No General Descriptions provided.
| inferred Absent |
| Absent |
| inferred Absent |
| inferred Absent |
| Unknown |
| inferred Absent |
| inferred Absent |
| inferred Absent |
| Year Range | Monagrillo (pa_monagrillo) was in: |
|---|
Inhabitants. John Hoopes commented that ’to date we only have hints of the forms of Monagrillo structures (tentative dwellings). At best, the Monagrillo people were incipient, "early Neolithic" villages (known as "Early Formative"), but we don’t yet have data to confirm that they were living in settlements larger than hamlets.’ [1]
[1]: John W. Hoopes 2017, pers. comm. to Jenny Reddish.
People. John Hoopes commented that ’to date we only have hints of the forms of Monagrillo structures (tentative dwellings). At best, the Monagrillo people were incipient, "early Neolithic" villages (known as "Early Formative"), but we don’t yet have data to confirm that they were living in settlements larger than hamlets.’ [1]
[1]: John W. Hoopes 2017, pers. comm. to Jenny Reddish.
In his discussion of the Monagrillo culture, Hoopes mentions only two settlements: Monagrillo itself, a ’small, coastal-oriented settlement’, and Zapotal, ’which may have been a small village’. [1] In an email, he told us that ’we don’t yet have data to confirm that [Monagrillo people] were living in settlements larger than hamlets.’ [2] It seems as though we lack sufficient data to code this variable.
[1]: (Hoopes 2001, 112) Hoopes, John W. 2001. “Early Chibcha.” In Encyclopedia of Prehistory, Volume 5: Middle America, edited by Peter N. Peregrine and Melvin Ember, 100–115. Boston: Springer. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/6ERS93SR.
[2]: John W. Hoopes 2017, pers. comm. to Jenny Reddish.
The Monagrillo people do not appear to have been organized into a polity. [1] At present there is no evidence to suggest that they ’were living in settlements larger than hamlets’, [1] so it does not seem justified to infer the presence of an administrative hierarchy.
[1]: John W. Hoopes 2017, pers. comm. to Jenny Reddish.
In the Early Chibcha tradition in general, 'The religious life appears to have been in the hands of mystics and trained specialists.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 104] However, the evidence Hoopes provides for this in Central Panama specifically seems to come mainly from the considerably later Greater Coclé period, i.e. 'the iconography of goldwork and polychrome ceramics, especially from Sitio Conte ... Individuals with prominent fangs and menacing claws wearing deer antlers on their heads may represent shamans communicating simultaneously the essences of both predators and prey.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 108] I have left this uncoded until I come across stronger statements that there were trained religious specialists in the Monagrillo culture. It is also unclear whether such people would be full-time professionals: Hoopes speculates that Early Chibcha shamans may have 'assumed political roles'. [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 108] If this was the case, a 'present' code would not be justified here, as ritual duties would be just one aspect of a more general leadership role.
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact, [1] and at present there is no evidence to suggest the presence of administrative institutions in Monagrillo. John Hoopes thinks it is likely that the Monagrillo people were not organized into a polity. [2]
[1]: (Mendizábal Archibold 2004, 14) Mendizábal Archibold, Tomás Enrique. 2004. “Panamá Viejo: An Analysis of the Construction of Archaeological Time in Eastern Panamá.” PhD Dissertation, University College London. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IPHPU92K.
[2]: John W. Hoopes 2017, pers. comm. to Jenny Reddish.
'No architectural remains are known from Mon[a]grillo, although excavators reported the presence of clay briquettes showing pole or reed impressions. However, the foundations of simple structures have been identified at the nearby site of Zapotal, which may have been a small village.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 112]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact, [1] and at present there is no evidence to suggest the presence of administrative institutions in Monagrillo. John Hoopes thinks it is likely that the Monagrillo people were not organized into a polity. [2]
[1]: (Mendizábal Archibold 2004, 14) Mendizábal Archibold, Tomás Enrique. 2004. “Panamá Viejo: An Analysis of the Construction of Archaeological Time in Eastern Panamá.” PhD Dissertation, University College London. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IPHPU92K.
[2]: John W. Hoopes 2017, pers. comm. to Jenny Reddish.
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact, [1] and at present there is no evidence to suggest the presence of administrative institutions in Monagrillo. John Hoopes thinks it is likely that the Monagrillo people were not organized into a polity. [2]
[1]: (Mendizábal Archibold 2004, 14) Mendizábal Archibold, Tomás Enrique. 2004. “Panamá Viejo: An Analysis of the Construction of Archaeological Time in Eastern Panamá.” PhD Dissertation, University College London. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IPHPU92K.
[2]: John W. Hoopes 2017, pers. comm. to Jenny Reddish.
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact, [1] and at present there is no evidence to suggest the presence of administrative institutions in Monagrillo. John Hoopes thinks it is likely that the Monagrillo people were not organized into a polity. [2]
[1]: (Mendizábal Archibold 2004, 14) Mendizábal Archibold, Tomás Enrique. 2004. “Panamá Viejo: An Analysis of the Construction of Archaeological Time in Eastern Panamá.” PhD Dissertation, University College London. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/IPHPU92K.
[2]: John W. Hoopes 2017, pers. comm. to Jenny Reddish.
'Markets are unknown for this [the Early Chibcha] tradition, but there is some evidence for merchants who may have carried gold and tumbaga artifacts.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 103]
'In some parts of the world [agricultural risk-minimization] was accomplished through infrastructure such as dams and large-scale irrigation canals [...] but there is no evidence for such features among the regions of Central Panama.' [Berrey 2015, p. 207]
' No architectural remains are known from Mon[a]grillo, although excavators reported the presence of clay briquettes showing pole or reed impressions. However, the foundations of simple structures have been identified at the nearby site of Zapotal, which may have been a small village.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 112] It is technically possible that the foundations at Zapotal could have been those of a communal building, or that there were communal buildings elsewhere of which no traces survive, but I have coded 'inferred absent' in recognition of the weak evidence for any specialized structures in Monagrillo.
'No architectural remains are known from Mon[a]grillo, although excavators reported the presence of clay briquettes showing pole or reed impressions. However, the foundations of simple structures have been identified at the nearby site of Zapotal, which may have been a small village.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 112]
Though her book is about Panama at the time of the Spanish conquest, one of Helms' statements seems to imply a lack of unequivocal archaeological evidence for symbolic buildings in earlier periods as well as the immediate precontact period: 'The significance of the bohío as a visible symbol of the chiefly estate may be all the more noteworthy since Panama gives little evidence so far of distinctly ceremonial structures, such as temples or pyramids, that would also have served this purpose, although sacred shrines in interior mountains may have existed'. [Helms 1979, p. 9]
'No architectural remains are known from Mon[a]grillo, although excavators reported the presence of clay briquettes showing pole or reed impressions. However, the foundations of simple structures have been identified at the nearby site of Zapotal, which may have been a small village.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 112]
'No architectural remains are known from Mon[a]grillo, although excavators reported the presence of clay briquettes showing pole or reed impressions. However, the foundations of simple structures have been identified at the nearby site of Zapotal, which may have been a small village.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 112]
'No architectural remains are known from Mon[a]grillo, although excavators reported the presence of clay briquettes showing pole or reed impressions. However, the foundations of simple structures have been identified at the nearby site of Zapotal, which may have been a small village.' [Hoopes_Peregrine_Ember 2001, p. 112] It is technically possible that the foundations at Zapotal could have been those of a special purpose house, or that there were special purpose houses elsewhere of which no traces survive, but I have coded 'inferred absent' in recognition of the weak evidence for any specialized structures in Monagrillo.
Though her book is about Panama at the time of the Spanish conquest, one of Helms' statements seems to imply a lack of unequivocal archaeological evidence for symbolic buildings in earlier periods as well as the immediate precontact period: 'The significance of the bohío as a visible symbol of the chiefly estate may be all the more noteworthy since Panama gives little evidence so far of distinctly ceremonial structures, such as temples or pyramids, that would also have served this purpose, although sacred shrines in interior mountains may have existed'. [Helms 1979, p. 9]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14]
Panamanian societies were non-literate before Spanish contact. [Mendizábal_Archibold 2004, p. 14] Because this variable is concerned only with the presence of written (rather than verbal) debt and credit agreements, I have coded absent.
According to Francisco Guerra, '[a] system of standards for volume and length can be established in Nuclear America prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, and, although these standards are not as detailed as those of the Roman system, they seem to have been fairly widespread in their application'. [Guerra 1960, p. 343] ('Nuclear America' refers to the region between central Mexico and the Andes. [Willey 1955, p. 571] ) However, Guerra does not specifically mention the populations of Precolumbian Panama, referring only to the Aztec, Maya, Mixtec, Zapotec, Tarascan and Otomi. [Guerra 1960, p. 344] Moreover, even for the literate and more politically centralized cultures of Mesoamerica to the north, Freidel and Reilly note in a more recent publication that '[t]here is little evidence that the Pre-Columbian Mesoamericans used standardized weights and measures beyond the "vara" of cotton cloth'. [Freidel_et_al 2010] In all, I have been unable to find examples in the literature of good evidence for standardized measures of volume in Precolumbian Central Panama, so have coded 'inferred absent'.
According to Francisco Guerra, '[a] system of standards for volume and length can be established in Nuclear America prior to the arrival of the Spaniards, and, although these standards are not as detailed as those of the Roman system, they seem to have been fairly widespread in their application'. [Guerra 1960, p. 343] ('Nuclear America' refers to the region between central Mexico and the Andes. [Willey 1955, p. 571] ) However, Guerra does not specifically mention the populations of Precolumbian Panama, referring only to the Aztec, Maya, Mixtec, Zapotec, Tarascan and Otomi. [Guerra 1960, p. 344] Moreover, even for the literate and more politically centralized cultures of Mesoamerica to the north, Freidel and Reilly note in a more recent publication that '[t]here is little evidence that the Pre-Columbian Mesoamericans used standardized weights and measures beyond the "vara" of cotton cloth'. [Freidel_et_al 2010] In all, I have been unable to find examples in the literature of good evidence for standardized measures of length in Precolumbian Central Panama, so have coded 'inferred absent'.