No General Descriptions provided.
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| Year Range | Early Tana 1 (tz_early_tana_1) was in: |
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Inhabitants. 1600 at Unguja Ukuum but was it the largest settlement at the time? "The comparatively large area, about 16 ha, occupied by the site as early as the second half of the first millennium ce, with its population having been estimated to be about 1,600 (Juma 2004: 65), reflects the high status of the site within the region." [Juma_Wynne-Jones_LaViolette 2017]
levels.
1. Large settlement (e.g. Unguja Ukuu)
2. Mid-size settlement
3. Small-size settlement
Referring to Unguja Ukuu: "The comparatively large area, about 16 ha, occupied by the site as early as the second half of the first millennium ce, with its population having been estimated to be about 1,600 (Juma 2004: 65), reflects the high status of the site within the region." [Juma_Wynne-Jones_LaViolette 2017]
levels. Inferred from the following: "A central hierarchy or ruling strata to control social relations and enforce political order would be necessary to co-ordinate the market workforce and other important functional relations of the site. The existence of an administration can be inferred firstly from the general organisation. The sheer scale of economic activities strongly suggests that such a central paramount authority was established. Secondly, the higher returns that spilled out from the wealth in circulation and increase in the output from craft production and transportation must have provided adequate stimuli for wealthy and elite groups to exercise their control over these sectors and consequently promote the growth of social hierarchy and differentiation." [Juma 2004]
The following quote suggests that the professionalization of the military in Zanzibar began in the 19th century, meaning that the same may have been the case in other Swahili Coast city-states. "While Christian converts in the Sultanate of Zanzibar were in a very difficult position which British protection could revert only with the utmost difficulty, for liberated persons an opportunity to raise one’s social status was to join the Sultan’s regular army. It was created in 1877 under the direction and command of a British officer." (Pawełczak 2020: 64) NB can no longer reconstruct the full reference!
The following quote suggests that the professionalization of the military in Zanzibar began in the 19th century, meaning that the same may have been the case in other Swahili Coast city-states. "While Christian converts in the Sultanate of Zanzibar were in a very difficult position which British protection could revert only with the utmost difficulty, for liberated persons an opportunity to raise one’s social status was to join the Sultan’s regular army. It was created in 1877 under the direction and command of a British officer." (Pawełczak 2020: 64) NB can no longer reconstruct the full reference!
"A central hierarchy or ruling strata to control social relations and enforce political order would be necessary to co-ordinate the market workforce and other important functional relations of the site. The existence of an administration can be inferred firstly from the general organisation. The sheer scale of economic activities strongly suggests that such a central paramount authority was established. Secondly, the higher returns that spilled out from the wealth in circulation and increase in the output from craft production and transportation must have provided adequate stimuli for wealthy and elite groups to exercise their control over these sectors and consequently promote the growth of social hierarchy and differentiation." [Juma 2004]
"A central hierarchy or ruling strata to control social relations and enforce political order would be necessary to co-ordinate the market workforce and other important functional relations of the site. The existence of an administration can be inferred firstly from the general organisation. The sheer scale of economic activities strongly suggests that such a central paramount authority was established. Secondly, the higher returns that spilled out from the wealth in circulation and increase in the output from craft production and transportation must have provided adequate stimuli for wealthy and elite groups to exercise their control over these sectors and consequently promote the growth of social hierarchy and differentiation." [Juma 2004]
"A central hierarchy or ruling strata to control social relations and enforce political order would be necessary to co-ordinate the market workforce and other important functional relations of the site. The existence of an administration can be inferred firstly from the general organisation. The sheer scale of economic activities strongly suggests that such a central paramount authority was established. Secondly, the higher returns that spilled out from the wealth in circulation and increase in the output from craft production and transportation must have provided adequate stimuli for wealthy and elite groups to exercise their control over these sectors and consequently promote the growth of social hierarchy and differentiation." [Juma 2004]
"A central hierarchy or ruling strata to control social relations and enforce political order would be necessary to co-ordinate the market workforce and other important functional relations of the site. The existence of an administration can be inferred firstly from the general organisation. The sheer scale of economic activities strongly suggests that such a central paramount authority was established. Secondly, the higher returns that spilled out from the wealth in circulation and increase in the output from craft production and transportation must have provided adequate stimuli for wealthy and elite groups to exercise their control over these sectors and consequently promote the growth of social hierarchy and differentiation." [Juma 2004]
"A central hierarchy or ruling strata to control social relations and enforce political order would be necessary to co-ordinate the market workforce and other important functional relations of the site. The existence of an administration can be inferred firstly from the general organisation. The sheer scale of economic activities strongly suggests that such a central paramount authority was established. Secondly, the higher returns that spilled out from the wealth in circulation and increase in the output from craft production and transportation must have provided adequate stimuli for wealthy and elite groups to exercise their control over these sectors and consequently promote the growth of social hierarchy and differentiation." [Juma 2004]
The following quote suggests that little is known about both Islamic and customary law after the advent of Islam in the 8th century CE, which itself suggests that little is also known about the law before that century. "With the Islamisation of the East African coast, a process that started at least in the eighth century, shariʿa gradually came to be applied alongside customary law and practices. Through travellers’ records, such as Ibn Battuta’s of the early fourteenth century, we know that Islamic courts have existed for many centuries on the Swahili coast. Due to the dearth of sources, however, it is difficult to picture the workings of these legal institutions. Our understanding of the application of shariʿa, pertaining to questions such as who acted as kadhi [judge], who litigated, and where and how court sessions were held, remains very fragmentary prior to British colonial rule, and BuSa'idi rule in particular. As Michael Peletz cautions in his study on shariʿa courts in Malaysia, references attesting to the existence of these courts tell us little about the extent of the kadhi’s interaction with the local population and ruler or the extent to which shariʿa was applied. When we visualise the kadhis in the precolonial period, we should imagine them working outdoors as well as at their homes rather than in an actual court building, with their main role being that of a mediator; only if all mediation efforts failed, would they issue a judgement. We also have to bear in mind that Islamic courts were part of a legal system in which tribunals applied customary law on a parallel level. Not surprisingly, there is no precise information available on how these tribunals functioned and interacted with the kadhi’s courts." [Stockreiter 2015]
The following quote suggests that little is known about both Islamic and customary law after the advent of Islam in the 8th century CE, which itself suggests that little is also known about the law before that century. "With the Islamisation of the East African coast, a process that started at least in the eighth century, shariʿa gradually came to be applied alongside customary law and practices. Through travellers’ records, such as Ibn Battuta’s of the early fourteenth century, we know that Islamic courts have existed for many centuries on the Swahili coast. Due to the dearth of sources, however, it is difficult to picture the workings of these legal institutions. Our understanding of the application of shariʿa, pertaining to questions such as who acted as kadhi [judge], who litigated, and where and how court sessions were held, remains very fragmentary prior to British colonial rule, and BuSa'idi rule in particular. As Michael Peletz cautions in his study on shariʿa courts in Malaysia, references attesting to the existence of these courts tell us little about the extent of the kadhi’s interaction with the local population and ruler or the extent to which shariʿa was applied. When we visualise the kadhis in the precolonial period, we should imagine them working outdoors as well as at their homes rather than in an actual court building, with their main role being that of a mediator; only if all mediation efforts failed, would they issue a judgement. We also have to bear in mind that Islamic courts were part of a legal system in which tribunals applied customary law on a parallel level. Not surprisingly, there is no precise information available on how these tribunals functioned and interacted with the kadhi’s courts." [Stockreiter 2015]
The following quote suggests that little is known about both Islamic and customary law after the advent of Islam in the 8th century CE, which itself suggests that little is also known about the law before that century. "With the Islamisation of the East African coast, a process that started at least in the eighth century, shariʿa gradually came to be applied alongside customary law and practices. Through travellers’ records, such as Ibn Battuta’s of the early fourteenth century, we know that Islamic courts have existed for many centuries on the Swahili coast. Due to the dearth of sources, however, it is difficult to picture the workings of these legal institutions. Our understanding of the application of shariʿa, pertaining to questions such as who acted as kadhi [judge], who litigated, and where and how court sessions were held, remains very fragmentary prior to British colonial rule, and BuSa'idi rule in particular. As Michael Peletz cautions in his study on shariʿa courts in Malaysia, references attesting to the existence of these courts tell us little about the extent of the kadhi’s interaction with the local population and ruler or the extent to which shariʿa was applied. When we visualise the kadhis in the precolonial period, we should imagine them working outdoors as well as at their homes rather than in an actual court building, with their main role being that of a mediator; only if all mediation efforts failed, would they issue a judgement. We also have to bear in mind that Islamic courts were part of a legal system in which tribunals applied customary law on a parallel level. Not surprisingly, there is no precise information available on how these tribunals functioned and interacted with the kadhi’s courts." [Stockreiter 2015]
The following quote suggests that little is known about both Islamic and customary law after the advent of Islam in the 8th century CE, which itself suggests that little is also known about the law before that century. "With the Islamisation of the East African coast, a process that started at least in the eighth century, shariʿa gradually came to be applied alongside customary law and practices. Through travellers’ records, such as Ibn Battuta’s of the early fourteenth century, we know that Islamic courts have existed for many centuries on the Swahili coast. Due to the dearth of sources, however, it is difficult to picture the workings of these legal institutions. Our understanding of the application of shariʿa, pertaining to questions such as who acted as kadhi [judge], who litigated, and where and how court sessions were held, remains very fragmentary prior to British colonial rule, and BuSa'idi rule in particular. As Michael Peletz cautions in his study on shariʿa courts in Malaysia, references attesting to the existence of these courts tell us little about the extent of the kadhi’s interaction with the local population and ruler or the extent to which shariʿa was applied. When we visualise the kadhis in the precolonial period, we should imagine them working outdoors as well as at their homes rather than in an actual court building, with their main role being that of a mediator; only if all mediation efforts failed, would they issue a judgement. We also have to bear in mind that Islamic courts were part of a legal system in which tribunals applied customary law on a parallel level. Not surprisingly, there is no precise information available on how these tribunals functioned and interacted with the kadhi’s courts." [Stockreiter 2015]
"Unguja Ukuu was perhaps eastern Africa’s first emporium, with evidence for a rich settlement connected to international trade from the early sixth century ce. This predates the earliest levels at Swahili sites elsewhere on the coast. The site's location, deposits containing pottery traditions with widespread homogeneity, and dense concentrations of artefacts and production debris, indicate a high degree of functional differentiation and economic specialisation. [...] The cultural complexity of Unguja Ukuu is apparent from the onset of its occupation, suggesting that it developed rapidly to market-town status at its location, rather than from consolidating a pre-existing village." [Juma_Wynne-Jones_LaViolette 2017]
"However, the indigenous residents of the coast during the Swahili Age (c. 800–1500 ce) did not identify as African, Arab or Swahili; and local communities left no written records from the period." [Ray_Wynne-Jones_LaViolette 2017]
"[T]he indigenous residents of the coast during the Swahili Age (c. 800–1500 ce) [...] left no written records from the period." [Ray_Wynne-Jones_LaViolette 2017]