century) over one hectare included a "commercial structure" containing shops.
[4]
[1]: (Inalcik and Quataert 1997, 18) [2]: (Lapidus 2012, 449) [3]: (Lapidus 2012, 450) [4]: (Raymond 2000, 237) |
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|
“We have no accounts of large marketplaces, few descriptions of independent traders except on the margins of the empire […] yet in spite of this, evidence for small marketplaces exists in the pre-Hispanic Central Andes. Local fairs flourished, and there was a brisk trade in many goods, both basic commodities and products of highly specialized labor.”
[1]
“The historical data are quite clear that there were few price-making markets, but substantial barter markets, in the Andes.”
[2]
“We contend that barter fairs were the means by which most commodities were traded in the Andes prior to and even during the Inca Empire. There was without doubt a state imperial economy that produced and moved large quantities of goods outside of any barter or other kind of market. But at the daily, domestic level, people most likely produced and traded goods, at least locally, if not regionally, outside of the state economy.”
[3]
This is likely to be valid for the period preceding imperial expansion.
[1]: (Stanish and Coben 2013, 419) [2]: (Stanish and Coben 2013, 427) [3]: (Stanish and Coben 2013, 431) |
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|
There is no direct evidence for marketplaces.
[1]
However, increasing population numbers and product specialisation during this period, as well as the the access that different settlements had to a range of products suggest a trading system of a sort was present. Those sites furthest from Monte Albán and secondary sites had the smallest range of products.
[2]
We asked Gary Feinman
[3]
and he said: "Markets clearly have a long history in Mesoamerica before Aztec times. Back in the 1980s, I wrote a paper with Blanton and Kowalewski arguing that there were markets in Monte Albán I (ca. 500-200 BC). You can also find that argument in Ancient Mesoamerica and Ancient Oaxaca. While this may not yet be a consensual view yet, the literature on pre-Aztec markets across Mesoamerica is burgeoning."
[1]: Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p162 [2]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p67-8 [3]: Gary Feinman, personal communication to Peter Turchin and Jenny Reddish, March 2020. |
||||||
|
There is no direct evidence for marketplaces.
[1]
However, increasing population numbers and product specialisation during this period, as well as the the access that different settlements had to a range of products suggest a trading system of a sort was present. Those sites furthest from Monte Albán and secondary sites had the smallest range of products.
[2]
We asked Gary Feinman
[3]
and he said: "Markets clearly have a long history in Mesoamerica before Aztec times. Back in the 1980s, I wrote a paper with Blanton and Kowalewski arguing that there were markets in Monte Albán I (ca. 500-200 BC). You can also find that argument in Ancient Mesoamerica and Ancient Oaxaca. While this may not yet be a consensual view yet, the literature on pre-Aztec markets across Mesoamerica is burgeoning."
[1]: Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p162 [2]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p67-8 [3]: Gary Feinman, personal communication to Peter Turchin and Jenny Reddish, March 2020. |
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|
"Markets clearly have a long history in Mesoamerica before Aztec times. Back in the 1980s, I wrote a paper with Blanton and Kowalewski arguing that there were markets in Monte Albán I (ca. 500-200 BC). You can also find that argument in Ancient Mesoamerica and Ancient Oaxaca. While this may not yet be a consensual view yet, the literature on pre-Aztec markets across Mesoamerica is burgeoning."
[1]
Feinman and Nicholas adopt a "multiscalar perspective" in their book chapter to argue that marketplaces were a central part of the economy during the Classic period in the Valley Oaxaca.
[2]
[1]: Gary Feinman, personal communication to Peter Turchin and Jenny Reddish, March 2020. [2]: (Feinman and Nicholas 2010) Gary M. Feinman and Linda M. Nicholas. 2010. "A Multiscalar Perspective on Market Exchange in the Classic-Period Valley of Oaxaca." In Archaeological Approaches to Market Exchange in Ancient Societies, edited by Christopher P. Garraty and Barbara L. Stark, 85-98. Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado. |
||||||
|
"Markets clearly have a long history in Mesoamerica before Aztec times. Back in the 1980s, I wrote a paper with Blanton and Kowalewski arguing that there were markets in Monte Albán I (ca. 500-200 BC). You can also find that argument in Ancient Mesoamerica and Ancient Oaxaca. While this may not yet be a consensual view yet, the literature on pre-Aztec markets across Mesoamerica is burgeoning."
[1]
Feinman and Nicholas adopt a "multiscalar perspective" in their book chapter to argue that marketplaces were a central part of the economy during the Classic period in the Valley Oaxaca.
[2]
[1]: Gary Feinman, personal communication to Peter Turchin and Jenny Reddish, March 2020. [2]: (Feinman and Nicholas 2010) Gary M. Feinman and Linda M. Nicholas. 2010. "A Multiscalar Perspective on Market Exchange in the Classic-Period Valley of Oaxaca." In Archaeological Approaches to Market Exchange in Ancient Societies, edited by Christopher P. Garraty and Barbara L. Stark, 85-98. Boulder, CO: University Press of Colorado. |
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|
"Marketplace institutions also would have existed at Teotihuacan, beginning at least in the second century AD".
[1]
[1]: (Sugiyama 2005: 4) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/P56I2R2H. |
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|
"Marketplace institutions also would have existed at Teotihuacan, beginning at least in the second century AD".
[1]
[1]: (Sugiyama 2005: 4) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/P56I2R2H. |
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|
The presence or absence of markets and market exchange is debated for the Late/Terminal Formative due to the ambiguity of the archaeological evidence.
[1]
or Classic Period.
[2]
[3]
[4]
The archaeological location of physical "marketplaces" at large sites in the Late and Terminal Formative Basin of Mexico is difficult because they constitute open areas that are equifinal with plazas (or other open spaces).
[1]: Castanzo, Ronald A. and Kenneth G. Hirth. (2008) "El asentamiento del periodo Formativo en la cuenca central de Puebla-Tlaxcala, Mexico. In Ann Cyphers and Kenneth G. Hirth (eds.) Ideologia politica y sociedad en el periodo Formativo:Ensayos en homenaje al doctor David C. Grove. IIA/UNAM, Mexico City, pp.203-231. [2]: Carballo, David M. (2013) "The Social Organization of Craft Production and Interregional Exchange at Teotihuacan." In Kenneth H. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury (eds.) Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, pg. 113-140. [3]: Kenneth H. Hirth. (2013) "The Merchant’s World: Commercial Diversity and the Economics of Interregional Exchange in Highland Mesoamerica." In Kenneth H. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury (eds.) Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, pg. 85-112. [4]: Kenneth H. Hirth. (2013) "Economic Consumption and Domestic Economy in Cholula’s Rural Hinterland, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 24(2): 123-148. |
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|
"The essential elements of altepetl organization were concentrated in the structures of the civic-ceremonial core, including marketplaces fundamental to the economy system, palaces serving as administrative loci".
[1]
[1]: (Carballo 2016: 44) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/7B7A8KA6. |
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"Other kinds of civic buildings [at Tula] one might expect to find with more excavation includes palaces, marketplaces, government storehouses, and calmecacs (priestly schools)".
|
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The Incas did not have markets but some of the polities they conquered did. "Although they annexed lands with markets, money, and specialized communities, the Incas did not adopt market features into their state economy. Instead, they created an independent set of state resources and institutions that provided for their needs."
[1]
“We have no accounts of large marketplaces, few descriptions of independent traders except on the margins of the empire […] yet in spite of this, evidence for small marketplaces exists in the pre-Hispanic Central Andes. Local fairs flourished, and there was a brisk trade in many goods, both basic commodities and products of highly specialized labor.”
[2]
“The historical data are quite clear that there were few price-making markets, but substantial barter markets, in the Andes.”
[3]
“We contend that barter fairs were the means by which most commodities were traded in the Andes prior to and even during the Inca Empire. There was without doubt a state imperial economy that produced and moved large quantities of goods outside of any barter or other kind of market. But at the daily, domestic level, people most likely produced and traded goods, at least locally, if not regionally, outside of the state economy.”
[4]
[1]: (D’Altroy 2014, 394) [2]: (Stanish and Coben 2013, 419) [3]: (Stanish and Coben 2013, 427) [4]: (Stanish and Coben 2013, 431) |
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The foreign authorities established colonial settlements (see above), enabling trading relations with the Orokaiva population: ’European contact was to alter radically two major facets of pre-contact Orokaivan life. Forced pacification and compulsory labour would inhibit the scope of feasting and fighting. It would also open the path for the more regular association of different clans and tribes in the context of voluntary market exchange and government carrying and road work. This wider, peaceful association would modify the narrow moral universe. This was also to be challenged by the introduced missionaries, who would call on people to love all fellow humans.’
[1]
[Even in colonial settlements, services were of a makeshift character.] Given the introduction of cash-cropping, we have assumed that Orokaiva farmers visited colonial markets occasionally.
[1]: Newton, Janice 1985. “Orokaiva Production And Change”, 24 |
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Evidence for trade bringing exotic raw materials such as lapis lazuli to Mehrgarh indicates that long-range contacts were maintained over several millennia, so there should be no doubt that this earliest phase of village occupation in South Asia was one where people and ideas could be spread widely. While several of the domesticated plant and animal species seen at Mehrgarh in period I were not domesticated locally, it is not yet possible to establish whether we are looking at cultural diffusion, where farming was adopted by local foragers, demic diffusion, where farmers moved onto the Kacchi plain from elsewhere, or some combination of the two processes taking place in tandem.
[1]
There is also evidence for long-distance trade of shell artefacts
[2]
[1]: Petrie, C., 2015. Mehrgarh, Pakistan, in The Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE-500 CE. [2]: (Kenoyer 1995: 566-582) Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. 1995. ’Shell trade and shell working during the Neolithic and Chalcolithic at Mehrgarh, Pakistan’ in Mehrgarh, edited by Catherine Jarrige, Jean-Francois Jarrige, Richard H. Meadow, and Gonzague Quivron. Karachi: Dept. of Culture and Tourism, Govt. of Sindh ; in collaboration with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. |
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It’s possible that Mehrgarh itself was a trading emporium "where people from the uplands gathered on a seasonal basis"
[1]
Evidence, for example, of trade in seashell ornaments
[2]
[1]: (Ahmed 2014, 323 citing: ?) [2]: (Kenoyer 1995: 566-582) Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. 1995. ’Shell trade and shell working during the Neolithic and Chalcolithic at Mehrgarh, Pakistan’ in Mehrgarh, edited by Catherine Jarrige, Jean-Francois Jarrige, Richard H. Meadow, and Gonzague Quivron. Karachi: Dept. of Culture and Tourism, Govt. of Sindh ; in collaboration with the French Ministry of Foreign Affairs. |
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"Village markets, occurring every three days, assured the circulation of goods outside the domestic economy (Zahan, 1954). Markets were unde r the aegis of both political and priest chiefs. It was the naba who authorized the establishment of a new market, but it was tengasoba who sacralized the place by pouring libations on the market shrine. A market chief policed the market and collected dues on the naba’s behalf. This was not a tax, but rather a countergift to him for the benefit conferred by the market."
[1]
[1]: (Zahan 1967: 158) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TVIRPGXD/collection. |
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|
[1]
Map of Middle East region shows locations of "Annual market fairs."
[2]
Markets established for army to sell troops weapons, sometimes grain, which they were expected to buy with their own money.
[3]
[1]: (Bloom and Blair, eds. 2009, 80) [2]: (Nicolle 1993, 4) Nicolle, D. 1993. Armies of the Muslim Conquest. Osprey Publishing. [3]: (Kennedy 2001, 87) Kennedy, H. 2001. The Armies of the Caliphs. Routledge. London. |
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According to a seventeenth-century Dutch source, "for the use of the common people, small shells are used, which come from Manilla and Borneo. 600 to 700 of these are worth one foeang, and the daily provisions and other little necessaries are paid with them. With 5 to 20 of these shells, or even with less, the people may buy on the market sufficient supplies for one day."
[1]
[1]: (Van Ravenswaay 1910, p. 96) |
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"Sarazm also demonstrates the existence of commercial and cultural exchanges and trade relations with peoples over an extensive geographical area, extending from the steppes of Central Asia and Turkmenistan, to the Iranian plateau, the Indus valley and as far as the Indian Ocean."
[1]
"Sarazm demonstrates the existence of inter-regional trade and cultural interchanges over long distances across Central Asia. This was a long-lasting and prosperous proto-urban metropolis, at the north-eastern extremity of a vast area stretching from Mesopotamia to the Indus and the Iranian plateau."
[1]
"The Proto-urban Site of Sarazm is one of the places that gave birth to and saw the development of the major trans-Eurasian trade routes."
[1]
[1]: http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1141 |
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Market of the Lamps (Suq al-Qanadil) was the greatest market.
[1]
In the caliphal city, al-Qahira Nasir-i Khusraw reported that the shops were "all the sultan’s property" and leased to the shop owners.
[2]
al-Muqaddasi referred to Fustat (10th CE) as "the marketplace for all mankind ... It is the storehouse of the Occident, the entrepot of the Orient".
[3]
In Fustat the muhtasib "supervised the activities of shopkeepers and artisans and saw to the observance of religious law."
[4]
[1]: (Raymond 2000, 42) [2]: (Raymond 2000, 54) [3]: (Lindsay 2005, 106) Lindsay, James E. 2005. Daily Life in The Medieval Islamic World. Hackett Publishing Company, Inc. Indianapolis. [4]: (Raymond 2000, 65) |
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[1]
[2]
Public squares such as the Agora in Athens or the Forum Romanum are so far unknown in the Hittite period. Nevertheless, smaller squares, for instance for market places, surely must have existed
[3]
.
[1]: Hoffner H. A. (2002) Some Thoughts on Merchants and Trade in the Hittite Kingdom, [In:] T. Richter, D. Prechel and J. Klinger (ed), Kulturgeschichten. Altorientalistische Studien für Volkert Haas Zum 65. Geburtstag, Saarbrücken: Saarbrücker Druckerei und Verlag, pp. 179-89. [2]: Bryce T. (2002) Life and Society in the Hittite World, New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 92. [3]: Mielke D. P. (2011) Hittite Cities: Looking for a Concept, pp. 175 [In:] H. Genz and D. P. Mielke (ed.) Insights Into Hittite History And Archaeology, Colloquia Antiqua 2, Leuven, Paris, Walpole MA: PEETERS, pp. 153-194 |
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During the Ottonian period towns expanded to include a permanent market square, and along the Rhine and Danube rivers 130 new market towns were built during this period.
[1]
Many villages also had a small market.
[2]
[1]: Wilson 2016: 505-506. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/N5M9R9XA [2]: Power 2006: 62. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4V4WE3ZK |
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Preiser-Kapeller says present.
[1]
State-supplied food sent to markets (macella) which in Constantinople "were normally located by the fora and the Strategion (M. Mango 2000)."
[2]
"The market-places (agorai) built in the early Byzantine period follow Roman models (e.g. the oval Forum erected by Constantine I in Constantinople, the circular agora of Justiniana Prima built by Justinian I), so much so that the Forum Tauri in Constantinople was laid out by Theodosios I in imitation of Trajan’s Forum in Rome."
[3]
"Shops lined the main thoroughfares and market-places of cities where they were grouped according to their speciality (the workshops/retail shops of the furriers of Constantinople stood in the Forum of Constantine, the Forum of Theodosios, and along the Mese)."
[4]
[1]: (Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 2015) Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences) [2]: (Hennessey 2008, 213) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [3]: (Bakirtzis 2008, 374) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [4]: (Bakirtzis 2008, 375) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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Preiser-Kapeller says present.
[1]
Eleventh century: "Emperors from the aristocratic magnate class give up a planned economy."
[2]
State-supplied food sent to markets (macella) which in Constantinople "were normally located by the fora and the Strategion (M. Mango 2000)."
[3]
"The market-places (agorai) built in the early Byzantine period follow Roman models (e.g. the oval Forum erected by Constantine I in Constantinople, the circular agora of Justiniana Prima built by Justinian I), so much so that the Forum Tauri in Constantinople was laid out by Theodosios I in imitation of Trajan’s Forum in Rome."
[4]
[1]: (Preiser-Kapeller 2015) Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences) [2]: (Haussig 1971, Chronological Table) Haussig, H W.trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. [3]: (Hennessey 2008, 213) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [4]: (Bakirtzis 2008, 374) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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|
Preiser-Kapeller says present.
[1]
Eleventh century: "Emperors from the aristocratic magnate class give up a planned economy."
[2]
State-supplied food sent to markets (macella) which in Constantinople "were normally located by the fora and the Strategion (M. Mango 2000)."
[3]
"The market-places (agorai) built in the early Byzantine period follow Roman models (e.g. the oval Forum erected by Constantine I in Constantinople, the circular agora of Justiniana Prima built by Justinian I), so much so that the Forum Tauri in Constantinople was laid out by Theodosios I in imitation of Trajan’s Forum in Rome."
[4]
[1]: (Preiser-Kapeller 2015) Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences) [2]: (Haussig 1971, Chronological Table) Haussig, H W.trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. [3]: (Hennessey 2008, 213) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [4]: (Bakirtzis 2008, 374) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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|
[1]
[2]
Public squares such as the Agora in Athens or the Forum Romanum are so far unknown in the Hittite period. Nevertheless, smaller squares, for instance for market places, surely must have existed
[3]
.
[1]: Hoffner H. A. (2002) Some Thoughts on Merchants and Trade in the Hittite Kingdom, [In:] T. Richter, D. Prechel and J. Klinger (ed), Kulturgeschichten. Altorientalistische Studien für Volkert Haas Zum 65. Geburtstag, Saarbrücken: Saarbrücker Druckerei und Verlag, pp. 179-89. [2]: Bryce T. (2002) Life and Society in the Hittite World, New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 92. [3]: Mielke D. P. (2011) Hittite Cities: Looking for a Concept, pp. 175 [In:] H. Genz and D. P. Mielke (ed.) Insights Into Hittite History And Archaeology, Colloquia Antiqua 2, Leuven, Paris, Walpole MA: PEETERS, pp. 153-194 |
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|
[1]
[2]
Public squares such as the Agora in Athens or the Forum Romanum are so far unknown in the Hittite period. Nevertheless, smaller squares, for instance for market places, surely must have existed
[3]
.
[1]: Hoffner H. A. (2002) Some Thoughts on Merchants and Trade in the Hittite Kingdom, [In:] T. Richter, D. Prechel and J. Klinger (ed), Kulturgeschichten. Altorientalistische Studien für Volkert Haas Zum 65. Geburtstag, Saarbrücken: Saarbrücker Druckerei und Verlag, pp. 179-89. [2]: Bryce T. (2002) Life and Society in the Hittite World, New York: Oxford University Press, pp. 92. [3]: Mielke D. P. (2011) Hittite Cities: Looking for a Concept, pp. 175 [In:] H. Genz and D. P. Mielke (ed.) Insights Into Hittite History And Archaeology, Colloquia Antiqua 2, Leuven, Paris, Walpole MA: PEETERS, pp. 153-194 |
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Mehmet II built commercial centres including a covered bazaar in the Old City of Istanbul. (
[1]
Endowment funds were invested in bazaars and shops.
[2]
Fixed economy in Istanbul. "The state required traders to guarantee the delivery wheat, salt, meat, oil, fish, honey, and wax directly to the palace and the capital city at fixed prices. Merchants were thus made agents of the state to meet the fiscal and provisioning needs of the capital."
[3]
[1]: (Inalcik and Quataert 1997, 18) [2]: (Lapidus 2012, 449) [3]: (Lapidus 2012, 450) |
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|
Mehmet II built commercial centres including a covered bazaar in the Old City of Istanbul.
[1]
Endowment funds were invested in bazaars and shops.
[2]
Fixed economy in Istanbul. "The state required traders to guarantee the delivery wheat, salt, meat, oil, fish, honey, and wax directly to the palace and the capital city at fixed prices. Merchants were thus made agents of the state to meet the fiscal and provisioning needs of the capital."
[3]
In Cairo, the waqf instigated urban development of Ridwan Bey (a "powerful emir" in the late seventeenth century) over one hectare included a "commercial structure" containing shops.
[4]
[1]: (Inalcik and Quataert 1997, 18) [2]: (Lapidus 2012, 449) [3]: (Lapidus 2012, 450) [4]: (Raymond 2000, 237) |
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"Of great economic importance were trade relations with neighbouring nomads, who drove their flocks to the outskirts of the settled oases. In Bukhara there was a special bazaar for the sale of horses brought from what are today Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Turkmenistan. Also brought to Bukhara for sale were the distinctive craft items produced by semi-nomads."
[1]
[1]: (Mukminova 2003, 54) |
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Navai built caravansereis.
[1]
General reference for Seljuk? - Safavid? time period: "The bāzār was usually, though not always, divided into a number of sūqs (markets) in which different crafts and occupations had separate quarters. At night, after members of the crafts and shopkeepers had shut their premises and retired to their homes, the gates of the bāzārs were locked and barred."
[2]
Grand Bazaar of Isfahan first built in the Seljuk period.
[1]: (Starr 2013) Starr, S. Frederick. 2013. Lost Enlightenment: Central Asia’s Golden Age from the Arab Conquest to Tamerlane. Princeton University Press. Princeton. [2]: (Lambton 2011) Lambton, Ann K S. 2011. CITIES iii. Administration and Social Organization. Encyclopedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cities-iii |
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Qataban king controlled settlements in Somalia that produced incense and cinnamon and could fix the international price of cinnamon. "Pliny explains that ’only the king of the Gebbanitae (Qataban) has the authority to control the sale of cinnamon and he opens the market by public proclamation’.
[1]
[1]: (McLaughlin 2014, 138) Raoul McLaughlin. 2014. The Roman Empire and the Indian Ocean: The Ancient World Economy and the Kingdoms of Africa, Arabia and India. Pen and Sword Military. Barnsley. |
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The coffee trade was an important source of revenue for the imamate: ’Besides the wealth to be extracted from the southern peasantry, the Imams of the period also had available, if they could retain control, taxes from a burgeoning coffee trade. The rise and fall of the Yemeni coffee trade with Europe matches almost exactly the trajectory of the Imamate’s wealth (see Boxhall 1974; Niebuhr 1792). The English and Dutch established factories at Mocha in 1618; the trade was probably at its height around 1730; and the world price of coffee finally crashed at the start of the nineteenth century, at which point one gets mention of Imams debasing the currency (al-’Amri 1985: 59). This wealth, however, had always to be fought for; the rulers became wealthier and more powerful than hitherto, but still were liable to dispute among themselves.’
[1]
Accordingly, public markets were probably present.
[1]: Dresch, Paul 1989. "Tribes, Government and History in Yemen", 200 |
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Noted in passing, but without clear explanation of its presence, in Schoeman. Explicitly confirmed as state-regulated and standardized by Chanaiwa. “According to historical records the shifting Mutapa state capitals, as well as the Massapa trading market, were located close to Mount Fura in northern Zimbabwe.”
[1]
“…long-distance trade took place mainly in state regulated markets with prices, weights, and measures determined by the state….”
[2]
[1]: (Schoeman 2017) Maria Schoeman, “Political Complexity North and South of the Zambezi River,” in Oxford Research Encyclopedias Online (2017). Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4UBRHU5H/item-details [2]: (Chanaiwa 1972, 424) David Chanaiwa, “Politics and Long-Distance Trade in the Mwene Mutapa Empire During the Sixteenth Century,” in The International Journal of African Studies Vol. 5, No. 3 (1972): 424-435. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/T5BNKGK6/item-details |
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“We know that Madurai was famous for its silk production of fine cloth, and its markets contained foreign cloth, silk and wool. From the literary sources one receives and impression of markets filled with luxury goods such as ivory, and pearly which the city exported, emeralds, rubies, diamonds and gold.”
[1]
[1]: (Lewandowski 1977, 188) Lewandowski Susan J. 1977. ‘Changing Form and Function in the Ceremonial and the Colonial Port City in India: An Historical Analysis of Madurai and Madras’. Modern Asian Studies. Vol 11: 2. Pp. 183-212. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/3D6JUUGJ/collection |
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Suggested by the presence of market towns. “One of the most notable features in the economic history of the period extending from the ninth century to the end of the Polonnaruva kingdom was the expansion of trade within the country. The date available at is present is too meagre for an analysis of the development of this trade, or indeed for a detailed description of its special characteristics, but there is evidence of the emergence of merchant ‘corporations’, the growth of market towns linked by well-known trade routes, and the development of a local, that is to say, regional coinage.”
[1]
[1]: (De Silva 1981, 71-72) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/4R6DQVHZ/collection |
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"Apart from provincial revenue, cities had their own revenue from excise (particularly beer and wine) and from duties levied on their markets, ferries, bridges, roads, and streets."
[1]
[1]: (t’Hart 1989: 672) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/B9DVQGBS/collection. |
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“Ibn Battuta visited Zayla in 1330 and described it as a large town with an important market.”
[1]
[1]: (Tamrat 2008, 139) Tamrat, Taddesse. 2008. ‘Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the Horn’ In the Cambridge History of Africa: c. 1050 – c.1600 vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp 98-182. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/Tamrat/titleCreatorYear/items/A68FCWWI/item-list |
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“Al-Idrisi also described the construction of the coral house, probably following Arab and Persian designs, and noted that Barawa market was full of both domestic and foreign commodities.”
[1]
[1]: (Mukhtar 2003, 50) Mukhtar, Mohamed H. 2003. Historical Dictionary of Somalia. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/TWITJWK4/items/J8WZB6VI/collection |
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“The medieval capital of central Eritrea, Debarwa is situated in the fertile Tselima district of Seraye on the headwaters of the Mareb, where the trade route from Hamasien to northern Tigray cross the river. This strategic location made it a caravan stop and regional market in the 15th century, when it was chosen as the capital for the Bahre Neashi, the Ethiopian-appointed governor of Mar-eb Mallash.”
[1]
[1]: (Connell and Killion 2011, 162) Connell, Dan and Killion, Tom. 2011. Historical Dictionary of Eritrea. Second Edition. Lanham, Maryland: Scarecrow Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/24ZMGPAA/collection |
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“At that time the Sennar caravans, of which there were several annually, assembled at Ibrim and then went on to Isna, where they found their principal market.”
[1]
[1]: (Holt 2008, 22) Holt, P.M. 2008. ‘Egypt, the Funj and Darfur’ In The Cambridge History of Africa c. 1600 – c.1790. Edited by Richard Grey. Vol. 4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WC9FQBRM/collection |
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“By the opening of the 19th century, the relation between Harar and the settled Oromo had developed into mutual economic interdependence. The Oromo used the town as their main market for exchanging surplus of coffee, saffron, hides, and cattle, as well as some ivory, for goods imported or produced in Harar, such as cloth and salt.”
[1]
[1]: (Hassen 1973, 1) Hassen, Muhammed. 1973. ‘The Relation Between Harar and the Surrounding Oromo Between 1800-1887’. Thesis. Halie Sellassie I University, Addis Ababa. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/A829WRJD/collection |
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“The caravan was composed of 200 camels and 150 mares, of which half had already been sold along the way. These 75 mares were apparently destined for the markets of Kajoor, and although the quality of the horses is not commented upon explicitly, at the reigning price of 15 slaves per pure Arab steed, this would translate into 1,125 slaves for export to the Saharan and North African markets.”
[1]
[1]: (Webb Jr 1993, 244-245) Webb Jr, James L.A. 1993. ‘The Horse and Slave Trade between the Western Sahara and Senegambia.’ Journal of African History. Vol. 34:2. Pp 221-246. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/JDZFX3SC/collection |
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The following quote suggests the presence of polity-owned markets. "Ominously for Kaabu’s Mandinka overlords, when the Frenchman Gaspard Mollien travelled through Futa Toro in 1818 he was informed of a "sacred alliance" of Muslims in Futa Toro, Bundu, and the Fula almamate in Futa Jallon to defeat "pagans" and compel them to submit to Islam. One may suppose that domination of trade routes and markets was a linked objective."
[1]
[1]: (Brooks 2007: 56) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TT7FC2RX/collection. |
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As well as the large market in in front of the Afin (palace) in Oya-Ile, there were markets in smaller settlements. “Like other Yoruba towns Ago would have consisted of a cluster of large thatched family compounds (agbo ile). An early traveller in Yorubaland has left a description of the typical compound. ’A compound’, he wrote, ’is an enclosed space (generally in the form of a square) bounded by a mud wall about seven feet high. There is but one entrance to this enclosed space’ (Stone, 1900). The nucleus of the settlement would have been the compound of the oba and in front of it would have been located the principal market.”
[1]
“During the survey, local informants identified a number of important activity areas. They identified Locus B as the area where the imperial governor, his family and his attendants lived, with the stable of horses located in Locus G. The pottery-making workshop and a market site were reportedly present in Locus C, while iron manufacture took place in Locus f. Another market site was reportedly located in Locus E. Test excavations were carried out in each of these loci and other areas in order to better understand the settlement pattern and the material life of Ede-Ile.”
[2]
[1]: Goddard, Stephen. ‘Ago That Became Oyo: An Essay in Yoruba Historical Geography’. The Geographical Journal vol.137, no.2 (1971): 207–208. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/9A2KMTEF/collection. [2]: Gosselain, O. P., & MacEachern, S. (2017). Field Manual for African Archaeology (A. Livingstone-Smith & E. Cornelissen, Eds.): 74. Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/JRMZECR5/collection |
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“The king also enjoyed extensive rights of disposition over the property and persons of his subjects. He levied taxes on all goods sold in markets or carried along the roads of the kingdom, and on fish taken in the coastal lagoons, and received a share of his subjects’ agricultural crops.”
[1]
“If these architectural concentrations can be interpreted as the residences of regional community leaders, the spacing between these complexes is suggestive of the distance of political administration operating at the local level as well as the distance between mark smaller than the large regional market historically recorded at Savi.”
[2]
[1]: Law, Robin. “‘The Common People Were Divided’: Monarchy, Aristocracy and Political Factionalism in the Kingdom of Whydah, 1671-1727.” The International Journal of African Historical Studies, vol. 23, no. 2, 1990, pp. 201–29: 205. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/8JKAH2V5/collection [2]: Norman, Neil L. “Hueda (Whydah) Country and Town: Archaeological Perspectives on the Rise and Collapse of an African Atlantic Kingdom.” The International Journal of African Historical Studies, vol. 42, no. 3, 2009, pp. 387–410: 395-396. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5UK64SQ5/collection |
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“As is clear from Bello’s instructions, the leaders of the Caliphate tried to encourage trade as well as production. Detailed commercial regulations were issued, including the introduction of standard weights and measures to be used in the sale of grain, fruit and meat. Profiteering, hoarding and the creation of artificial shortages were all declared illegal, with persistent offenders expelled from the Caliphate. In addition, the rulers of the emirates were expected to visit the markets in their territory regularly, investigate conditions and correct abuses, on the basis of the Shehu’s injunction that "the report of a thing is not the same as actual observation". More generally, the principles governing commercial transactions were to be honesty, fair dealing and mutual agreement. Third parties were required to witness sales involving personal property, such as houses.”
[1]
“The Caliphate was to be led by the Caliph as the amir al-muminin (Commander of the Faithful), assisted by his wazirai (advisers), alkalai (judges), a muhtasib (the officer charged upholding morals), the sa’i (in charge of the markets), the wali al-shurta (police chief), limamai, and military commanders.”
[2]
[1]: Chafe, Kabiru Sulaiman. “Challenges to the Hegemony of the Sokoto Caliphate: A Preliminary Examination.” Paideuma, vol. 40, 1994, pp. 99–109: 102–103. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ZANHCUFH/collection [2]: Chafe, Kabiru Sulaiman. “Challenges to the Hegemony of the Sokoto Caliphate: A Preliminary Examination.” Paideuma, vol. 40, 1994, pp. 99–109: 101. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ZANHCUFH/collection |
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The following quote discusses the Meenakshi Suderesvana temple complex in Madurai during the reign of the Nayaks. “As it grew, the temple became a series of enclosures that nestle a diverse array of functional and ceremonial spaces, such as pillared halls, open courts, inhabitable corridors, and shrines, all designed to accommodate the temple’s diverse civic and religious functions. In addition, it has markets, private shrines, places of resting, dwellings for priests and ceremonial sites.”
[1]
[1]: (Ching et al. 2017, 595) Ching, Francis D.K. et. al., 2017. ‘Nayaks of Madurai’ In A Global History of Architecture. London: Wiley. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/TEDWQ8GJ/collection |
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The presence or absence of markets and market exchange is debated for the Late/Terminal Formative due to the ambiguity of the archaeological evidence.
[1]
or Classic Period.
[2]
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[4]
The archaeological location of physical "marketplaces" at large sites in the Late and Terminal Formative Basin of Mexico is difficult because they constitute open areas that are equifinal with plazas (or other open spaces).
[1]: Castanzo, Ronald A. and Kenneth G. Hirth. (2008) "El asentamiento del periodo Formativo en la cuenca central de Puebla-Tlaxcala, Mexico. In Ann Cyphers and Kenneth G. Hirth (eds.) Ideologia politica y sociedad en el periodo Formativo:Ensayos en homenaje al doctor David C. Grove. IIA/UNAM, Mexico City, pp.203-231. [2]: Carballo, David M. (2013) "The Social Organization of Craft Production and Interregional Exchange at Teotihuacan." In Kenneth H. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury (eds.) Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, pg. 113-140. [3]: Kenneth H. Hirth. (2013) "The Merchant’s World: Commercial Diversity and the Economics of Interregional Exchange in Highland Mesoamerica." In Kenneth H. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury (eds.) Merchants, Markets, and Exchange in the Pre-Columbian World. Washington D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks, pg. 85-112. [4]: Kenneth H. Hirth. (2013) "Economic Consumption and Domestic Economy in Cholula’s Rural Hinterland, Mexico." Latin American Antiquity 24(2): 123-148. |
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The European presence was centered around trade. Forts were established for this purpose: ’The claim of the Portuguese to be, in comparatively modern times, the first European discoverers of and settlers in Gold Coast is supported by more reliable and satisfactory evidence. According to several Portuguese writers including de Barros, Alphonso, the king of Portugal, farmed out in 1469 for five years the Guinea trade to one Fernando Gomez, at the rate of five hundred ducats, or about £138 17 s. 9 d.; the said Gomez having undertaken on his part to explore five hundred leagues, that is, three hundred miles each year, starting from Sierra Leone. In 1471 he directed that the coast-line should be discovered as it lay. This was done by Joao de Santaren and John de Scobar, who, skirting the coast past what is now Liberia, rounded Cape Palmas, went as far as the island of St. Thomas, and on the return voyage discovered Odena in five degrees of latitude. Fernando Po island was discovered in 1472 by Fernando da Poo. And so much gold was found at Odena that they called that port El Mina, afterwards known as the Castle, or Mina. These men also found gold at Chama, and it is said that Gomez opened a gold-mine at Approbi near Little Kommenda, the Aldea des Terres of the Portuguese.’
[1]
We have provisionally assumed that forts would act as markets connecting foreign traders with Akan polities. However, only permanent structures built by the Akan, not the Portuguese would count as present.
[1]: Sarbah, John Mensah 1968. “Fanti National Constitution: A Short Treatise On The Constitution And Government Of The Fanti, Asanti, And Other Akan Tribes Of West Africa Together With A Brief Account Of The Discovery Of The Gold Coast By Portuguese Navigators, A Short Narration Of Early English Voyages, And A Study Of The Rise Of British Gold Coast Jurisdiction, Etc., Etc.”, 55 |
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Markets in towns “of which there is no special knowledge. Fairs have sometimes been spoken of, but without obvious evidence”
[1]
[1]: Cahen, Claude. The Formation of Turkey: The Seljukid Sultanate of Rūm: Eleventh to Fourteenth Century. Translated by P. M. Holt. A History of the Near East. Harlow, England: Longman, 2001, p.95. |
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The multi-function Roman forum building which also functioned as a marketplace was not present at this time.
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"The Indus civilization flourished for around five hundred to seven hundred years, and in the early second millennium it disintegrated. This collapse was marked by the disappearance of the features that had distinguished the Indus civilization from its predecessors: writing, city dwelling, some kind of central control, international trade, occupational specialization, and widely distributed standardized artifacts."
[1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2008, 91-92) Jane McIntosh. 2008. The Ancient Indus Civilization. Oxford; Santa Barbara: ABC-Clio. |
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Is there a piped network that connects the drinking water to individual settlements?
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"Mutual benefit was derived from the strength of the ties which were established. The qaghans, thanks to the Sogdians’ experience in trading and their connections, were able to start up the sale of war booty and tribute, particularly of silk. For the Sogdians Turkic power was no great burden. The strength of the Turks guaranteed their safe passage along trade routes, and the political influence of the Turks assisted them in opening up new markets."
[1]
-- opening up new markets i.e. sources of goods - which could be China - rather than market places
[1]: (Khazanov 1984, 256-257) |
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The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty."
[1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110) |
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"Contexts that could shed light on the dynamics of social structure and hierarchies in the metropolis, such as the royal burial site of Oyo monarchs and the residences of the elite population, have not been investigated. The mapping of the palace structures has not been followed by systematic excavations (Soper, 1992); and questions of the economy, military system, and ideology of the empire have not been addressed archaeologically, although their general patterns are known from historical studies (e.g, Johnson, 1921; Law, 1977)."
[1]
Regarding this period, however, one of the historical studies mentioned in this quote also notes: "Of the earliestperiod of Oyo history, before the sixteenth century, very little is known."
[2]
Law does not then go on to provide specific information directly relevant to this variable.
[1]: (Ogundiran 2005: 151-152) [2]: (Law 1977: 33) |
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In the late nineteenth century, King Galli Sherocho executed Christian converts at the market of Anderacha. “He was incensed that some men of the royal Minjo clan had accepted baptism and arrested many newly converted Christians and summarily executed them in the market place of Anderacha.”
[1]
We have chosen 1798 CE as a cutoff point because the period 1798 CE -1821 CE has been described as “the height of the Kafa empire”.
[2]
[1]: (Orent 1970, 281) Orent, Amnon. 1970. ‘Refocusing on the History of Kafa Prior to 1897: A Discussion of Political Processes’. African Historical Studies. Vol. 3:2. Pp 263-293. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2A389XGK/collection [2]: (Orent 1970, 263) Orent, Amnon. 1970. ‘Refocusing on the History of Kafa Prior to 1897: A Discussion of Political Processes’. African Historical Studies. Vol. 3:2. Pp 263-293. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2A389XGK/collection |
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Regarding the trade between the French and the Waalo on the Senegal River in 1686 CE. “The trading was generally conducted in Biert, in Maca, which La Courbe calls: ‘The stopover of the little junket, is a stopover or port on the river at eight leagues from our settlement.’ Trading also occurred at Bouscar, situated at twelved locations in Saint-Louis, forming a cluster of several villages in a great plain on the edge of the water. This commerce took place primarily at the crossroads of the desert which was the major market of Waalo and of which the European voyagers provided numerous descriptions.”
[1]
[1]: (Barry 2012, 64) Barry, Boubacar. 2012. The Kingdom of Waalo: Senegal Before the Conquest. New York: Diasporic Africa Press. Seshat URL:https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/9KV5MEKN/collection |
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The following quotes suggests that markets were likely present. “All three capitals: Kahone, Diakhao, and Lambaye, were established in the mid-sixteenth century when the fertile coastal provinces of the Empire of Jolof- an inland empire established in the thirteenth century-gained independence … They prospered as independent kingdoms during the mercantilist era and, together, constituted the ‘Peanut Basin’ that developed during the colonial era. They maintained trade relations with the European and Eura-african merchants who frequented their port cities, and diplomatic relations with the Dutch, French and English/British chartered companies that claimed to monopolize trade along their coasts.”
[1]
[1]: (Bigon and Ross 2020, 42) Bigon, Liora and Ross, Eric. 2020. Grid Planning in the Urban Design Practices of Senegal. London: Springer. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/MM67I638/collection |
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The following quotes suggests that markets were likely present. “All three capitals: Kahone, Diakhao, and Lambaye, were established in the mid-sixteenth century when the fertile coastal provinces of the Empire of Jolof- an inland empire established in the thirteenth century-gained independence […] They prospered as independent kingdoms during the mercantilist era and, together, constituted the ‘Peanut Basin’ that developed during the colonial era. They maintained trade relations with the European and Eura-african merchants who frequented their port cities, and diplomatic relations with the Dutch, French and English/British chartered companies that claimed to monopolize trade along their coasts.”
[1]
[1]: (Bigon and Ross 2020, 42) Bigon, Liora and Ross, Eric. 2020. Grid Planning in the Urban Design Practices of Senegal. London: Springer. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/MM67I638/collection |
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Possible but not confirmed. Archaeologists found a possible "shop for renting cooking ware: Within were once wooden shelves holding dozens of vessels of all shapes and sizes, including Omphalos bowls with dimples in the bottom, a staple Çadır pottery tradition. Outside these buildings were large, apparently private, courtyard areas."
[1]
[1]: http://www.cadirhoyuk.com/site-history.html |
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