Babylon was re-populated by the Chaldean people and the rulers reclaimed the title of King of Babylon. While his father Nabopolassar was on the throne, Nebachudrezzar went on campaigns to defeat the Assyrian and Egyptian armies.
[1]
Having succeeded in creating the Neo-Babylonian empire, he returned to Babylon to be crowned. Nebachudrezzar then undertook a period of building creating some of the most iconic Babylonian architecture. He ruled the Neo-Babylonian empire by enforcing tithes of goods and labour, although some of the most distant Levantine city-states had a deal of autonomy.
[2]
So the empire continued for several decades until the reign of Nabonidus, whom is presumed to be unpopular. He left Babylon for ten years to live in the desert. Cyrus of the Achaemenid empire subsequently took over Babylon. Some say he was welcomed to depose Nabonidus, other evidence suggests he destroyed the city.
[3]
At the height of it’s power in the Neo-Babylonian Empire, Babylon was given resources to become the centre of the known world for culture, learning and religion.
The audience of Babylonian documents appears to be the Babylonian nobles and priesthood, therefore, they mostly celebrate building projects. It is thought that the empire had reached it’s natural limit within ten years; with the Medians to the north and east, the Egyptians in the south-west and the desert to the south. Therefore, the threatening military literature that pervaded the Neo-Assyrian empire was not needed in the Neo-Babylonian empire.
[4]
As a result, less is known about the military capabilities of the Neo-Babylonian empire.
The major historical events do not appear to have significantly impacted the material culture. There is continuity in form and style through the Achaemenian transition.
[5]
[1]: Oates, J. 1986. Babylon. London: Thames & Hudson. p.128-130
[2]: Vanderhooft, D.S. 1999. The Neo-Babylonian Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets. Harvard Semitic Museum Monographs 59. p.46
[3]: Oates, J. 1986. Babylon. London: Thames & Hudson.
[4]: Liverani, M. 2011. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.541
[5]: Baker, H. D. 2012. The Neo-Babylonian Empire. In Potts, D. T. (ed.) A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume II. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. p.915
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| Year Range | Neo-Babylonian Empire (iq_neo_babylonian_emp) was in: |
|---|---|
| (626 BCE 539 BCE) | Southern Mesopotamia Galilee |
In 605 BCE the Babylonians defeated the Egyptians and the remanants of the Assyrian army at Carchemish, thus becoming the great power of Mesopotamia.
[1]
In the 540’s BCE the Achaemenes fought their way east from Elam, conquering land. Babylon fell without resistance in 539 BCE.
[2]
[1]: Oates, J. 1986. Babylon. London: Thames & Hudson. p.128
[2]: Oates, J. 1986. Babylon. London: Thames & Hudson. p.134-135
levels. Two notable fragments exist which give some information about the administrative levels across the Neo-Babylonian empire. They are the Etemenanki cylinder and the Istanbul prism fragment, both dated to the reign of Nebuchadrezzar. Most debate concerns the heirarchy of officials; in particular, whether those appointed by Babylon have higher status that the regional kings.
[1]
Private ownership does not seem to have been prominent in the Neo-Babylonian period. Instead temples and palaces owned land. Private ownership was enabled by leasing large tenancies to individuals who could then lease out smaller plots. State administration, therefore, worked on multiple levels.
[2]
Official administration levels
[3]
(1) King of Babylonia(2) Governors(3) City officers/ Officials in marginal cities(4) Village Headman
The Babylonian empire conquered an area with pre-existing structures, many of which continued alongside Babylonian administration, such as vassal Levantine kings and local nobles within Mesopotamia. The Levantine kings appear to owe allegiance to the Babylonian kings, for example they paid in material goods towards Nebuchadrezzar’s building projects, but are largely self-controlled.
[4]
[1]: Vanderhooft, D.S. 1999. The Neo-Babylonian Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets. Harvard Semitic Museum Monographs 59. p.94-99
[2]: Meyers, E. M. (ed.) 1997. The Oxford Encyclopedia of Archaeology in the Near East. Oxford: Oxford University Press. p.259
[3]: Liverani, M. 2011. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.541
[4]: Vanderhooft, D.S. 1999. The Neo-Babylonian Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets. Harvard Semitic Museum Monographs 59. p.97
Alongside the enforced flow of goods into the capital, trade developed as well. [1] Cut off from the main trade routes, Babylon set up a market to make it the final destination for trade. Other large market centres existed throughout the empire along the trading routes, e.g. Susiana and Lydia. [2]
[1]: Vanderhooft, D.S. 1999. The Neo-Babylonian Empire and Babylon in the Latter Prophets. Harvard Seimitc Muesum Monographs 59. p.47
[2]: Liverani, M. 2011. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.549
Irrigation around the Euphrates and Tigris rivers provided sustainable means of agriculture for thousands of years. [1] It has also been suggested, that a complex irrigation system would have been necessary if the hanging gardens of Babylon (thought to have been built by Nebuchadrezzar) existed. [2]
[1]: Mori, L. 2009. Land and Land Use: the Middle Euphrates Valley. In Leick, G. (ed.) The Babylonian World. London: Routledge. p.41-42
[2]: Baker, H.D. 2012. The Neo-Babylonian Empire. In Potts, D.T. (ed.) A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume II. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. p.916
Wells are present in cities. [1] Was there a piped network to domestic residences? Presence of wells in cities suggests not - residents took their drinking water from the wells and brought it to their homes themselves.
[1]: Baker, H.D. 2012. The Neo-Babylonian Empire. In Potts, D.T. (ed.) A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume II. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. p.916
Nebuchadnezzar II "He also constructed large sewers lined with a mixture of bitumen, clay and gravel. He laid down the first paved streets by setting stone slabs in bitumen-mortar." (Bilkadi, Z. 1984. Bitumen: A History. Saudi Aramco World. November/December. pp 2-9. EXTERNAL_INLINE_LINK: https://www.saudiaramcoworld.com/issue/198406/bitumen.-.a.history.htm )
Part of a wide-reaching irrigation system. Part of Sippar was known as the Quay of Sippar, although it has not been discovered. Baker speculates that it might have been on the major watercourse, the King’s Canal [1]
[1]: Baker, H.D. 2012. The Neo-Babylonian Empire. In Potts, D.T. (ed.) A Companion to the Archaeology of the Ancient Near East. Volume II. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. p.920
"The Mesopotamians did not use coinage (invented in Asia Minor in the seventh century B.C.E.) but employed various commodities as media of exchange and measures of value: occasionally gold, copper, and tin, but most commonly silver and grain. The value of goods entrusted to merchants was reckoned in weights of silver or volumes of barley, as was that of the commodities that the merchants brought back from their expeditions. Silver rings, coils of silver wire that could easily be cut into pieces, and other small units (often of 5 shekels weight) were regularly used in transactions, the requisite quantity of silver being weighed out to make a purchase or pay for a service." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2005: 132) McIntosh, J. 2005. Ancient Mesopotamia: New Perspective. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/KK2E3KMD.
"The Mesopotamians did not use coinage (invented in Asia Minor in the seventh century B.C.E.) but employed various commodities as media of exchange and measures of value: occasionally gold, copper, and tin, but most commonly silver and grain. The value of goods entrusted to merchants was reckoned in weights of silver or volumes of barley, as was that of the commodities that the merchants brought back from their expeditions. Silver rings, coils of silver wire that could easily be cut into pieces, and other small units (often of 5 shekels weight) were regularly used in transactions, the requisite quantity of silver being weighed out to make a purchase or pay for a service." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2005: 132) McIntosh, J. 2005. Ancient Mesopotamia: New Perspective. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/KK2E3KMD.
"The Mesopotamians did not use coinage (invented in Asia Minor in the seventh century B.C.E.) but employed various commodities as media of exchange and measures of value: occasionally gold, copper, and tin, but most commonly silver and grain. The value of goods entrusted to merchants was reckoned in weights of silver or volumes of barley, as was that of the commodities that the merchants brought back from their expeditions. Silver rings, coils of silver wire that could easily be cut into pieces, and other small units (often of 5 shekels weight) were regularly used in transactions, the requisite quantity of silver being weighed out to make a purchase or pay for a service." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2005: 132) McIntosh, J. 2005. Ancient Mesopotamia: New Perspective. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/KK2E3KMD.
"The Mesopotamians did not use coinage (invented in Asia Minor in the seventh century B.C.E.) but employed various commodities as media of exchange and measures of value: occasionally gold, copper, and tin, but most commonly silver and grain. The value of goods entrusted to merchants was reckoned in weights of silver or volumes of barley, as was that of the commodities that the merchants brought back from their expeditions. Silver rings, coils of silver wire that could easily be cut into pieces, and other small units (often of 5 shekels weight) were regularly used in transactions, the requisite quantity of silver being weighed out to make a purchase or pay for a service." [1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2005: 132) McIntosh, J. 2005. Ancient Mesopotamia: New Perspective. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/KK2E3KMD.
Popular text refers to a ’Moat of Babylon’ (Neo-Babylonia) and the index of a work from 1915 mentions ’Moat, of Babylon’. Likely but cannot find reference at this time.
A Babylonian inscription "begins with the names and titles of Nebuchadrezzar the Great (604 B.C.) and discusses the building of various temples and palaces as well as the ramparts of Babylon and Borsippa." [1]
[1]: (Semper 2004, 347) Gottfried Semper. 2004. Style in the Technical and Tectonic Arts, Or, Practical Aesthetics. Getty Research Institute. Los Angeles.
The Babylonian Chronicles detail the fall of Assyria. They state that the king of Akkad (Babylonia) bought siege engines against the city of Rahilu, but it does not specify what kind of siege engine. [1]
[1]: Liverani, M. 2011. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.538
The Babylonian Chronicles detail the fall of Assyria. They state that the king of Akkad (Babylonia) bought siege engines against the city of Rahilu, but it does not specify what kind of siege engine. [1]
[1]: Liverani, M. 2011. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.538
The Babylonian Chronicles detail the fall of Assyria. They state that the king of Akkad (Babylonia) bought siege engines against the city of Rahilu, but it does not specify what kind of siege engine. [1]
[1]: Liverani, M. 2011. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.538
The Babylonian Chronicles detail the fall of Assyria. They state that the king of Akkad (Babylonia) bought siege engines against the city of Rahilu, but it does not specify what kind of siege engine. [1]
[1]: Liverani, M. 2011. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.538