Axum II

Inhabitants.
According to Michels (2005), the population of Aksum (city) grew from 450-750 CE to about 39,603. [Connah 2015, p. 142] "Michel's figure for Aksum's maximum population was significantly underestimated" according to Phillipson (2012). [Connah 2015, p. 143] Adulis, above-ground estimate suggests 500m*400m area. [Anfray 1981, p. 366] Not sure which period.
"By the 6th century, the urban core of Aksum was about 180ha in extent with additional related satellite settlements and rural hinterland communities extending at least 10km in radius and linked by a network of paved and unpaved roads. At its height, at least 50,000 people would have inhabited the ancient city's centre, with thousands more living in the urban periphery and immediate hinterland. The boundaries of the ancient city seem to have been marked by monumental stone throne bases and royal inscriptions." [Uhlig 2017, p. 106]

in squared kilometers
Kingdom of Aksum map on page 59 for 1st - 3rd CE and 4th - 6th CE periods. [Falola 2002, p. 59] Area estimated using image overlay on Google Earth Pro.
1st - 3rd CE Mainland Africa: 351,881 km2
4th - 6th CE Mainland Africa: 496,929 km2
South Arabia: 159,214 km2
Maximum: 656,143 km2
"Archaeology shows the Aksumite kingdom as a tall rectangle roughly 300 kilometres long by 160 kilometres wide, lying between 13 and 17 north and 30 and 40 east. It extends from the reigon north of Keren to Alagui in the south, and from Adulis on the coast to the environs of Takkaze in the west. Addi-Dahno is practically the last-known site in this part, about 30 kilomtres from Aksum." [Anfray 1981, p. 363] 48,000 km2 presumably represents the core area?

People. Note: might the scale of the monumental construction suggest a total population larger than this estimate from 1970s? With respect to the population of the city of Askum Phillipson (2012) says: "Michel's figure for Aksum's maximum population was significantly underestimated". [Connah 2015, p. 143] "Kobishchanov (1979: 122-5), in his discussion about Aksumite population ... the population of the whole Aksumite kingdom without Arabia and Nubia, was 'at the outside half a million'. This was presumably based on available archaeological evidence." [Munro-Hay 1991, p. 166] This early estimate might be too conservative.
"Aksum was cosmopolitan, with a diverse population of Ethiopians, Nubians, Sudanese, Hebrews, Arabs, Indians, and Egyptians. Aksum's faiths included Christianity, Islam, Buddhism, Hinduism, Jainism, and Judaism, as well as Greek polytheism and animist beliefs." [Murray 2009] "Using geoarchaeological evidence, Karl Butzer suggested that Aksumite culture flourished at a time of better spring rains that at present, and declined when land pressure and erratic rainfall caused soil destruction during the seventh and eighth centuries (Butzer 1981: 471). Bard et al. (2000: 80-1) supported this interpretation, identifying a humid episode from the mid-first millennium BC to the mid-first millennium AD during which agricultural activity was intensified to sustain a state-level urban society. Consequently, demographic pressure increased, reaching a peak in the mid-first millennium AD and causing progressive soil degradation that led to environmental deterioration by the seventh and eighth centuries AD and famine in the ninth century." [Connah 2015, p. 142] Bubonic plague in the 6th century CE. [Connah 2015, p. 141]

levels. Population rise throughout this period.
1. Capital - city
2. Towns Many specialist workers "must have been urban dwellers, living in towns and cities that apparently did not need protection by surrounding walls ..." [Connah 2015, p. 141] "Intermediate-sized houses excavated at Matara would indicate that there were also people who belonged to neither the elite nor the peasantry, at least in Aksumite times." [Connah 2015, p. 141] Adulis known before the city of Aksum. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 381] 3. Village First century CE. "Where there used to be only villages, small towns and cities are now developing." [Anfray 1981, p. 376] 4. Hamlets Towns, villages and isolated hamlets. [Uhlig 2017, p. 94] "In central Tegray the ancient landscape was characterized by a clearly-cut hierarchy in size of the settlements, ranging from the city of Aksum, over 100ha in size, to small compounds less than 1ha in area, and included large and small villages, elite residences, residential compounds, farming hamlets and workshops. Large settlements, ranging from 7ha to over 11ha in area, were located mainly at the base or sometimes on the top of the hills. Isolated elite palaces were often scattered in the open plain. Villages, hamlets and compounds were located on the top or along the slopes of the hills." [Uhlig 2017, p. 96]

levels. Little is known. Possibly more levels.
Note on use of terminology. Today the Oriental Orthodox Churches use the term Miaphysite or non-Chalcedonian and claim that Monophysite, a term often used by Western scholars, means something they don’t believe in.
1. King
"The Axum Empire was ruled by a divine monarch". ^[1] Pagan period only?
"The stone-cut inscriptions of Ezana also demonstrate the support that the monarchy sought from religion, calling first on pre-Christian deities and subsequently on the Christian god." ^[2]
"Currency coined in the time of Ezana and his successors bore a Greek motto signifying ’May the country be satisfied!’ It is evident that this demagogic device reflects an official doctrine, the first traces of which may be discerned in the inscriptions of Ezana." ^[3] King Ezana was the last ruler of this period and the first ruler of the succeeding period. He changed the official state religion to Christianity.
1. Alexandrian patriarchs
The metropolitan bishops of Ethiopia were appointed by the Alexandrian patriarchs and "were always foreigners, usually Egyptians. This institution lasted, incredibly enough, until the 1950s, when the first Ethiopian was appointed to the post. Only after this was the independent Ethiopian patriarchate of today established." ^[4]
2. Metropolitan Bishops "Although information on the religion of the Aksumites is still extremely fragmentary, it may be considered a relatively developed religion, linked to a complicated ritual and a professional priesthood. During the early Aksumite period religious ideas from countries near and far penetrated into Ethiopia." ^[5]
3.
4.
5.
"The Ethiopian Church undoubtedly instituted its own local hierarchy apart from these foreign bishops - whose chief function was the ordination of priests - but we hear very little of it in early times. Occasionally some assistant bishops are recorded. The chief figures in the native Church hierarchy in later times consisted of the echege, or head of the monks, who was the prior of the famous monastery of Debra Libanos, the highest-ranking ecclesiastic after the abun, the Egyptian metropolitan bishop. He was the real leader of the church, and at his investiture the emperor placed his own crown briefly on the echege’s head. The third in rank was the aqabe-sa’at, ’Guardian of the Hour’, earlier an office in the hands of the abbots of Debra Estifanos at Hayq (the first aqabe-sa’at of Debra Estifanos was apparently Abba Za-Iyasus in the reign of Amda Seyon, 1270-85) and later more of less a palace chaplain. These ecclesiastics (whose offices and titles are now redundant), with the abbots of some of the greater monasteries and some of the chief priests, supervised the day-to-day running of the Church, whose legal head could not even speak the local language." ^[6]
"Apart from familiar offices, metropolitans (generally called abun, liqapappasat, pappas) and other bishops (episqopos), abbosts or priors (mamher) and deacons (diyaqon), the title qese gabaz seyon, indicating a provost of a church dedicated in the name of Zion, is known from these charters. Qala-pappas, interpreter for the abun or metropolitan bishop, qas-hasani, the royal chaplain, and loqa diyaqonat, archdeacon, are further titles attested in land charters attributed to King Lalibela ... Abba, father, is a general title bestowed on many monks and other revered holy men. A certain Nablis, with the vague title of aleqa (master, or administrator of a church), is traditionally supposed to have been a teacher of sacred poetry and songs (qene, zema) and religious literature in King Lalibela’s time, also performing in the choir at Aksum". ^[7] King Lalibela 1189-1229 CE
"the head of the church was a metropolitan or archbishop, generally an Egyptian monk, consecrated by the patriarch of Alexandira as the chief bishop for the Ethiopians." ^[7]

[1]: (Newman et al. 1997, 231) Mark Newman. Lanny B Fields. Russell J Barber. Cheryl A Riggs. 1997. The Global Past: Prehistory to 1500. Macmillan Higher Education.

[2]: (Connah 2016, 143) Graham Connah. 2016. African Civilizations: An Archaeological Perspective. Third Edition. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.

[3]: (Kobishanov 1981, 394) Y M. Kobishanov. Aksum: political system, economics and culture, first to fourth century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California.

[4]: (Munro-Hay 2003, 20) Stuart Munro-Hay. 2003. Ethiopia, the Unknown Land: A Cultural and Historical Guide. I.B. Tauris. London.

[5]: (Kobishanov 1981) Y M. Kobishanov. Aksum: political system, economics and culture, first to fourth century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California.

[6]: (Munro-Hay 2003, 42-43) Stuart Munro-Hay. 2003. Ethiopia, the Unknown Land: A Cultural and Historical Guide. I.B. Tauris. London.

[7]: (Munro-Hay 2003, 43) Stuart Munro-Hay. 2003. Ethiopia, the Unknown Land: A Cultural and Historical Guide. I.B. Tauris. London.

levels.
King Ezana (after 320 CE) is known to have had an army that could control the regions [Falola 2002, p. 58] which suggests that before King Ezana the army found it difficult to control the regions - perhaps because it was less professional, or had a smaller number of professional troops, and did not have they capability to garrison troops far from the capital. However, a polity that could make conquests in south Arabia in the early 3rd century CE likely had a well developed military if not a highly centralized one. King Ezana may have been the first to benefit from a centralizing reform to the armed forces that enabled the king to control the regions of Aksum. It would have been very hyperbolic for Mani (216-276 CE) in the Kephalaia to have called Aksum "one of the four greatest empires of the world" [Kobishanov 1981, p. 383] if by his time there was not a well-organized military. The introduction of coinage in the mid-3rd century may have coincided with a shift to a more professional armed forces as the indigenous coinage could be used to pay the army, but the armed forces of the king and his vassals, who many have contributed much to the numbers, were growing in effectiveness before this time (earlier armies could have been paid in foreign coinage, which was imported, as well as loot).
1. King?
2. Relative of the king Military expeditions lead by the king's brother or other kinsmen. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 385] 3. Negus Neguses lead armies in war and commanded building operations. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 385] Aksumite term for ruler was 'negus', and "Each 'people', kingdom, principality, city and tribe had its own negus. Mention is made of army neguses ..." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 384] 4. Another officer level? 5. Individual soldier

levels.
1. King
"The sequence Tazena-Kaleb-Wa’zeb follows from father to son, but in fact only the later hagiographies and king lists call Tazena a king, naming his father as another Ella Amida. Only for Wa’zeb, therefore, do we have primary evidence from Aksumite documents for hereditary succession on the throne. In spite of this paucity of evidence, the flourishing urban society of Aksum, with its prosperous trade and lack of defensive installations seems to indicate that the transmission of power was relatively stable over a considerable period." ^[1] King W’ZB? mid-6th CE
2. Palatial staff. Royals had slaves. ^[2] "In the fourth century, Aksum became the first significant empire to accept Christianity when King Ezana (320-350) was converted by his slave-teacher, Frumentius (d. 383), a Greek Phoenician." ^[3]
No information on the administrative system "which appears to have been poorly developed. Near relatives of the king assumed an important part in the direction of affairs." ^[4] Quote based on old data?
"Archaeological evidence indicates that by Aksumite times there had developed a partly urbanized stratified society consisting of monarchy, surrounding elite, ’middle class’, and peasant/slave class." ^[5] "high-quality grave goods, have been interpreted as those of ’middle-class’ Aksumites ... It might be expected that such a class would include government officials, scribes ..." ^[6]
_Court government_
2. Treasurer and Secretary Perhaps in the example two offices were combined into one?) "The hellenized Syrians, Aedesius and Frumentius, who had been made royal slaves, were later promoted, one to the office of wine-pourer, the other to the position of secretary and treasurer to the Aksum king." ^[2]
3. Vassal tribute was either sent or taken by the king who visited "accompanied by a numerous retinue". ^[4]
3. Lesser official Government officials, scribes. ^[6]
"Leading chiefs as well as civil servants managed the administration. Levies and tributes were collected from the provinces." ^[7]
4. Scribes Government officials, scribes. ^[6]
"Aksum scholars and scribes also taught calligraphy and manuscript illumination - decoration with designs, colors, and minature images, and they highly esteemed the composition of poetry." ^[3]
5.
3. Manager of a Mint inferred
4. Mint worker Coiners. ^[6]
_Regional government_
2. Vassal king (negus) Aksumite term for ruler was ’negus’, and "Each ’people’, kingdom, principality, city and tribe had its own negus. Mention is made of army neguses ..." ^[8]
"Control was established over a number of vassal states that sent tributes to the king." ^[9] This control was presumably fully established in the subsequent Aksum period.
Challenge of the Aksum monarch e.g Ezana was to enforce the submission of the northern Ethiopian principalities. ^[8] i.e. control over principalities was lacking in this period.
"The king exercised direct power in the capital territory, and he delegated power to regional leaders in the provincial areas." ^[10] This reference probably refers to the next Aksum periods.
"The Axum Empire was ruled by a divine monarch, an emperor who delegated power to subordinate kings, who in turn rendered him tribute." ^[11]
"The state was divided into Aksum proper and its vassal kingdoms the rulers of which were subjects of the Aksum king of kings, to whom they paid tribute." ^[8]
3. Vassal of a vassal Some vassal kings had their own vassals e.g. those in southern Arabia and Upper Nubia. ^[4]
3. Negus of a city Aksumite term for ruler was ’negus’, and "Each ’people’, kingdom, principality, city and tribe had its own negus. Mention is made of army neguses ..." ^[8]
4. Negus of a tribe The neguses of the four tribes of Bega (Beja) ruled over about 1100 people, Agbo principality about 1000-1500. ^[4]

[1]: (Munro-Hay 1991, 158) Stuart C Munro-Hay. 1991. Aksum: An African Civilisation of Late Antiquity. Edinburgh University Press.

[2]: (Kobishanov 1981, 386) Y M. Kobishanov. Aksum: political system, economics and culture, first to fourth century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California.

[3]: (Murray 2009) Stuart A P Murray. 2009. The Library: An Illustrated History. Skyhorse Publishing, Inc.

[4]: (Kobishanov 1981, 385) Y M. Kobishanov. Aksum: political system, economics and culture, first to fourth century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California.

[5]: (Connah 2016, 147) Graham Connah. 2016. African Civilizations: An Archaeological Perspective. Third Edition. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.

[6]: (Connah 2016, 141) Graham Connah. 2016. African Civilizations: An Archaeological Perspective. Third Edition. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.

[7]: (Falola 2002, 60) Toyin Falola. 2002. Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide. Greenwood Publishing Group. Westport.

[8]: (Kobishanov 1981, 384) Y M. Kobishanov. Aksum: political system, economics and culture, first to fourth century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California.

[9]: (Falola 2002, 58) Toyin Falola. 2002. Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide. Greenwood Publishing Group. Westport.

[10]: (Falola 2002, 58, 60) Toyin Falola. 2002. Key Events in African History: A Reference Guide. Greenwood Publishing Group. Westport.

[11]: (Newman et al. 1997, 231) Mark Newman. Lanny B Fields. Russell J Barber. Cheryl A Riggs. 1997. The Global Past: Prehistory to 1500. Macmillan Higher Education.

The introduction of coinage may have coincided with a shift to a more professional armed forces as the coinage could be used to pay the army. It would have been very hyperbolic for Mani (216-276 CE) in the Kephalaia to have called Aksum "one of the four greatest empires of the world" [Kobishanov 1981, p. 383] if by his time it had not invented or could not sustain any professional soldiers. The successful invasion of south Arabia in the early 3rd century may have used some trained soldiers, albeit at this stage the majority may have been raised and trained by vassals of the Aksum king. King Ezana may have been the first to benefit from a reform to the armed forces that enabled the king to control the regions of Aksum.
"The first Aksumite king to put his own coinage into circulation was Endybis (in the second half of the third century)." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 386] King Ezana built an army that could control the regions. [Falola 2002, p. 58] This suggests that before King Ezana the army found it difficult to control the regions - less professional, or smaller number of professional troops, and most likely did not have capability to garrison troops far from capital.
"high-quality grave goods, have been interpreted as those of 'middle-class' Aksumites ... It might be expected that such a class would include ... middle-ranking members of the army ..." [Connah 2015, p. 141]

"high-quality grave goods, have been interpreted as those of 'middle-class' Aksumites ... It might be expected that such a class would include ... priests of temple or church ..." [Connah 2015, p. 141] Temple or church officials. [Connah 2015, p. 141]

"high-quality grave goods, have been interpreted as those of 'middle-class' Aksumites ... It might be expected that such a class would include ... middle-ranking members of the army ..." [Connah 2015, p. 141] Military expeditions lead by the king's brother or other kinsmen. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 385] This does not mean there were no professional officers.
"The first Aksumite king to put his own coinage into circulation was Endybis (in the second half of the third century)." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 386] The introduction of coinage may have coincided with a shift to a more professional armed forces as the coinage could be used to pay the army.

"Levies and tributes were collected from the provinces. ... The king also derived revenues from the control of the import and export trade. In addition, the peasants who used the irrigation and terraced agricultural land had to pay for it." [Falola 2002, p. 60]

Blacksmiths, metal-workers, potters, builders, stone-masons, carvers. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 383] "In Aksumite times, as well as rulers, government officials, and peasant farmers, there were expert builders, including masons, brickmakers, carpenters, and joiners. In addition, there must have been miners, quarrymen, iron-smelters, makers of stone artefacts, and transporters of goods. One would expect merchants; artists, scribes, coiners, some professional soldiers, and temple or church officials. Many of these specialists must have been urban dwellers, living in towns and cities that apparently did not need protection by surrounding walls ..." [Connah 2015, p. 141] Agriculture, stock-breeding. Wheat, other cereals, viticulture. Ploughs drawn by oxen. Cattle, sheep, goats. Asses, mules. Domesticated elephants used exclusively by the royal court. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 383]

Mint required to produce gold, silver, copper coins. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 386] Customs building? System of customs duties possibly existed in the sixth century. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 389]

Government officials, scribes, coiners. [Connah 2015, p. 141] "Leading chiefs as well as civil servants managed the administration." [Falola 2002, p. 60]

"The common norms of law that prevailed in the kingdom may be studied in the first juridicial records of Aksum: in the four laws from the Safra (Drewes, p. 73)." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 386] Suspected unknown
"Later Ethiopian law followed the Fetha Nagast, 'The Law of the Kings' written in Arabic by a Copt in the mid-thirteenth century, and translated into Ge'ez perhaps in the middle of the fifteenth century (Tzadua 1968), but inscriptions like that of Safra show that there were earlier legal codes in use (Drewes 1962)." [Munro-Hay 1991, p. 252] "high-quality grave goods, have been interpreted as those of 'middle-class' Aksumites ... It might be expected that such a class would include government officials, scribes, priests of temple or church, middle-ranking members of the army, merchants, and perhaps some of the more skilled craftsmen. Amongst such a class there would probably be some foreigners, permitted to live in Ethiopia because of their special skills." [Connah 2015, p. 141]

"The common norms of law that prevailed in the kingdom may be studied in the first juridicial records of Aksum: in the four laws from the Safra (Drewes, p. 73)." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 386] Suspected unknown
"Later Ethiopian law followed the Fetha Nagast, 'The Law of the Kings' written in Arabic by a Copt in the mid-thirteenth century, and translated into Ge'ez perhaps in the middle of the fifteenth century (Tzadua 1968), but inscriptions like that of Safra show that there were earlier legal codes in use (Drewes 1962)." [Munro-Hay 1991, p. 252] "high-quality grave goods, have been interpreted as those of 'middle-class' Aksumites ... It might be expected that such a class would include government officials, scribes, priests of temple or church, middle-ranking members of the army, merchants, and perhaps some of the more skilled craftsmen. Amongst such a class there would probably be some foreigners, permitted to live in Ethiopia because of their special skills." [Connah 2015, p. 141]

"The common norms of law that prevailed in the kingdom may be studied in the first juridicial records of Aksum: in the four laws from the Safra (Drewes, p. 73)." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 386] Suspected unknown
"Later Ethiopian law followed the Fetha Nagast, 'The Law of the Kings' written in Arabic by a Copt in the mid-thirteenth century, and translated into Ge'ez perhaps in the middle of the fifteenth century (Tzadua 1968), but inscriptions like that of Safra show that there were earlier legal codes in use (Drewes 1962)." [Munro-Hay 1991, p. 252] "high-quality grave goods, have been interpreted as those of 'middle-class' Aksumites ... It might be expected that such a class would include government officials, scribes, priests of temple or church, middle-ranking members of the army, merchants, and perhaps some of the more skilled craftsmen. Amongst such a class there would probably be some foreigners, permitted to live in Ethiopia because of their special skills." [Connah 2015, p. 141]

The seaport Adulis was "the most famous ivory market in northeast Africa." [Falola 2002, p. 60] Market and trading places other than Adulis included Aratou, Tokonda, Etch-Mare, Degonm, Haghero-Deragoueh, Henzat. [Anfray 1981, p. 369] However, archaeologists are not certain whether the trade happened inside or outside the towns. [Anfray 1981, p. 369] "Adulis was the meeting-point for maritime trade, as it was ... for inland trade." [Anfray 1981, p. 377]

Aksum depended on highland agriculture. [Hatke 2013] "the heartland of the Aksumite state lay in an area with a strong agricultural resource base in cereals, other crops, and livestock." [Connah 2015, p. 147] "the peasants who used the irrigation and terraced agricultural land had to pay for it." [Falola 2002, p. 60] Aksum "had people with skills in tropical agriculture, as well as skills in terracing and irrigating desert land. Many farmers exploited the fertile foothills and valleys of Tigre and Amhara." [Falola 2002, p. 60] "The mountain slopes were terraced and irrigated by the water of mountain streams channelled into the fields." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 383] "In the foot-hills and on the plains, cisterns and dams were constructed as reservoirs for rainwater and irrigation canals were dug." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 383]

Food storage certainly required for trading incoming and outgoing products. Whether there was food storage for strictly utilitarian purposes may not be known.

"In the foot-hills and on the plains, cisterns and dams were constructed as reservoirs for rainwater and irrigation canals were dug." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 383] Presumably these cisterns refer to the storage of water for agricultural use only.

"In the foot-hills and on the plains, cisterns and dams were constructed as reservoirs for rainwater and irrigation canals were dug." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 383] "A surviving example of Aksumite water management may be observed in the May Shum reservoir located north of the Stelae park area that still serves as a community cistern today." [Uhlig 2017, p. 106] "Field terraces, wells, dams, paths, quarries and landmarks". [Uhlig 2017, p. 96]

"Aksumite kings paid homage to South Arabian culture in the fourth and sixth centuries CE by erecting inscriptions in Ge'ez using the musnad script." [Hatke 2013] "colossal monolithic stelae 33.5 metres in height, erected on a platform 114 metres in length; the monolithic basalt slab measuring 17.3 by 6.7 by 1.12 metres". [Kobishanov 1981, p. 394] What is the date?
"the palatial set of buildings, Taaka-Maryam, extending over an area of 120 metres by 80 metres". [Kobishanov 1981, p. 394] What is the date?
Aksumites worked with stone and timber and "the builders of the first Aksumite period, especially those of the third and fourth centuries, were very fond of large blocks of stone. This is strikingly illustrated by the stelae, and the giant slab in front of them." [Anfray 1981, p. 370] Stone slab 17*6.5*1.3 metres. [Anfray 1981, p. 371] Stone working suggests powerful collective organization. [Anfray 1981, p. 371] Refers to either third of fourth century.
"Gigantic stelae (one of them the tallest carved monolith there is), a huge stone table, massive throne bases, fragments of columns, royal tombs, what appear to be extensive remains underneath an eighteenth-century basilica". [Anfray 1981, p. 364] Not sure which period.
"The biggest of these palaces or castles, Enda-Semon, was 35 metres square ... The castles were surrounded by courtyards and outbuildings forming rectangular complexes which measured, at Taakha-Maryam, for example, about 120 by 85 metres." [Anfray 1981, p. 365] Building remains under church of Maryam-Tsion "the remains of a basement varying in width from 42 to 30 metres still survive." [Anfray 1981, p. 365]

Libraries: "libraries contained important Christian documents." [Murray 2009] "Aksumite rulers, who often spoke and read in Greek, put great store in written documents and in libraries to keep them, which allowed the history of Aksum to survive." [Murray 2009]

Many Greek speakers in Aksum. Did they have theatres, like the Greeks?

"By the 6th century, the urban core of Aksum was about 180ha in extent with additional related satellite settlements and rural hinterland communities extending at least 10km in radius and linked by a network of paved and unpaved roads." [Uhlig 2017, p. 106]

The seaport Adulis was "the most famous ivory market in northeast Africa." [Falola 2002, p. 60] Adulis became the dominant African port between Clysme and India between 5th and 6th centuries. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 390]

Irrigation canals only.

Miners and quarrymen were occupations. [Connah 2015, p. 141]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009]

"Aksumite inscriptions in Greek and Ge'ez from the reigns of Ousanas and Ezana." [Hatke 2013] King Ousanas was the last of this period. 4th CE inscriptions of King Ezana contain "that syllabism ... soon becoming the rule in Ethiopic script. Vocalic signs become integrated into the consonantal system, denoting the different tone qualities of the spoken language. This language, as revealed in the inscriptions, is known as Ge'ez. It is a member of the southern group of the Semitic family. It is the language of the Aksumites." [Anfray 1981, p. 375] south Arabian and Greek scripts also in limited use. [Anfray 1981, pp. 375-376]

"Thousands of Aksumite documents have been preserved, including theological tracts and medical treatises, as well as important writings on natural history that were studied by contemporaries in Europe." [Murray 2009]

"The Bible is written on parchment and in Ge'ez, the liturgical language of the Ethiopian Orthodox Christian Church." [Murray 2009] "With a unique written language, Ge'ez, Aksum possessed its own translation of the Bible, and its libraries contained important Christian documents. Many such works were translated by Aksum's Coptic monks between the fifth and seventh centuries. The pre-Christian Book of Enoch exists only in Ge'ez. Aksum scholars and scribes also taught calligraphy and manuscript illumination - decoration with designs, colors, and minature images, and they highly esteemed the composition of poetry." [Murray 2009] Around the 5th century CE the Bible was translated into Geez. [Anfray 1981, p. 376]

"Thousands of Aksumite documents have been preserved, including theological tracts". [Murray 2009]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009]

"Aksumite rulers who often spoke and read in Greek, put great store in written documents and in libraries to keep them". [Murray 2009]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009]

"Aksumite rulers who often spoke and read in Greek, put great store in written documents and in libraries to keep them". [Murray 2009] "Thousands of Aksumite documents have been preserved, including theological tracts and medical treatises, as well as important writings on natural history that were studied by contemporaries in Europe." [Murray 2009]

"Aksum scholars and scribes also taught calligraphy and manuscript illumination - decoration with designs, colors, and minature images, and they highly esteemed the composition of poetry." [Murray 2009]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009] Religious calendar likely was written down.

"Sent oxen, salt and iron to trade with Sasu (south-west Ethiopia) for gold. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 387]

Early coins "showed the crescent and disc, representing the moon and sun of earlier beliefs; the later ones included the cross ... among the earliest coins of any country to do so, according to Buzton (1970: 40)." [Connah 2015, p. 143] 90% coins are found in northern Ethiopia, mostly made of bronze. "most of the gold coins have come from South Arabia and, less certainly, from India ... It would appear that the coinage of Aksum had a rather limited circulation, although foreign coins were imported into Aksum from South Arabian, Roman, and Indian sources." [Connah 2015, p. 146] Coin legends "are written in Greek or Ethiopic, never in south Arabian. Greek appears on the very earliest coins; Ethiopic begins only with Wazeba." [Anfray 1981, p. 375] Wazeba, the first king to use Ethiopic on coins, ruled in the early fourth century CE. "the Aksumite kingdom issued its own gold, silver, and copper coins from the second half of the 3rd century to the middle of the 7th century." [Uhlig 2017, p. 107]

Coinage was imported [Whitewright_et_al 2007] : "foreign coins were imported into Aksum from South Arabian, Roman, and Indian sources." [Connah 2015, p. 146] From trade Aksum acquired Roman silver coins (found at Matara) and gold coins from the Kushan Empire. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 388]

Acquired emeralds from Blemmyes in the Nubian desert and sold them in Northern India. Sent oxen, salt and iron to trade with Sasu (south-west Ethiopia) for gold. ^[1] Imported Syrian and Italian wine and olive-oil, cereals, grape-juice and wine from Egypt, wheat, rice, bosmor, seasame oil, sugar-cane from India. Foreign fabrics. ^[2]

[1]: (Kobishanov 1981, 387) Y M. Kobishanov. Aksum: political system, economics and culture, first to fourth century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California.

[2]: (Kobishanov 1981, 387, 389) Y M. Kobishanov. Aksum: political system, economics and culture, first to fourth century. Muḥammad Jamal al-Din Mokhtar. ed. 1981. UNESCO General History of Africa. Volume II. Heinemann. UNESCO. California.

Likely due to the long distance trade.

"the king of kings evidently had at his disposal an armed retinue which in peacetime consisted of his court, but in wartime of his guards (as in fourteenth-century Ethiopia). Apparently, court officials carried out the functions of government, serving, for instance, as envoys." [Kobishanov 1981, p. 385]

Days. Aksum to Adulis. "According to the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, the journey from Adulis to Koloe (either Kohaito or Matara) took three days, and the journey from Adulis to Aksum took eight, as it apparently still did at the beginning of the twentieth century (Kobishchanov 1979: 185)." [Connah 2015, p. 146] Journey from "Aksum to the Aswan region, across the Nubian Desert" took 30 days according to Cosmas Indicopleustes, and from Aksum to Lake Tana and Sasu, fifty days. [Connah 2015, p. 146]

From trade acquired a bronze balance and weights (found at Adulis and Aksum). [Kobishanov 1981, p. 388] These likely from Roman-Byzantine and Indian merchants living at Adulis and Aksum. [Kobishanov 1981, p. 389]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009] "Aksumite rulers who often spoke and read in Greek, put great store in written documents and in libraries to keep them". [Murray 2009] "Thousands of Aksumite documents have been preserved, including theological tracts and medical treatises, as well as important writings on natural history that were studied by contemporaries in Europe." [Murray 2009] "The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, around 50 CE, "describes the ruler of the region, King Zoscales, as 'well versed in Hellenic sciences'." [Whitewright_et_al 2007]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009] "Aksumite rulers who often spoke and read in Greek, put great store in written documents and in libraries to keep them". [Murray 2009] "Thousands of Aksumite documents have been preserved, including theological tracts and medical treatises, as well as important writings on natural history that were studied by contemporaries in Europe." [Murray 2009] "The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, around 50 CE, "describes the ruler of the region, King Zoscales, as 'well versed in Hellenic sciences'." [Whitewright_et_al 2007]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009] "Aksumite rulers who often spoke and read in Greek, put great store in written documents and in libraries to keep them". [Murray 2009] "Thousands of Aksumite documents have been preserved, including theological tracts and medical treatises, as well as important writings on natural history that were studied by contemporaries in Europe." [Murray 2009] "The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, around 50 CE, "describes the ruler of the region, King Zoscales, as 'well versed in Hellenic sciences'." [Whitewright_et_al 2007]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009] "Aksumite rulers who often spoke and read in Greek, put great store in written documents and in libraries to keep them". [Murray 2009] "Thousands of Aksumite documents have been preserved, including theological tracts and medical treatises, as well as important writings on natural history that were studied by contemporaries in Europe." [Murray 2009] "The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, around 50 CE, "describes the ruler of the region, King Zoscales, as 'well versed in Hellenic sciences'." [Whitewright_et_al 2007]

Aksum had scholars and scribes. [Murray 2009] "Aksumite rulers who often spoke and read in Greek, put great store in written documents and in libraries to keep them". [Murray 2009] "Thousands of Aksumite documents have been preserved, including theological tracts and medical treatises, as well as important writings on natural history that were studied by contemporaries in Europe." [Murray 2009] "The Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, around 50 CE, "describes the ruler of the region, King Zoscales, as 'well versed in Hellenic sciences'." [Whitewright_et_al 2007]

"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors." ^[1] "The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin." ^[2]

[1]: (Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: Zotero link: FGHCAD8X

[2]: (Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ

"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors." ^[1] "The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin." ^[2]

[1]: (Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: Zotero link: FGHCAD8X

[2]: (Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ

"Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. Syncretism was probably the rule rather than the exception, and it is probably best to view the different faiths as closely related rather than clearly defined units. The elements held in common may well have outweighed those that differentiated between the various groups. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35-39) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

"Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. Syncretism was probably the rule rather than the exception, and it is probably best to view the different faiths as closely related rather than clearly defined units. The elements held in common may well have outweighed those that differentiated between the various groups. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35-39) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

NB Dates are approximate. "Initially the number of local Christians was probably small and their faith only vaguely articulated. Active persecution or discrimination, as has been suggested by Rathjens and Wurmbrand, appears therefore highly unlikely. Moreover, the lack of both trained clergy and books in Ge’ez must have been major obstacles to the spread of Christianity. For many years the impact of the new religion was probably limited to the royal court and the resident foreign merchants. Taddesse Tamrat suggests that for more than a century after Ezana’s conversion ’the effective sphere of influence of the Church was limited to a narrow corridor between Adulis and Aksum along the main caravan routes.’" ^[1] "Despite royal enthusiasm for the new religion, and its adoption within court circles, Christianity took root slowly in the rural districts of the two kingdoms. [...] The first steps in the Christianization of the Iberian and Aksumite countryside occurred in the late fifth and early sixth centuries, through the efforts of small bands of foreign-born monks, in both cases from Syriac-speaking regions. They arrived in each kingdom as disciples of one leading ascetic, and they eventually dispersed throughout the kingdoms to evangelize, work miracles, and establish monasteries. Within a generation, indigenous monastic traditions took root, and facilitated the spread of Christianity into the more peripheral regions of both kingdoms." ^[2]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

[2]: (Haas 2008: 116) Seshat URL: Zotero link: IQWD9I5I

NB Dates are approximate. "Initially the number of local Christians was probably small and their faith only vaguely articulated. Active persecution or discrimination, as has been suggested by Rathjens and Wurmbrand, appears therefore highly unlikely. Moreover, the lack of both trained clergy and books in Ge’ez must have been major obstacles to the spread of Christianity. For many years the impact of the new religion was probably limited to the royal court and the resident foreign merchants. Taddesse Tamrat suggests that for more than a century after Ezana’s conversion ’the effective sphere of influence of the Church was limited to a narrow corridor between Adulis and Aksum along the main caravan routes.’" ^[1] "Despite royal enthusiasm for the new religion, and its adoption within court circles, Christianity took root slowly in the rural districts of the two kingdoms. [...] The first steps in the Christianization of the Iberian and Aksumite countryside occurred in the late fifth and early sixth centuries, through the efforts of small bands of foreign-born monks, in both cases from Syriac-speaking regions. They arrived in each kingdom as disciples of one leading ascetic, and they eventually dispersed throughout the kingdoms to evangelize, work miracles, and establish monasteries. Within a generation, indigenous monastic traditions took root, and facilitated the spread of Christianity into the more peripheral regions of both kingdoms." ^[2]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

[2]: (Haas 2008: 116) Seshat URL: Zotero link: IQWD9I5I

NB Dates are approximate. "Initially the number of local Christians was probably small and their faith only vaguely articulated. Active persecution or discrimination, as has been suggested by Rathjens and Wurmbrand, appears therefore highly unlikely. Moreover, the lack of both trained clergy and books in Ge’ez must have been major obstacles to the spread of Christianity. For many years the impact of the new religion was probably limited to the royal court and the resident foreign merchants. Taddesse Tamrat suggests that for more than a century after Ezana’s conversion ’the effective sphere of influence of the Church was limited to a narrow corridor between Adulis and Aksum along the main caravan routes.’" ^[1] "Despite royal enthusiasm for the new religion, and its adoption within court circles, Christianity took root slowly in the rural districts of the two kingdoms. [...] The first steps in the Christianization of the Iberian and Aksumite countryside occurred in the late fifth and early sixth centuries, through the efforts of small bands of foreign-born monks, in both cases from Syriac-speaking regions. They arrived in each kingdom as disciples of one leading ascetic, and they eventually dispersed throughout the kingdoms to evangelize, work miracles, and establish monasteries. Within a generation, indigenous monastic traditions took root, and facilitated the spread of Christianity into the more peripheral regions of both kingdoms." ^[2]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

[2]: (Haas 2008: 116) Seshat URL: Zotero link: IQWD9I5I

NB Dates are approximate. "Initially the number of local Christians was probably small and their faith only vaguely articulated. Active persecution or discrimination, as has been suggested by Rathjens and Wurmbrand, appears therefore highly unlikely. Moreover, the lack of both trained clergy and books in Ge’ez must have been major obstacles to the spread of Christianity. For many years the impact of the new religion was probably limited to the royal court and the resident foreign merchants. Taddesse Tamrat suggests that for more than a century after Ezana’s conversion ’the effective sphere of influence of the Church was limited to a narrow corridor between Adulis and Aksum along the main caravan routes.’" ^[1] "Despite royal enthusiasm for the new religion, and its adoption within court circles, Christianity took root slowly in the rural districts of the two kingdoms. [...] The first steps in the Christianization of the Iberian and Aksumite countryside occurred in the late fifth and early sixth centuries, through the efforts of small bands of foreign-born monks, in both cases from Syriac-speaking regions. They arrived in each kingdom as disciples of one leading ascetic, and they eventually dispersed throughout the kingdoms to evangelize, work miracles, and establish monasteries. Within a generation, indigenous monastic traditions took root, and facilitated the spread of Christianity into the more peripheral regions of both kingdoms." ^[2]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

[2]: (Haas 2008: 116) Seshat URL: Zotero link: IQWD9I5I

"The cities of Aksum and Adulis were in direct contact with the Mediterranean, and were trade hubs for the entire Red Sea area. It must be expected that the cities were home to adherents of all kinds of religions (among them Jews), but evidence is scarce and it is assumed that their numbers were fairly small." ^[1]

[1]: (Dege-Müller 2018: 252) Seshat URL: Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ

"In his religious policy, Kaleb likewise struck an independent course in his fervent promotion of Christianity, not simply as a way to ape the Roman emperor, but rather to enhance his own kingly status as a divinely-appointed ruler, with as much access to divine favor as any other monarch, for as negusa nagast, Kaleb was portrayed as successor to a tradition of kingship regarded as descending from Solomon and David." ^[1]

[1]: (Haas 2008: 122-123) Seshat URL: Zotero link: IQWD9I5I

"Despite royal enthusiasm for the new religion, and its adoption within court circles, Christianity took root slowly in the rural districts of the two kingdoms." ^[1]

[1]: (Haas 2008: 116) Seshat URL: Zotero link: IQWD9I5I

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of societal violence, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of societal discrimination, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of societal conversion pressures, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

‘‘‘ "The Nine Saints converted their new hermitages with very little opposition from the local pagan inhabitants, owing not only to their reputation for holiness and miraculous deeds, but also to explicit support from the Aksumite king, who occasionally made high-profile visitations to the monasteries. [...] Kaleb compelled the conversion of Matara, Aksum’s second largest city, situated midway between the capital and the sea, at the critical juncture between highlands and the coastal plain". ^[1]

[1]: (Haas 2008: 116-123) Seshat URL: Zotero link: IQWD9I5I

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE

As indicated in the following extracts, Kaplan argues that relationships between religious groups were likely cordial between the fourth and fifth centuries, and that there may have been an important shift in Jewish-Christian relations in the sixth, but not enough is known to determine the exact details of this shift, and indeed it may not have been accompanied by any kind of government restrictions or persecutions, especially given the polity’s reputation for religious tolerance in the seventh century. "It is difficult to know for how long the Judaized groups in the Aksumite population lived peacefully alongside their Christian and pagan neighbors. Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of "normative" Judaism or Christianity. [...] The fortunes of the young Church took a dramatic turn for the better toward the end of the fifth century with the arrival of two groups of Syrian missionaries, one known as the Sadqan and the other as the Nine Saints. [...] In addition to their missionary activities, they were probably also responsible for major advances in the translation of the Bible and other religious books into Ge’ez. [...] As was indicated in the previous chapter, both the vocabulary and versions used by the translators reveal access to Hebrew and Aramaic sources. There is, therefore, every reason to assume that they were assisted in their work by Jews or those influenced by Judaism in Aksum. Consequently, this would appear to be further evidence for both a continued Jewish presence in Aksum and for cordial rather than hostile relations with the surrounding population. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one." ^[1]

[1]: (Kaplan 1992: 35) Seshat URL: Zotero link: PT9MJQBE