| # | Polity | Coded Value | Tags | Year(s) | Edit | Desc |
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c500 CE and after: "It may be assumed that by then some of the Juan-juan already lived a settled life and practised agriculture. The original sources repeatedly mention that their khagans obtained ‘seed millet’ from China (some 10,000 shi each time). This shows that the Juan-juan society and state had gradually developed from nomadic herding to a settled agricultural way of life, from yurts to the building of houses and monumental architecture, from the nomadic district to towns. They had invented their own system of writing and developed their own local culture and Buddhist learning flourished."
[1]
[1]: (Kyzlasov 1996, 317) |
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c500 CE and after: "It may be assumed that by then some of the Juan-juan already lived a settled life and practised agriculture. The original sources repeatedly mention that their khagans obtained ‘seed millet’ from China (some 10,000 shi each time). This shows that the Juan-juan society and state had gradually developed from nomadic herding to a settled agricultural way of life, from yurts to the building of houses and monumental architecture, from the nomadic district to towns. They had invented their own system of writing and developed their own local culture and Buddhist learning flourished."
[1]
[1]: (Kyzlasov 1996, 317) |
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c500 CE and after: "It may be assumed that by then some of the Juan-juan already lived a settled life and practised agriculture. The original sources repeatedly mention that their khagans obtained ‘seed millet’ from China (some 10,000 shi each time). This shows that the Juan-juan society and state had gradually developed from nomadic herding to a settled agricultural way of life, from yurts to the building of houses and monumental architecture, from the nomadic district to towns. They had invented their own system of writing and developed their own local culture and Buddhist learning flourished."
[1]
[1]: (Kyzlasov 1996, 317) |
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“Throughout Spain there was a long tradition of peasant self-government. Benlloch described in 1756 the town hall of Llombai (209 families), with its ground floor a storehouse for the grain needed for sowing or alms to the poor, its upstairs a council chamber where the records were carefully locked away in two cupboards.”(Casey 2002: 101) Casey, James. 2002. Early Modern Spain: A Social History. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/2SNTRSWT
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"The Chinese records of the Han dynasty, the Han Shu, contain several references to Xiongnu farming: a Chinese military expedition into Xiongnu territory (in 141–87 BCE) appropriated Xiongnu grain and cereals to feed the troops (Di Cosmo 1994); in 88 BCE a harvest of grain and other agricultural products was lost because of continuing rains and frost; Chinese captive soldiers were employed in farming at the Ling wu river (Rudenko 1969; T’ang 1981). Also, the Xiongnu sent four thousand cavalry men to Jushi to work the land, whence they were later expelled by the Chinese (Di Cosmo 1994). Much of the farming was probably done by imported Chinese farmers and prisoners, and possibly by impoverished Xiongnu (Di Cosmo 1994). The Xiongnu had military agricultural colonies with Chinese prisoners, who probably worked the land while the Xiongnu military guarded them. Collecting Chinese prisoners was one of the main reasons for looting neighbouring China; some were probably bought from other nomadic tribes. Chinese farmers came to the Xiongnu on their own initiative because living conditions were better among the Xiongnu than in imperial North China (Hayashi 1984). Probably also some farmers came from the (sedentary) Western regions. In addition to housing farmers, the fortified villages were mainly for storage of provisions."
[1]
[1]: (Eisma 2012, 124) Eisma, D. 2012. Agriculture on the Mongolian Steppe. The Silk Road 10: 123-135. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PADFEG3I/library |
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"Agriculture in southern area continued to develop, especially in irri- gation and water conservancy construction, which were more advanced than the previous generations. Agriculture in Southern Tang was the most developed at that time. There were bumper harvests in both Zhejiang and Fujian with full warehouses, and people in Wuyue and Min had become very wealthy at that time."
[1]
[1]: (Fu and Cao 2019: 186) Fu, C. and W. Cao. 2019. Cities During the Five Dynasties and the Ten Kingdoms Period, and the Turning Point of Chinese Urban History. In Fu and Cao (eds) Introduction to the Urban History of China pp. 185 - 196. Palgrave Macmillan. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/TJXI5EU4/library |
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"The Chinese records of the Han dynasty, the Han Shu, contain several references to Xiongnu farming: a Chinese military expedition into Xiongnu territory (in 141–87 BCE) appropriated Xiongnu grain and cereals to feed the troops (Di Cosmo 1994); in 88 BCE a harvest of grain and other agricultural products was lost because of continuing rains and frost; Chinese captive soldiers were employed in farming at the Ling wu river (Rudenko 1969; T’ang 1981). Also, the Xiongnu sent four thousand cavalry men to Jushi to work the land, whence they were later expelled by the Chinese (Di Cosmo 1994). Much of the farming was probably done by imported Chinese farmers and prisoners, and possibly by impoverished Xiongnu (Di Cosmo 1994). The Xiongnu had military agricultural colonies with Chinese prisoners, who probably worked the land while the Xiongnu military guarded them. Collecting Chinese prisoners was one of the main reasons for looting neighbouring China; some were probably bought from other nomadic tribes. Chinese farmers came to the Xiongnu on their own initiative because living conditions were better among the Xiongnu than in imperial North China (Hayashi 1984). Probably also some farmers came from the (sedentary) Western regions. In addition to housing farmers, the fortified villages were mainly for storage of provisions."
[1]
[1]: (Eisma 2012, 124) Eisma, D. 2012. Agriculture on the Mongolian Steppe. The Silk Road 10: 123-135. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PADFEG3I/library |
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The following suggests the existence of government-managed food storage sites, at the very least to "feed prisoners".
"After the Ming succeeded the Mongol (Yüan) empire in 1368, Mongolia was occupied by different independent tribes, and there are no indications of farming during that period. Barfield (1989) states that around 1632 grain was always in short supply, but the reason why is not clear. Grain (as well as livestock and metal) was imported for the common people and to feed prisoners; luxury goods were imported for the elite." [1] [1]: (Eisma 2012, 126) Eisma, D. 2012. Agriculture on the Mongolian Steppe. The Silk Road 10: 123-135. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PADFEG3I/library |
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Many Russian Orthodox monasteries, which date back to well before the establishment of the Russian Empire in the 18th century, operated their own granaries. These granaries were essential for storing surplus grain and other foodstuffs, not only for the monks’ use but also for the surrounding communities, especially during times of famine or hardship.
[1]
[1]: Seppel, Marten. “Communal Granaries in the Russian Empire: Conception, Implementation, and Failures in the Baltic Provinces.” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 67, no. 2 (2019) Zotero link: XGXRT789 |
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Many Russian Orthodox monasteries, which date back to well before the establishment of the Russian Empire in the 18th century, operated their own granaries. These granaries were essential for storing surplus grain and other foodstuffs, not only for the monks’ use but also for the surrounding communities, especially during times of famine or hardship.
[1]
[1]: Seppel, Marten. “Communal Granaries in the Russian Empire: Conception, Implementation, and Failures in the Baltic Provinces.” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 67, no. 2 (2019) Zotero link: XGXRT789 |
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Many Russian Orthodox monasteries, which date back to well before the establishment of the Russian Empire in the 18th century, operated their own granaries. These granaries were essential for storing surplus grain and other foodstuffs, not only for the monks’ use but also for the surrounding communities, especially during times of famine or hardship.
[1]
[1]: Seppel, Marten. “Communal Granaries in the Russian Empire: Conception, Implementation, and Failures in the Baltic Provinces.” Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas 67, no. 2 (2019) Zotero link: XGXRT789 |
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"The basic wealth of the Spring and Autumn states was thus in grain, and grain was stored by the state as a hedge against famine. On two occasions, grain was transferred between states for famine relief ... These interstate transactions show that states had considerable storage capacity, as well as substantial transport capacity, for food supplies."
[1]
[1]: (Brooks and Brooks) Brooks, E, Bruce. Brooks, A, Taeko. 2015. The Emergence of China: From Confucius to the Empire. Warring States Project. |
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The period of most rapid population growth (1749-1851) was more than a doubling of China’s population. The Qing dynasty had to come up with solutions to increase food production and feed the growing population. High-yielding rice seeds were imported, new crops were introduced from the Americas, grain storage was emphasized, and irrigation works were expanded
[1]
[1]: (Zhang, 2011, p.131-132) |
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Granaries existed under Sui.
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need examples. Granaries present under Sui.
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According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’, ‘None’ (coded as ‘1’) were present, not ’Individual households’, ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’. The subsistence system allowed for continuous sowing and harvesting throughout the year: ’Living as they do well to the west of the area which is annually inundated, and consequently being free from dependance on the seasons, they can sow at any time of the year, with the certainty of reaping at the end of the unvarying number of months which are needed in order that the crop may ripen. Yuca, for instance, is ready in six months; Indian corn in three months; yams (a potato which grows three to four feet in length and fifty pounds in weight) in a year; sweet potatoes, peanuts, and tobacco are also cultivated in large quantities.”’
[1]
Karsten reports only household-level food storage. [There were no collective storage facilities. In fact the only crops stored in households were/are peanuts and maize. Since the Shuar only use sweet manioc, they do not manufacture manioc flour.] ’“The truth is that the married Jibaro woman is not only completely independent within her own sphere of activity, but exercises a remarkable social influence and authority even in matters which mainly concern the husband. It is interesting to state in this respect that a family-father never sells fruit or other articles of food without the consent of his wife. There are, I think, few civilized societies where the man so unfailingly asks his wife’s advice, even in unimportant matters, as among these savages. It occurred very frequently during my travels in the forest that I paid visits to the Jibaro houses to buy manioc or bananas, and received from the ‘autocrat’ of the house the answer: ‘I must first ask [254] my wife.’ Frequently the wife happened to be absent for the moment and then the answer was: ‘Wait a while until my wife arrives.’ I saw that there was a store of manioc and bananas in the house, and it would have been an easy thing for the man to give me immediately what I wanted to buy; yet he compelled me to wait for a long while, perhaps for hours, only to be able to ask his wife’s permission to make the insignificant bargain. Still one can understand this consideration for the housewife when articles of food are in question. Since the wife is the keeper of the food and is responsible for the existence of a store sufficient for the needs of the family, it is natural that she should also be allowed to decide how much of it can be given to strangers.’
[2]
[1]: Up de Graff, d., Fritz W. 1923. “Head Hunters Of The Amazon: Seven Years Of Exploration And Adventure”, 202p [2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 253p |
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According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’, ‘None’ (coded as ‘1’) were present, not ’Individual households’, ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’. The subsistence system allowed for continuous sowing and harvesting throughout the year: ’Living as they do well to the west of the area which is annually inundated, and consequently being free from dependance on the seasons, they can sow at any time of the year, with the certainty of reaping at the end of the unvarying number of months which are needed in order that the crop may ripen. Yuca, for instance, is ready in six months; Indian corn in three months; yams (a potato which grows three to four feet in length and fifty pounds in weight) in a year; sweet potatoes, peanuts, and tobacco are also cultivated in large quantities.”’
[1]
Karsten reports only household-level food storage. [There were no collective storage facilities. In fact the only crops stored in households were/are peanuts and maize. Since the Shuar only use sweet manioc, they do not manufacture manioc flour.] ’“The truth is that the married Jibaro woman is not only completely independent within her own sphere of activity, but exercises a remarkable social influence and authority even in matters which mainly concern the husband. It is interesting to state in this respect that a family-father never sells fruit or other articles of food without the consent of his wife. There are, I think, few civilized societies where the man so unfailingly asks his wife’s advice, even in unimportant matters, as among these savages. It occurred very frequently during my travels in the forest that I paid visits to the Jibaro houses to buy manioc or bananas, and received from the ‘autocrat’ of the house the answer: ‘I must first ask [254] my wife.’ Frequently the wife happened to be absent for the moment and then the answer was: ‘Wait a while until my wife arrives.’ I saw that there was a store of manioc and bananas in the house, and it would have been an easy thing for the man to give me immediately what I wanted to buy; yet he compelled me to wait for a long while, perhaps for hours, only to be able to ask his wife’s permission to make the insignificant bargain. Still one can understand this consideration for the housewife when articles of food are in question. Since the wife is the keeper of the food and is responsible for the existence of a store sufficient for the needs of the family, it is natural that she should also be allowed to decide how much of it can be given to strangers.’
[2]
[1]: Up de Graff, d., Fritz W. 1923. “Head Hunters Of The Amazon: Seven Years Of Exploration And Adventure”, 202p [2]: Karsten, Rafael 1935. “Head-Hunters Of Western Amazonas: The Life And Culture Of The Jibaro Indians Of Eastern Ecuador And Peru”, 253p |
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inferred present since the Badarian.
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"Every collective in Egyptian society, whether a town or a village, maintained grain storage facilities"
[1]
"A Third-Fourth dynasty complex found at Elkab consisted of storage facilities, silos, and sites where agricultural produce was transformed (Hendrickx and Eyckerman 2009)"
[2]
[1]: (Papazian 2013, 59) [2]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Recent Developments in the Social and Economic History of Ancient Egypt, 15) |
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According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’ ’Individual households’, not ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’ were present, coded in the SCCS as ‘2’.
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No information found in sources so far.
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"Silo" present during this time period.
[1]
Does this refer to food storage?
[1]: (http://www.chronocarto.ens.fr/gcserver/atlas#) |
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"Silo" present during this time period.
[1]
Does this refer to food storage?
[1]: (http://www.chronocarto.ens.fr/gcserver/atlas#) |
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Sarbah mentions urban storage facilities: ’On the 21st of February he sent one of his men with attendants to King Abaan, whose town was about four leagues up-country, where was stored a large quantity of corn and millet. This town is described to be as large as the London of that period. It was guarded every night, and to warn the watchmen, cords were stretched across the roads and paths leading to it. Attached to the cords were bells, which give the alarm. In addition to these cords, nets were hung over the few entrances, and were so contrived as to fall on any person endeavouring to steal into the town. Four hours after their arrival in the morning, these men were sent for by the king at nine o’clock, “for there may no man come to him before he be sent for,” nor was it customary in that country to offer their presents to the ruler until they had visited him thrice. On the last visit, after the king had accepted their presents, he drank palm-wine with them. The king, we are informed, used a cup of gold, and when he drank, the people cried all with one voice, “Abaan, Abaan,” with certain other words. “The king drinks; and when he had drunk, then they gave drink to every one, and that done, the king licensed them to depart; and every one that departeth from him boweth three times towards him, and waveth with both hands together, as they bow and do depart. The king hath commonly sitting by him eight or ten ancient men with grey beards.”’
[1]
Sarbah also speaks of quasi-feudal arragements in some polities: ’In the Fanti system allegiance is personal, but in the Asanti it is personal and territorial combined. ‡ The head ruler is not necessarily the owner of any land in his jurisdiction; e.g., Ohene Tchibu, of Asin Yankumasi, owns no land, and is a tenant of Abesibro, his captain; so also is Ohene Aka Ayima, of Beyin in Appolonia, by the [Page 25] judgment of Mr. Justice Nicoll, declared to own no land in his district-at least he did not lead evidence to show the land in question was his. In the case of Ohene Tchibu, the explanation is, that his ancestors fled to Fantiland for protection from the north side of the Pra in the kingdom of Asanti. The greater part of the Asinfu settled on lands within the jurisdiction of the head ruler of Abura, who became their feudal superior. * Many of the Asinfu continued to work on their lands across the river Pra, and held them. Among such is Akessi of Fumsu, until, by an order of the Executive Council of Gold Coast, an arbitrary boundary was fixed, and the possessions of the Asinfu, Denkerafu, and others, trans-Pra and trans-Ofin, were declared Asanti territory in the district of Adansi, and this in spite of the fact that Yamsu village, the stool of which was the subject of the case, Ghambra v. Ewea, † is situate on the Adansi side of the Ofin.’
[2]
[1]: Sarbah, John Mensah 1968. "Fanti National Constitution: A Short Treatise On The Constitution And Government Of The Fanti, Asant, And Other Akan Tribes of West Africe Together With A Brief Account Of The Discovery Of The Gold Coast By Portuguese Navigators, A Short Narration of Early English Voyages, And A Stody Of The Rise of British Gold Coast Jurisdiction, Etc., Etc.", 69 [2]: Sarbah, John Mensah 1968. "Fanti National Constitution: A Short Treatise On The Constitution And Government Of The Fanti, Asant, And Other Akan Tribes of West Africe Together With A Brief Account Of The Discovery Of The Gold Coast By Portuguese Navigators, A Short Narration of Early English Voyages, And A Stody Of The Rise of British Gold Coast Jurisdiction, Etc., Etc.", 24p |
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The existence of communal food storage installations has already been proposed for the Initial Neolithic (7000-6400 BCE).
[1]
A burned timber structure just outside the earliest Neolithic settlement at Knossos, closely associated with a large quantity of carbonized grain, was taken as a possible evidence for a communal form of storage.
[2]
The cache of grain was found in Area AC, a trench opened in the Central Court of the Knossian palace and covering about 55 m2.
[3]
[4]
The area was not built but was used for various activities including threshing, processing of cereals, digging pits, and burials. The cache was close to the central part of the trench and partly outside the area of the sounding. Its southwest edge was marked by a row of stake-holes, two containing ash and one the carbonized remains of a stake. The excavator argued that, “grain from a field of bread wheat had apparently been threshed.”
[5]
Three rock-cut circular pits were recently excavated at Gazi, east of Heraklion, are dated to the Final Neolithic (3300-3000 BCE).
[6]
Driessen and Langohr suggested that they were used as large-scale communal stores.
[7]
The pits contained rough stones, stone tools, animal bones and coarse ware dated to the Roman and Early Byzantine periods. Building remains dated to the Final Neolithic/Early Minoan I - Early Minoan IIA period (3300-2150 BCE) were found in the surrounding area. The excavators date the pits to the Neolithic period due to their similarities to the Neolithic rock-cut pits excavated at Kalavassos in Cyprus. This date was confirmed, in their view, by the discovery of an obsidian blade dated to the Early Neolithic if not earlier. It should be noted that the strata above the pits contained pottery dated from Minoan to Roman times (no information is available for a more accurate dating), and the only published Neolithic artifact, apart from the blade, is a partly preserved figurine. The empirical grounds of the communal storerooms is rather weak. A cache of grain and its association with traces of a timber building in a partially excavated area of the early Neolithic settlement at Knossos are not enough in themselves to confirm the existence of a communal storage installation. One wonders on what basis the circular rock-cut structures at Gazi have been identified as communal stores. Their (very tentative) designation by the excavators as silos is based not on testimonies but on general similarities to other such structures whose use is also not completely certain. Their relationship to the surrounding settlement is also unknown, if such a settlement indeed existed; naming them “communal stores” seems inadvisable. As regards the dating of the Gazi structures to the Final Neolithic, there are no data at all. Their dating even to the Bronze Age must be investigated through a more systematic study of the pottery.
[1]: For a full discussion see Christakis, K. 2014. "Communal storage in Bronze Age Crete: re-assessing testimonies," Κρητικά Χρονικά ΛΔ´, 201-18. [2]: Tomkins, P. 2004. "Filling in the ’Neolithic Background’: social life and social transformation in the Aegean before the Bronze age," in Barrett, J. C. and Halstead, P. (eds), The Emergence of Civilisation Revisisted (SSAA 6), Sheffield, 43. [3]: Evans, J.D. 1964. “Excavations in the Neolithic settlement of Knossos, 1957-60,” BSA 59, 130-240 [4]: Evans, J.D. 1994. “The early millennia: continuity and change in a farming settlement” in Evely, D., Hughes-Brock, H. and Momigliano, N. (eds), Knossos. A Labyrinth of History. Papers in Honour of Sinclair Hood, London, 1-55. [5]: Evans, J. D. 1994. “The early millennia: continuity and change in a farming settlement” in in Evely, D., Hughes-Brock, H. and Momigliano, N. (eds), Knossos. A Labyrinth of History. Papers in Honour of Sinclair Hood, London, 4-5. [6]: Pylarinou, D. and A. Vasilakis. 2010. “Ανασκαφή οικισμού Τελικής Νεολιθικής και Πρώιμης Προανακτορικής στο Γάζι. Προκαταρκτική έκθεση 2006, 2008,” Αρχαιολογικό Έργο Κρήτης 1, Rethimnon, 276-80. [7]: Driessen, J. and C. Langohr. 2014. “Recent developments in the archaeology of Minoan Crete,” in Bintliff, J. (ed.) Recent Developments in the Archaeology of Greece (Pharos Suplement Volume 20), 75-115. |
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According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’ ’Individual households’, not ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’ were present. Food storage was household-based: ’Beyond the inner wall is the family apartment (BILEK), where the family cooks and eats its meals, stores its heirlooms, and sleeps. Above the BILEK and extending halfway over the RUAI is a loft (SADAU) where the family’s rice is stored in a large bark bin and where unmarried girls sleep.’
[1]
[1]: Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr. and John Beierle: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iban |
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Must have had storage sites at very least to carry out trade.
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Irrigation systems may have produced surplus food that required storage.
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The Arthaśāstra, which "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks" includes instructions for the proper layout of cities, including "public edifices such as treasuries, storehouses for material and food, arsenals, and prisons".
[1]
[1]: (Schlingloff 2013: 15) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/DAMFF2NV. |
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already established practice in the region
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The big granaries were uncovered at many sites dated to Uruk Period.
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inferred from continuity with earlier and later periods
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"Caravansaries, where goods were unloaded on arrival and where merchants could take rooms, were to be found both in or close to the bāzārs and on the outskirts of the city."
[1]
[1]: (Lambton 2011) Lambton, Ann K S. 2011. CITIES iii. Administration and Social Organization. Encyclopedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cities-iii |
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Imperial granaries.
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Not mentioned by sources. Possibly at temples.
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at temples.
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at temples.
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’There were a sort of granaries attached to the bigger manors. It is unknown whether these granaries were simply used by the members of the household or had a sort of public function.’
[1]
We have provisionally coded ’absent’.
[1]: Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins |
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Not mentioned in sources.
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Given how much food was imported from Israel and Egypt, these would have surely been necessary.
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Level of urbanism and domestication of rice and irrigation systems might suggest agricultural surpluses may have been possible and these could have been stored.
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Level of urbanism and domestication of rice and irrigation systems might suggest agricultural surpluses may have been possible and these could have been stored.
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"Impoverished nomads who had lost their livestock were settled in winter quarters and in small, permanent settlements (balïqs), where they engaged in a primitive form of agriculture. They mainly sowed millet and built small forts (qurgans or kurgans) in which to store their grain."
[1]
Nothing here indicated that food storage structures were not privately owned.
[1]: (Klyashtorny 1996, 333) |
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"Trimingham [said] ’the ruler was not interested in dominating territory as such, but in relationship with social groups upon whom he could draw to provide levies in time of war, servants for his courts and cultivators to keep his granaries full.’"
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It is assumed that the lack of state-owned storage sites continued into the phases after the decline of the Zapotec state.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Feinman, G. M. and Nicholas, L. M (2012) The Late Prehispanic economy of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico: weaving threads from data, theory, and subsequent history. Political Economy, Neoliberalism, and the Prehistoric Economies of Latin America. Vol 32: 225-258. p235 [2]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p55 |
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The only known storage features were private bell-shaped storage pits and raised granary structures (cuexcomates).
[1]
[2]
[1]: Plunket, P., & Uruñuela, G. (2012). Where east meets west: the Formative in Mexico’s central highlands. Journal of Archaeological Research, 20(1), 1-51. [2]: Carballo, David M. (2016). Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.154-6. |
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Imams kept food in storehouses, which was distributed to the poor in times of need: ’The structure of payments was that of the state itself. From the time of the Turks (1636) to that of al-Mahdi of al-Mawahib (1687) Yemen supposedly ’was spared hunger and strife, and that wealth was taken which the law permits’. (As we have seen, this is too rosy a view; but the perception is what concerns us.) ’When this man [alMawahib] arose he took what wealth is permitted and what is not permitted. His state grew strong, his prestige became great, his power expanded, the number of his troops increased, and he became more like a king than a caliph’ (al-Shawkani 1929: ii. 298). Yet the control of such wealth from taxation was surely vital where the country’s agricultural. base was so vulnerable; as in 1723-4, for instance, when "a drought struck San’a’ and most of the mountains of Yemen. Most people (sic. akthar al-niis) died of hunger and the villages were emptied of their inhabitants ... People ate even carrion. The price of all grains rose and a qadab reached eight [silver] riyals. Prosperous people gave what they had as alms. AI-Mutawakkil Qasirn b. al-Husayn gave out all that was edible from his store-houses ... and it was distributed among the poor in the alleyways of San’a’. Then there was abundance at the start of the next year [i.e. from the end of summer 1724], which went on until prices reached four qadahs of wheat for only one riyal, or six of sorghum, or eight of barley. Praise God, then, the Lord of the worlds. (Zabarah 1941: 588)" The role of the Imams’ public store-houses in smoothing such fluctuations would be an interesting subject. But what is important for the present purpose is the concept of generosity at work here.’
[1]
But Jews were excluded from this after the emergence of a Messianic movement: ’Various natural disasters, especially a severe drought. that struck Yemen in the years following the execution of Jamal reinforced the opinion among Ihe Muslims in Yemen that the country was being punished for the act. For their part the Jews worked 10 spread and estab· Iish this view. II was also reported that a certain Jewish leader lOl vowed to take Muslim property to compensate for what the Imam Isma’il had confiscated from the Jews. It is related that he actually did so by means of witchcraft that destroyed Muslim propeny and harmed their villages and fields. 102 From a Hebrew source at our disposal, a lament by Shelo~ mo ben Ho!er al_’Uzayri,IOJ we learn that the reference is to the serious drought that occurred in 1669 throughout Yemen. This calamity struck the Jews in panicular, not only on account of the economic structure of the country, in which they were chiefly anisans remote from farming, but also owing to their poverty resulting from the heavy fines imposed on them and the expropriation of their property two years previously. The government, as was its wont, exploited these terrible circumstances, and did not supply the Jews with grain from its stores unless they convened. And indeed, as Hamami,l04 "about five hundred or more of Israel altered their faith, and it was as the generation of apostasy owing to the poverty that was from the start and owing to the famine that visited the earth", ’Uzayri points out not only the great famine but also the wandering of the Jews from place (0 place in search of food, and the decrees imposed on them by the "kingdom of evil" precisely at the time of their woe.’
[2]
[1]: Dresch, Paul 1989. "Tribes, Government and History in Yemen", 208 [2]: Tobi, Yosef 1999. "The Jews of Yemen", 75p |
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Iceland traded foodstuffs with Norway: ’Though few ships might at times arrive in Icelandic harbors, many Norwegian merchantmen usually visited Iceland every year. The Icelandic annals state that in 1340 eleven ships came to Iceland, in 1345 twevle ships, in 1357 eighteen ships besides two which foundered on the voyage. Seagoing vessels were also built in Iceland. Many Icelanders owned ships with which they undoubtedly carried on trade, as had always been their custom, though most of the commerce was now in the hands of Norwegian merchants. But the import trade, which had always been small, could not supply the growing needs of the people. The Icelandic annals show that at times there must have been great need of imports, since it happened that the mass could not be celebrated for want of wine. During years when no ships came to Iceland, or when only one or two arrived each year, the need of articles for which people were wholly dependent on imports must have been very great. Still more deplorable was the inadequacy of imports during periods of famine and other great calamities, when little aid could be given the stricken population. Under ordinary circumstances commerce was probably sufficient to supply the people with the necessary articles, but the meaning of the provision regarding commerce inserted in the "Gamil sáttmáli", and constantly repeated in the union agreement, seems to have been that the Norwegian government should not suffer commerce at any time to fall below the specified minimum amount.’
[1]
It is unclear whether this involved some means of communal rather than private food storage on the island itself: ’It was in the years after 1300 that seasonal fishing stations became esablished on the southwest coast, and the wealthiest sector of society began to congregate in this region. The most powerful chieftains had almost all been based inland. Now the prosperous élite began to settle along the coast between Selvogur in the southwest and Vatnsfjördur in the West Fjords. Hvalfjördur and Hafnarfjördur developed into Iceland’s most important trading centres. The royal administration in Iceland was located at Bessastadir [...] This period saw the development of the mixed agrarian/fishing society that typefied the Icelandic economy for centuries. In January and Feburary, people travelled from rural areas to the fishing stations, where they remained until spring, fishing from small boats. This was the most favourable fishing season, as fish stocks were plentiful, the weather was cool enough to permit fish to be dried before spoiling, and relatively few hands were required on the farm. People were thus domiciled in rural areas, on farms.’
[2]
We have assumed private initiatives.
[1]: Gjerset, Knut [1924]. "History of Iceland", 228p [2]: Karlsson, Gunnar 2000. "A Brief History of Iceland", 24p |
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According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’ ’Individual households’, not ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’ were present, coded in the SCCS as ‘2’. Roots and tubers were stored in yam-houses. [Ira Baschkow (pers. comm.): These were the property of individuals, usually men (though in some respects it might be more accurate to call them the property of married couple or households). Some yam houses had internal divisions such that the yams in different areas belonged to different persons, who were invariably related. Janice Newton (pers. comm.): By the 1970s there were no communal yam houses where I worked and display shelters of food were mainly of taro and bananas for special occasions such as end of mourning or puberty ceremonies.] ’While time devoted to taro cultivation always exceeds that of the other two crops, harvesting falls off markedly during the dry season. In contrast, the time devoted to the harvesting of sweet potato increases steadily through the survey, while that of yams is confined almost entirely to the wet season when large quantities are stored in specially constructed yam houses (or occasionally in holes in the ground).’
[1]
’The storing of yams is in the harau or yam-houses, seen commonly in many of the southern villages of the division. The harau usually takes the form of a small platform sheltered by a gabled roof in which there is a sort of attic. The platform is simply a place of social intercourse; the attic is the storehouse for yams. It is closed at either end, and thus dry and dark. When the yams are sprouting it is time for replanting.’
[2]
’A mere roofless platform is sometimes to be seen as a place of social intercourse. Among the southern tribes it is more usually combined with the picturesque little harau or yam-house, in which a small attic compartment above is the repository for the sprouting yams.’
[3]
Other crops were accumulated for feasts: ’The fact that there is never real famine and that scarcity is a rare thing, brings about an attitude of mind which we might call improvidence. Yams are stored where they are grown; so also are Tauga nuts and Puga. But the two former are not common except in the south of the Division. Beyond these, and of course the coconut, the native puts by no vegetable food. When a feast is preparing, the taro will be gathered in great quantities and stacked on platforms. Some is eaten at the feast, some distributed with a great display of cordiality to the guests, who take it home. There is no method of preserving taro, and sometimes, when a feast is for any reason delayed, a great deal of food may deteriorate and become inedible.’
[4]
’Coco-nuts are accumulated, under strict taboo, for a feast. The huge coco-nut-laden tripod in the centre of the village, or the long lines of dry nuts on the ground, indicate that there is some entertainment pending towards which all the villagers will contribute. Sometimes one may see the tragedy of a feast over-long delayed and the nuts sprouting head high, too far gone to eat and perhaps too far gone to plant.’
[2]
[The yams stored in yam houses were distinctly not constructed for the purpose of communal feasts only, but for feasts as well as general consumption. It was (and still is) usual for Orokaiva to plant special garden plots whose produce is earmarked for consumption or distribution at communal feasts, but the main crop for that is taro, and usually the food is stored, basically, in the ground (it is left to continue "hardening" or "ripening" in the unharvested garden) until just several days before the feast will be held. There may be some regional variation involved, though.]
[1]: Waddell, Eric, and P. A. Krinks 1968. “Organisation Of Production And Distribution Among The Orokaiva: An Analysis Of Work And Exchange In Two Communities Participating In Both The Subsistence And Monetary Sectors Of The Economy”, 83 [2]: Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar) 1928. “Orokaiva Magic”, 145 [3]: Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar), and Hubert Murray 1930. “Orokaiva Society”, 70 [4]: Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar) 1928. “Orokaiva Magic”, 144 |
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For example, granaries, and large storage facilities at Alladino
[1]
. "These larger communities had houses with uniform sized bricks, granaries, massive city walls, gateways, and extensive areas of craft production..."
[2]
[1]: (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017) [2]: Weber, S. (1999) Seeds of urbanism: palaeoethnobotany and the Indus Civilization. Antiquity (73): 813-26. p813 |
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Family yurts where surrounded by storehouses: ’As horse and cattle breeders, the Yakut had a transhumant pattern of summer and winter settlements. Winter settlements comprised as few as twenty people, involving several closely related families who shared pasture land and lived in nearby yurts (BALAGAN) with surrounding storehouses and corrals. The yurts were oblong huts with slanted earth walls, low ceilings, sod roofs and dirt floors. Most had an adjoining room for cattle. They had substantial hearths, and fur-covered benches lining the walls demarcated sleeping arrangements according to social protocol. Yurts faced east, toward benevolent deities. In summer families moved to larger encampments with their animals. The most ancient summer homes, URASY, were elegant birch-bark conical tents. Some could hold one hundred people. Their ceilings soared at the center point, above a circular hearth. Around the sides were wide benches placed in compartments that served as ranked seating and sleeping areas. Every pole or eave was carved with symbolic designs of animals, fertility, and lineage identities.’
[1]
Russian and Sakha farmers constructed grain warehouses, but the Sakha were generally unfamiliar with effective methods of grain preservation: ’The seeds always cost more than three rubles. Even in harvest years, when in winter one can buy four for one ruble eighty kopecks a pood, a pood of seeds costs two rubles. This i s due to the fact that in the first place, they use selected grain for seeds, so that not every homeowner is willing to sow with his own seeds, and secondly, because most Yakut sow less grain than they use. Rich Yakut naturally take advantage of this, and encouraged by the spring season of bad roads and the constant pecuniary embarrassment of the Yakut they loan seeds and make profits of one hundred percent on them. I must remark that in general the Yakut still have not learned how to store grain. Their grain warehouses and , even the public warehouses, are in almost all cases so poorly constructed that grain which has lain there for two or three years is no longer good f or seeds. Sometimes it becomes so moldy that it is hard to eat flour prepared from it. This inability to keep grain in storage supports the custom of handing out public seeds as a loan, pood for pood, to well-to-do clan heads, even in harvest years. Because of this many warehouses are found to be empty in poor crop years, and this factor is just about the strongest hindrance to the success of agriculture. At such times there are exceedingly few seeds in the okrug. A poor crop of grain usually concides with a small harvest of grass, and therefore a lack of milk. The grain is consumed. It is remarkable that the raising of grain has been strengthened even in the more northern regions, but only where there are large permanent stores of seeds, either in the form of Russian agricultural settlements or Yakut homesteads operating on a large scale. There are very few Yakut carrying on the raising of grain on a large scale for commercial purposes. Even such rich Yakut as, for example, Syrom yatnikov, of the Bayagantaysk Ulus sowed only for themselves, something like one desiatin per household; there were four household in all. [...] In the Olekminsk Okrug I saw splendid farmsteads, well cultivated, with large areas sowed with the same kind of grain, with judicious household arrangeme nts, warehouses, threshing barns, and flour mills. I was told that these farmsteads belong to rich Yakut.’
[2]
Sieroszewski’s material suggests that Sakha food storage was household-level only in most cases.
[1]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut [2]: Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research", 517 |
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at Gordion?
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’When single, it was about twenty feet by fifteen upon the ground, and from fifteen to twenty feet high. The frame consisted of upright poles firmly set in the ground, usually five upon the sides, and four at the ends, including those at the corners. [...] In the centre of the roof was an opening for the smoke, the fire being upon the ground in the centre of the house, and the smoke ascending without the guidance of a chimney. At the two ends of the house were doors, either of bark hung upon hinges of wood, or of deer or bear skins suspended before the opening; and however long the house, or whatever the number of fires, these were the only entrances. Over one of these doors was cut the tribal device of the head of the family. Within, upon the two sides, were arranged wide seats, also of bark boards, about two feet from the ground, well supported underneath, and reaching the entire length of the house. Upon these they spread their mats of skins, and also their blankets, using them as seats by day and couches at night. Similar berths were constructed on each side, about five feet above these, and secured to the frame of the house, thus furnishing accommodations for the family. Upon cross-poles, near the roof, was hung, in bunches, braided together by the husks, their winter supply of corn. Charred and dried corn, and beans were generally stored in bark barrels, and laid away in corners. Their implements for the chase, domestic utensils, weapons, articles of apparel, and miscellaneous notions, were stowed away, and hung up, whenever an unoccupied place was discovered. A house of this description would accommodate a family of eight, with the limited wants of the Indian, and afford shelter for their necessary stores, making a not uncomfortable residence. After they had learned the use of the axe, they began to substitute houses of hewn logs, but they constructed them after the ancient model. Many of the houses of their modern villages in the valley of the Genesee were of this description.’
[1]
’At each end of the longhouse, storage booths and platforms were provided for the food that was to be kept in barrels and other large containers.’
[2]
Corn cribs and root cellars are more likely candidates for communal food storage, but this is unclear from the sources: ’The Iroquois built shelters for their farm and garden equipment and well ventilated corn cribs of unpainted planks in which corn could be dried and kept, and they dug underground pits or caches (root cellars) for the storage of corn and other foods. The pit was dug in the dry season, and the bottom and sides lined with bark. A watertight bark roof was constructed over it, and the whole thing covered with earth.’
[3]
We have assumed that the storage methods mentioned above served individual families rather than the whole community, but this remains in need of confirmation.
[1]: Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 308 [2]: Lyford, Carrie A. 1945. “Iroquois Crafts”, 12c [3]: Lyford, Carrie A. 1945. “Iroquois Crafts”, 19b |
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’When single, it was about twenty feet by fifteen upon the ground, and from fifteen to twenty feet high. The frame consisted of upright poles firmly set in the ground, usually five upon the sides, and four at the ends, including those at the corners. [...] In the centre of the roof was an opening for the smoke, the fire being upon the ground in the centre of the house, and the smoke ascending without the guidance of a chimney. At the two ends of the house were doors, either of bark hung upon hinges of wood, or of deer or bear skins suspended before the opening; and however long the house, or whatever the number of fires, these were the only entrances. Over one of these doors was cut the tribal device of the head of the family. Within, upon the two sides, were arranged wide seats, also of bark boards, about two feet from the ground, well supported underneath, and reaching the entire length of the house. Upon these they spread their mats of skins, and also their blankets, using them as seats by day and couches at night. Similar berths were constructed on each side, about five feet above these, and secured to the frame of the house, thus furnishing accommodations for the family. Upon cross-poles, near the roof, was hung, in bunches, braided together by the husks, their winter supply of corn. Charred and dried corn, and beans were generally stored in bark barrels, and laid away in corners. Their implements for the chase, domestic utensils, weapons, articles of apparel, and miscellaneous notions, were stowed away, and hung up, whenever an unoccupied place was discovered. A house of this description would accommodate a family of eight, with the limited wants of the Indian, and afford shelter for their necessary stores, making a not uncomfortable residence. After they had learned the use of the axe, they began to substitute houses of hewn logs, but they constructed them after the ancient model. Many of the houses of their modern villages in the valley of the Genesee were of this description.’
[1]
’At each end of the longhouse, storage booths and platforms were provided for the food that was to be kept in barrels and other large containers.’
[2]
Corn cribs and root cellars are more likely candidates for communal food storage, but this is unclear from the sources: ’The Iroquois built shelters for their farm and garden equipment and well ventilated corn cribs of unpainted planks in which corn could be dried and kept, and they dug underground pits or caches (root cellars) for the storage of corn and other foods. The pit was dug in the dry season, and the bottom and sides lined with bark. A watertight bark roof was constructed over it, and the whole thing covered with earth.’
[3]
We have assumed that the storage methods mentioned above served individual families rather than the whole community, but this remains in need of confirmation. We have also assumed that during the reservation period, foods and cash crops were stored at family homesteads rather than communal buildings, but this is equally open to re-evaluation.
[1]: Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 308 [2]: Lyford, Carrie A. 1945. “Iroquois Crafts”, 12c [3]: Lyford, Carrie A. 1945. “Iroquois Crafts”, 19b |
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"Most of the people at Cahokia were self-sufficient, but granaries are present in Stirling/Moorehead Cahokia."
[1]
"Fluctuation in agricultural production (especially due to flooding) would have affected specific areas of the American Bottom on an almost annual basis, and may have required provisioning some parts of the population on an irregular basis. Granaries and other storage facilities may have held the surplus required for this provisioning."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine/Trubitt 2014, 20) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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"Moʿezz-al-Dīn required forced sales and confiscated for his army grain which had been stored in the shrine of the Imam ʿAli al-Reza at Mashad-e Tus."
[1]
[1]: (Bosworth 2012) Bosworth, Edmund C. 2012. GHURIDS. Encyclopaedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/ghurids |
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Pre-existing in the cities. The Questions of King Milinda on Salaka: "And there is laid up there much store of property and corn and things of value in warehouses - foods and drinks of every sort, syrups and sweetmeats of every kind."
[1]
[1]: (Bauer 2010, 180-181) Bauer, S W. 2010. The History of the Medieval World: From the Conversion of Constantine to the First Crusade. W. W. Norton & Company. |
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Kidarite rule "coincided with ... the foundation of new cities such as Panjikent and Kushaniya. (The name of the latter probably indicates a Kidarite royal foundation, as neither the Great Kushans nor the Kushano-Sasanians had exerted control over that region.)"
[1]
[1]: (Grenet 2005) Grenet, Frantz. 2005. KIDARITES. Iranicaonline. www.iranicaonline.org/articles/kidarites |
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"The layouts of settlement sites suggest that there were three levels of sociopolitical organization in a Yangshao community. The households were the building blocks of the community. About a dozen households formed a corporate group. Although the daily domestic activities were carried out in the household, the distribution of storage facilities suggests that the corporate group likely coordinated the management and distribution of the basic means of subsistence, particularly staple food."
[1]
[1]: (Lee in Peregrine and Ember 2001, 336) |
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"These structures have a diameter of about nine meters and were about 30—50 cm above the contemporaneous surface. They have cross-shaped depressions on the floor surface and no doors. Many Chinese archaeologists speculated that these buildings were granaries, but recent soil chemical analysis has suggested they were used for salt storage (Chen et al. 2010)."
[1]
"The early and middle part of Erligang period III was another period of florescence, but one that was short-lived. No major changes occurred in the site in terms of site structure, but the “storage area” (group II) underwent extensive renovation and rebuilding."
[2]
This ’storage area’ might not have been dedicated to food storage, however. In Yanshi: "Aside from the palace-temple area, there was a group of buildings in the southwest of the site surrounded by a wall occupying an area of about 4 ha. Inside the wall were more than 100 large structures arranged in six rows running east-west. Moreover, despite renovations and rebuilding, this area retained its basic layout through the occupation of the site (ZSKY 2003). Because there are no remains of living activities in the area (neither hearths nor middens) and because of the enclosed nature and orderly structure of the area and its location near the palace-temple compound, most Chinese archaeologist interpret it as a storage area of some sort (Du et al. 1999; Wang Xuerong 2000; Liu and Chen 2003; Wang Wei 2005; etc.)."
[3]
[1]: (Campbell 2014, 82) [2]: (Campbell 2014, 75) [3]: (Campbell 2014, 75-76) |
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Unknown. Storage areas present, but not specified if they were food-specific or state-owned. In the Dongxiafeng site "Dating from phase III, however, there are 37 cave-houses, four pottery kilns, two wells, five tombs, 13 “storage” caves, 20 small pieces of slag, 6 stone molds, and 21 ash pits in locality 5 alone, suggesting to some that this area was “a working and residential area of craftsmen” (Liu and Chen 2001:17)."
[1]
[1]: (Campbell 2014, 36-38) |
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Hmong families stored food in the household: "In the houses of wealthy families side rooms are built on both sides of the main house (Illus. 17). If the side rooms should have two stories, then the top story is for the storage of grain and the ground floor for rearing domestic animals. [...] Besides the storage loft the Miao house often has underground storage, dug underground about a chang deep and divided into two or three bins for storing foreign potatoes or sweet potatoes. After the sweet potatoes, etc. are stored underground, they are covered with a bamboo-plaited cover, to allow free circulation of air. If the potatoes spoil, it is necessary to wait for some time after the bamboo covering has been removed before going down."
[1]
"Even the poorest house with one room, stable, and thatch roof had a loft for the storage of faggots, straw, unthreshed grain, baskets of grain and miscellaneous articles, sometimes piles of grain and other foods."
[2]
[1]: Ling, Shun-sheng, Yifu Ruey, and Lien-en Tsao 1947. “Report On An Investigation Of The Miao Of Western Hunan”, 66 [2]: Mickey, Margaret Portia 1947. “Cowrie Shell Miao Of Kweichow”, 21b |
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"The well-preserved Zhouli 妯娌 site in Mengjin county provides good information about internal settlement organization during the early Longshan period in central Henan. The Zhouli settlement is composed of three well-arranged segments: parallel residential and storage areas in the north, and a cemetery in the south. Within the residential area, which is protected by a 4m deep moat to the southwest, 15 round, semi-subterranean houses were excavated. Elaborate ones may be as big as 3sqm to 12sqm in area, with hearths, steps (at the entrance) and floors covered by pulverized stone or sand. To the west of the moat, an aggregation of more than 50 pits in a small area likely represents a common storage area."
[1]
Storage pits, although not confirmed to be used for food storage or to be public: "Within the walls are houses, kilns, tombs, and ash-pits, as well as evidence of violent deaths (human remains were found in disused storage pits) and human sacrifices of both adults and children at the foundation of large buildings (He Deliang 1993: 2)."
[2]
[1]: (Zhao 2013, 239) [2]: (Demattè 1999, 127) |
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There was a pile-dwelling in Jiahu Phase I that was not a residence.
[1]
No ritual or domestic artifacts were found under the structure which signals that it might be a communal space. However, Peregrine (2001: 284) writes that households were independent and self-sustaining.
[2]
[1]: (Liu 2005: 75) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/Q77FKW2H?. [2]: (Peregrine 2001: 284) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/QUL2KD3Z. |
||||||
|
There was a pile-dwelling in Jiahu Phase I that was not a residence.
[1]
No ritual or domestic artifacts were found under the structure which signals that it might be a communal space. However, Peregrine (2001: 284) writes that households were independent and self-sustaining.
[2]
[1]: (Liu 2005: 75) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/Q77FKW2H?. [2]: (Peregrine 2001: 284) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/QUL2KD3Z. |
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|
Stores could be referring to food storage here: "We both agree that the complex nature of terrace compounds and multiple, separate, single-cell structures suggests that extended families or kin groups lived in these areas, sharing structures among their members. Seen in conjunction with documentary evidence that suggests a polygamous marriage pattern (Simon 1882, V: 218), it is quite probable that the separate structures found in residential compounds were used along gender and status lines, not including of course, stores or common areas."
[1]
There are semi-circular bases, which have been interpreted as storage areas following the excavation of one of them. There are four, in peripheric areas. "En Ciudad Perdida existen también basamentos de forma semicircular, para los cuales, con base en los datos de excavación de uno de ellos, se plantea que probablemente fueron espacios para almacenamiento. Aparecen cuatro, en lugares periféricos."
[2]
[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 56) [2]: (Serje 1987) |
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|
Regional and local officials responsible for hoarding and distribution of grain.
[1]
This was true in Old Kingdom, very likely true in the early period. "A Third-Fourth dynasty complex found at Elkab consisted of storage facilities, silos, and sites where agricultural produce was transformed (Hendrickx and Eyckerman 2009)"
[2]
[2]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Recent Developments in the Social and Economic History of Ancient Egypt, 15) |
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|
Regional and local officials responsible for hoarding and distribution of grain.
[1]
This was true in Old Kingdom, very likely true in the early period. "A Third-Fourth dynasty complex found at Elkab consisted of storage facilities, silos, and sites where agricultural produce was transformed (Hendrickx and Eyckerman 2009)"
[2]
[2]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Recent Developments in the Social and Economic History of Ancient Egypt, 15) |
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|
Granaries.
[1]
Taxes - usually grain and cattle - stored in temple or state granaries.
[2]
"The Great Harris Papyrus, in the British Museum, records that during the reign of
Ramesses II, 81 322 men worked in the Temple of Karnak, tending over 400 000 livestock. The huge storehouses attached to the temples were major centres for the redistribution of goods." [3] Panehsy usurped "the office of ’overseer of the granaries’" "to feed his men in a city that as already suffering from economic malaise. [4] [1]: (Trigger 1983, 232) [4]: (Van Dijk 2000, 302) |
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|
Granaries.
[1]
Taxes - usually grain and cattle - stored in temple or state granaries. [2] "The Great Harris Papyrus, in the British Museum, records that during the reign ofRamesses II, 81 322 men worked in the Temple of Karnak, tending over 400 000 livestock. The huge storehouses attached to the temples were major centres for the redistribution of goods." [3] [1]: (Trigger 1983, 232) |
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|
e.g. granary complex.
[1]
This doesn’t qualify as a specialised government building. "Every collective in Egyptian society, whether a town or a village, maintained grain storage facilities"
[2]
"A Third-Fourth dynasty complex found at Elkab consisted of storage facilities, silos, and sites where agricultural produce was transformed (Hendrickx and Eyckerman 2009)"
[3]
[1]: (Papazian 2013) [2]: (Papazian 2013, 59) [3]: (Juan Carlos Moreno García, Recent Developments in the Social and Economic History of Ancient Egypt, 15) |
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|
Granaries.
[1]
Although rare in Late Period texts, the term pr-nswt "seems to be perceived as an architectural entity comprehending the treasury and storage facilities".
[2]
New Kingdom text "The Duties of the Vizier" (TT 100) "refer to the pr-nswt as the centre of royal government where two important dignities of the administration, the vizier and the treasurer, performed their functions: controlling the incomes and outcomes of this institution, guaranteeing the security and justice as well as inspecting the personnel of the palace or organizing the army within it. Another role of the pr-nswt consisted in receiving reports from Egyptian provinces to update the government on happenings in outlying areas of the state. ...... Several other compositions refer to the pr-nswt as place where entries and outflows were recorded and physically stored."
[3]
[1]: (Agut-Labordere 2013, 996) [2]: (Pagliari 2012, 200) Pagliari, Giulia. 2012. Function and significance of ancient Egyptian royal palaces from the Middle Kingdom to the Saite period: a lexicographical study and its possible connection with the archaeological evidence. Ph.D. thesis. University of Birmingham. [3]: (Pagliari 2012, 244-245) Pagliari, Giulia. 2012. Function and significance of ancient Egyptian royal palaces from the Middle Kingdom to the Saite period: a lexicographical study and its possible connection with the archaeological evidence. Ph.D. thesis. University of Birmingham. |
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|
Seville set up a public granary in 1476. “During the sixteenth century, these municipal granaries (positos) began to spread throughout Castile and Valencia.”
[1]
[1]: (Casey 2002, 129) Casey, James. 2002. Early Modern Spain: A Social History. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/2SNTRSWT |
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|
Food storage certainly required for trading incoming and outgoing products. Whether there was food storage for strictly utilitarian purposes may not be known.
|
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|
According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’ ’Individual households’, not ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’ were present, coded in the SCCS as ‘2’.
|
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|
"Silo" present during this time period.
[1]
Does this refer to food storage?
[1]: (http://www.chronocarto.ens.fr/gcserver/atlas#) |
||||||
|
"Silo" present during this time period.
[1]
Does this refer to food storage?
[1]: (http://www.chronocarto.ens.fr/gcserver/atlas#) |
||||||
|
"Silo" present during this time period.
[1]
Does this refer to food storage?
[1]: (http://www.chronocarto.ens.fr/gcserver/atlas#) |
||||||
|
"Silo" present during this time period.
[1]
Does this refer to food storage?
[1]: (http://www.chronocarto.ens.fr/gcserver/atlas#) |
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|
According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’ ’Individual households’, not ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’ were present. Writing about the pre-Ashanti period, Sarbah mentions urban storage facilities: ’On the 21st of February he sent one of his men with attendants to King Abaan, whose town was about four leagues up-country, where was stored a large quantity of corn and millet. This town is described to be as large as the London of that period. It was guarded every night, and to warn the watchmen, cords were stretched across the roads and paths leading to it. Attached to the cords were bells, which give the alarm. In addition to these cords, nets were hung over the few entrances, and were so contrived as to fall on any person endeavouring to steal into the town. Four hours after their arrival in the morning, these men were sent for by the king at nine o’clock, “for there may no man come to him before he be sent for,” nor was it customary in that country to offer their presents to the ruler until they had visited him thrice. On the last visit, after the king had accepted their presents, he drank palm-wine with them. The king, we are informed, used a cup of gold, and when he drank, the people cried all with one voice, “Abaan, Abaan,” with certain other words. “The king drinks; and when he had drunk, then they gave drink to every one, and that done, the king licensed them to depart; and every one that departeth from him boweth three times towards him, and waveth with both hands together, as they bow and do depart. The king hath commonly sitting by him eight or ten ancient men with grey beards.”’
[1]
Sarbah also speaks of quasi-feudal arragements in some Akan polities prior to Ashanti rule: ’In the Fanti system allegiance is personal, but in the Asanti it is personal and territorial combined. ‡ The head ruler is not necessarily the owner of any land in his jurisdiction; e.g., Ohene Tchibu, of Asin Yankumasi, owns no land, and is a tenant of Abesibro, his captain; so also is Ohene Aka Ayima, of Beyin in Appolonia, by the [Page 25] judgment of Mr. Justice Nicoll, declared to own no land in his district-at least he did not lead evidence to show the land in question was his. In the case of Ohene Tchibu, the explanation is, that his ancestors fled to Fantiland for protection from the north side of the Pra in the kingdom of Asanti. The greater part of the Asinfu settled on lands within the jurisdiction of the head ruler of Abura, who became their feudal superior. * Many of the Asinfu continued to work on their lands across the river Pra, and held them. Among such is Akessi of Fumsu, until, by an order of the Executive Council of Gold Coast, an arbitrary boundary was fixed, and the possessions of the Asinfu, Denkerafu, and others, trans-Pra and trans-Ofin, were declared Asanti territory in the district of Adansi, and this in spite of the fact that Yamsu village, the stool of which was the subject of the case, Ghambra v. Ewea, † is situate on the Adansi side of the Ofin.’
[2]
We have assumed this to be true of the Ashanti period as well, given the cultivation of plantations around towns housing rulers and other elites.
[1]: Sarbah, John Mensah 1968. "Fanti National Constitution: A Short Treatise On The Constitution And Government Of The Fanti, Asant, And Other Akan Tribes of West Africe Together With A Brief Account Of The Discovery Of The Gold Coast By Portuguese Navigators, A Short Narration of Early English Voyages, And A Stody Of The Rise of British Gold Coast Jurisdiction, Etc., Etc.", 69 [2]: Sarbah, John Mensah 1968. "Fanti National Constitution: A Short Treatise On The Constitution And Government Of The Fanti, Asant, And Other Akan Tribes of West Africe Together With A Brief Account Of The Discovery Of The Gold Coast By Portuguese Navigators, A Short Narration of Early English Voyages, And A Stody Of The Rise of British Gold Coast Jurisdiction, Etc., Etc.", 24p |
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|
There are no archaeological data.There are no archaeological data. For storage complexes thought existed both in Byzantine and Islamic world.
|
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|
e.g. the extensive public storerooms at Hagia Triada.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Privitera, S. 2007. I granai del re. L’immagazzinamento centralizzato dell ferrate a Creta tra il XV e il XIII secolo a.C., Rome,104-13 [2]: Privitera, S. 2014. "Long-term grain storage and political economy in Bronze Age crete: contextualizing Ayia Triada’s silo complexes," American Journal of Archaeology 118, 429-49. |
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|
The only known free-standing storage complexes are the Northeast House at Knossos
[1]
and the the Bastione at Hagia Triada.
[2]
[3]
Although there is no doubt for the storage function of these complexes, their "public" character is entirely uncertain.
[4]
Might the Northeast House have been a communal storehouse under the control of the community or of an elite group independent of that residing within the palace, or was it under the control of the central palace authority? A convincing answer to this question cannot be given; it would depend, to a certain extent, on the theoretical context adopted by each scholar in the approach to the Neopalatial polities. Those who see political organization under a heterarchical interpretative scheme would be in favor of a scenario according to which the wealth stored in the complex would be in the hands of the community or a powerful faction competing with the central administration. On the contrary, those who assign an important role to the ruling group residing within the palace, would see government officials as the managers of the stored goods within the setting of the highly specialized Knossian economy. It is highly unlikely that the Northeast House, built close to the palace, the seat of a ruling group that would have controlled many aspects of the daily life of the inhabitants of the city and other centers, would have been an independent storage unit under communal or factional control. The same arguments apply in the case of the Bastione at Hagia Triada.
[1]: Evans, A. 1928. The Palace of Minos at Knossos, II, London, 414-30 [2]: Privitera, S. 2010. I granai del re. L’immagazzinamento centralizzato delle derrate a Creta tra il XV e il XIII secolo a.C., Venezia, 104-5 [3]: Privitera, S. 2014. Long-term grain storage and political economy in Bronze Age Crete: contextualizing Ayia Triada’s silo complexes,” American Journal of Archaeology 118, 429-49. [4]: Christakis, K. S. 2014. "Communal storage in Bronze Age Crete: re-assessing testimonies," Κρητικά Χρονικά ΛΔ, 201-18. |
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|
e.g. the extensive public storerooms at Hagia Triada.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Privitera, S. 2007. I granai del re. L’immagazzinamento centralizzato dell ferrate a Creta tra il XV e il XIII secolo a.C., Rome,104-13 [2]: Privitera, S. 2014. "Long-term grain storage and political economy in Bronze Age crete: contextualizing Ayia Triada’s silo complexes," American Journal of Archaeology 118, 429-49. |
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|
"In short, the archaeological testimony of appropriately sized and shaped pits in many Ancestral Polynesian sites, combined with strong linguistic evidence, leaves little doubt that the fermentation and storage of breadfruit and possibly other starchy crops was a practice well known to the early Polynesians."
[1]
However, it is unclear whether authorities had any control over such features.
[1]: (Kirch & Green 2001, 160) |
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|
Reference to the first silos from c7000 BCE so presumably existed at this time?
[1]
At Jaffarabad: “While silos or storage bins imply well-developed agriculture, the report on the botanical remains does not inform on the question of irrigation.”
[2]
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 36) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. [2]: (Hole 1987, 40) |
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|
High status individuals (chiefs, etc.) had houses for the storage of provisions as part of their household clusters
[1]
. Food storage sheds were called hale papa’a. All scholars agree that these provisions were intended for redistribution, but it is unclear to whom. Sahlins
[2]
implies that the food was redistributed to the people, including commoners. But Kirch
[3]
states that the food was redistributed almost entirely to other chiefs, lesser chiefs, retainers, etc., with only token amounts, at most, going to commoners. He also states that food storage was difficult given the climate and kinds of crops that Hawaiians cultivated, so chiefs had to physically travel to different areas of their chiefdoms in order to exact tribute, rather than being able to store all of the tribute in a central location
[4]
. Meanwhile, Valeri states that none of the tribute was redistributed to the commoners
[5]
. Sahlins and Kirch seem to agree that chiefs would sometimes, or at least were expected to, provide food to commoners in the event of famine
[6]
[3]
.
[1]: Kirch, P. V. 1985. Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Pg. 251. [2]: Sahlins, Marshall 1958. Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Pp. 17-8. [3]: Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 260 [4]: Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 261. [5]: Valeri, Valerio 1985. Kingship and Sacrifice: Ritual and Society in Ancient Hawaii. (Translated by Paula Wissing.) Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Pg. 204. [6]: Sahlins, Marshall 1958. Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Pg. 18. |
||||||
|
High status individuals (chiefs, etc.) had houses for the storage of provisions as part of their household clusters
[1]
. Food storage sheds were called hale papa’a. All scholars agree that these provisions were intended for redistribution, but it is unclear to whom. Sahlins
[2]
implies that the food was redistributed to the people, including commoners. But Kirch
[3]
states that the food was redistributed almost entirely to other chiefs, lesser chiefs, retainers, etc., with only token amounts, at most, going to commoners. He also states that food storage was difficult given the climate and kinds of crops that Hawaiians cultivated, so chiefs had to physically travel to different areas of their chiefdoms in order to exact tribute, rather than being able to store all of the tribute in a central location
[4]
. Meanwhile, Valeri states that none of the tribute was redistributed to the commoners
[5]
. Sahlins and Kirch seem to agree that chiefs would sometimes, or at least were expected to, provide food to commoners in the event of famine
[6]
[3]
.
[1]: Kirch, P. V. 1985. Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Pg. 251. [2]: Sahlins, Marshall 1958. Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Pp. 17-8. [3]: Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 260 [4]: Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 261. [5]: Valeri, Valerio 1985. Kingship and Sacrifice: Ritual and Society in Ancient Hawaii. (Translated by Paula Wissing.) Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Pg. 204. [6]: Sahlins, Marshall 1958. Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Pg. 18. |
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|
According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’ ’Individual households’, not ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’ were present. Food storage was household-based: ’Beyond the inner wall is the family apartment (BILEK), where the family cooks and eats its meals, stores its heirlooms, and sleeps. Above the BILEK and extending halfway over the RUAI is a loft (SADAU) where the family’s rice is stored in a large bark bin and where unmarried girls sleep.’
[1]
[1]: Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr. and John Beierle: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iban |
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|
For example, "Jaffa is also mentioned during the 14th century B.C.E. in the Amarna Letters and again during the 13th century B.C.E. in a letter from Ugarit to the Egyptian governor at the agricultural estate at Aphek. From these references it appears that one of Jaffa’s main roles was its strategic function as a granary for the Egyptian army, storing grain from Egyptian estates throughout the coastal plain."
[1]
On another note, a fairly large collection of wine jars was found in the Middle Bronze palace at Tel Kabri,
[2]
though it seems to have been meant for royal household alone.
[3]
[1]: Burke et al. (2017:90). [2]: Koh/Yassur-Landau/Cline (2014). [3]: Yasur-Landau et al. (2015). |
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|
"The ostraca house at Samaria received goods from clans across the territory of Manasseh (Reisner, Fischer, and Lyon 1924, with modifications in Tappy 2001: 497, fig. 84). While the ostraca house is not a common architectural form, it does have a parallel in the Iron ILA/B “administrative building” at the regional center of Tell Dothan. At Dothan, this administrative building stands out from the surrounding domestic structures because of its repetitious internal arrangement and ashlar masonry, and, within the building, the finds consist of a series of small storage vessels filled with grain…."
[1]
[1]: McMaster (2014:85) |
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|
The Arthaśāstra, which "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks", includes instructions for the proper layout of cities, including "public edifices such as treasuries, storehouses for material and food, arsenals, and prisons".
[1]
[1]: (Schlingloff 2013: 15) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/DAMFF2NV. |
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|
"The appearance of the first silos for the conservation of food and seeds from one year to the next indicates how these communities had by now overcome the daily dimension of nutrition."
[1]
In Khuzestan this refers to the Bus Mordeh period 7500-6500 BCE.
[2]
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 36) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. [2]: (Leverani 2014, 34, 36) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. |
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|
"Cuneiform texts found in the building suggest part of the complex was used to hold the records of an administrative authority capable of disbursing, receiving, and storing large amounts of precious metals, foodstuffs and animal products. Many of the Maluan tablets found in IVA were impressed with a single distinctive punctate seal (fig. 11)."
[1]
"Parallels with Khuzistan finds and the C-14 evidence indicate a date just before 1100 BC for level IVA destruction."
[1]
[1]: (Carter and Stopler 1984, 173) |
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|
Village granaries were built in one place, but individual granaries were owned by households rather than the community: ‘In one corner of the village, or if it is a very large one, in two or three places outside the ring of living-houses, there is always a collection of smaller huts, which, from their size and appearance, are clearly not intended for human habitation. These are the village granaries, of which each family possesses one or more. The custom of building all the granaries in one place no doubt has its origin in the fact that the grain is thus in less danger of fire than if it were stored in the living houses. In many parts of the hills the grain is protected from the inroads of rats and other vermin by laying the floors of the granaries on posts, the tops of which are carved in the shape of a mushroom, so as to give the animals the least possible foothold. The practice of placing these granaries at a distance from other houses has, however, its drawbacks, for it is no rare thing for an elephant to come round at night, and finding unguarded houses full of his favourite food, to pull one down and help himself to the contents. In these granaries the paddy is placed in a large basket made of strips of bamboo, which takes up nearly the whole of the floor space. Bunches of Indian corn and millet are often suspended from the roof, and various roots occupy the remaining space on the floor.’
[1]
[1]: Playfair, Alan 1909. “Garos”, 39 |
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|
According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’ ’Individual households’, not ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’ were present. Village granaries are built in one place, but individual granaries are owned by households rather than the community: ‘In one corner of the village, or if it is a very large one, in two or three places outside the ring of living-houses, there is always a collection of smaller huts, which, from their size and appearance, are clearly not intended for human habitation. These are the village granaries, of which each family possesses one or more. The custom of building all the granaries in one place no doubt has its origin in the fact that the grain is thus in less danger of fire than if it were stored in the living houses. In many parts of the hills the grain is protected from the inroads of rats and other vermin by laying the floors of the granaries on posts, the tops of which are carved in the shape of a mushroom, so as to give the animals the least possible foothold. The practice of placing these granaries at a distance from other houses has, however, its drawbacks, for it is no rare thing for an elephant to come round at night, and finding unguarded houses full of his favourite food, to pull one down and help himself to the contents. In these granaries the paddy is placed in a large basket made of strips of bamboo, which takes up nearly the whole of the floor space. Bunches of Indian corn and millet are often suspended from the roof, and various roots occupy the remaining space on the floor.’
[1]
[I cannot imagine a "government granary". I believe that people occasionally bought or sold a bit of unhusked rice, but not much. People grew and ate their own rice for the most part. Gvt. never had a hand in it. There may have been more buying and selling in wet rice areas. There was zero wet rice in the Rengsanggri area in the 50’s.]
[1]: Playfair, Alan 1909. “Garos”, 39 |
||||||
|
The Arthaśāstra, which "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks". includes instructions for the proper layout of cities, including "public edifices such as treasuries, storehouses for material and food, arsenals, and prisons".
[1]
[1]: (Schlingloff 2013: 15) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/DAMFF2NV. |
||||||
|
The Arthaśāstra, which "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks" includes instructions for the proper layout of cities, including "public edifices such as treasuries, storehouses for material and food, arsenals, and prisons".
[1]
[1]: (Schlingloff 2013: 15) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/DAMFF2NV. |
||||||
|
Layout of fortified settlement shows storehouses for grain, forest produce, flowers, liqour.
[1]
The bureaucracy had a Superintendent of Agriculture and another one for Forest Produce.
[2]
[1]: See Fig.11.5. Allchin, F. Raymond. The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995.p.227/ [2]: (Subramaniam 2001, 79) Subramaniam, V. in Farazmand, Ali. ed. 2001. Handbook of Comparative and Development Public Administration. CRC Press. |
||||||
|
The Arthaśāstra, which "probably arose in the first half of the first millennium AD" but probably largely "derive[s] from older handbooks" includes instructions for the proper layout of cities, including "public edifices such as treasuries, storehouses for material and food, arsenals, and prisons".
[1]
[1]: (Schlingloff 2013: 15) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/DAMFF2NV. |
||||||
|
During a grain crisis involving soldiers in 920 CE, the Caliph had to open the granaries
[1]
. There is also archaeological evidence of depressions in the walls of residences and palaces for the purpose of food storage.
[2]
[1]: Van Berkel, Maaike, Nadia Maria El Cheikh, Hugh Kennedy, and Letizia Osti. Crisis and Continuity at the Abbasid Court p. 118 [2]: Bloom, Jonathan M., and Sheila Blair, eds. The Grove Encyclopedia of Islamic Art and Architecture, Vol 3, p. 83 |
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|
"The appearance of the first silos for the conservation of food and seeds from one year to the next indicates how these communities had by now overcome the daily dimension of nutrition."
[1]
In Khuzestan this refers to the Bus Mordeh period 7500-6500 BCE.
[2]
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 36) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. [2]: (Leverani 2014, 34, 36) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. |
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|
"As Abrahamian has observed, the bazaar was the granary, workshop, market-place, bank and religious and educational nucleus of society. .. It consisted of a unified, self-contained complex of shops, passageways and caravanserais interspersed with squares, religious buildings and bathhouses and other public institutions."
[1]
[1]: (Martin 2005, 16) Vanessa Martin. 2005. The Qajar Pact: Bargaining, Protest and the State in Nineteenth-Century Persia. I. B. Tauris. London. |
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|
General reference for Seljuk? - Safavid? time period: "Caravansaries, where goods were unloaded on arrival and where merchants could take rooms, were to be found both in or close to the bāzārs and on the outskirts of the city."
[1]
[1]: (Lambton 2011) Lambton, Ann K S. 2011. CITIES iii. Administration and Social Organization. Encyclopedia Iranica. http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/cities-iii |
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|
"At Uruk and other southern city-states, each institution controlled its own fields, produced foodstuffs, and kept them in associated storage areas (Sterba 1976). Tribute or taxes came into the central stores as well."
[1]
[1]: (Sterba, R.L., 1976. The organization and management of the temple corporations in ancient Mesopotamia. Academy of Management Review, 1(3), pp.16-26. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/H35I8WZA/item-list) |
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|
The multi-function Roman forum building which also functioned as a marketplace was not present at this time "From literary sources [Livy] it seems that the major development of Rome’s river port and its attendant warehouses did not take place until the early second century B.C. Earlier the old Forum Boarium and Forum Holitorium in the centre of Rome seem to have coped with the main flow of imports which had probably come down the Tiber from the Italian hills."
[1]
[1]: (Rickman 1971, 2 Rickman, G. 1971. Roman Granaries and Store Buildings. CUP Archive) |
||||||
|
The multi-function Roman forum building which also functioned as a marketplace was not present at this time "From literary sources [Livy] it seems that the major development of Rome’s river port and its attendant warehouses did not take place until the early second century B.C. Earlier the old Forum Boarium and Forum Holitorium in the centre of Rome seem to have coped with the main flow of imports which had probably come down the Tiber from the Italian hills."
[1]
[1]: (Rickman 1971, 2 Rickman, G. 1971. Roman Granaries and Store Buildings. CUP Archive) |
||||||
|
The multi-function Roman forum building which also functioned as a marketplace was not present at this time "From literary sources [Livy] it seems that the major development of Rome’s river port and its attendant warehouses did not take place until the early second century B.C. Earlier the old Forum Boarium and Forum Holitorium in the centre of Rome seem to have coped with the main flow of imports which had probably come down the Tiber from the Italian hills."
[1]
[1]: (Rickman 1971, 2 Rickman, G. 1971. Roman Granaries and Store Buildings. CUP Archive) |
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|
"Theodoric sought to secure and regularize the distribution of public grain"
[1]
Famine relief.
[1]
His Praetorian prefect was responsible for "the maintenance of the public food supply".
[2]
[1]: (Burns 1991, 172) [2]: (Bjornlie 2016, 61) Bjornlie, Shane M. Governmental Administration. in Arnold, Jonathan J. Bjornlie, Shane M. Sessa, Kristina. eds. 2016. A Companion to Ostrogothic Italy. BRILL. Leiden. |
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|
Domuscultae from the eighth century was excavated and showed "a church and a substantial set of outbuildings, presumably largely for the storage of products."
[1]
"Rome, always a large city, needed to be fed, principally with grain; and it was fed from its hinterland from the eighth century at the latest into the late Middle Ages."
[2]
[1]: (Wickham 2015, 80) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [2]: (Wickham 2015, 36) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
||||||
|
Domuscultae from the eighth century was excavated and showed "a church and a substantial set of outbuildings, presumably largely for the storage of products."
[1]
"Rome, always a large city, needed to be fed, principally with grain; and it was fed from its hinterland from the eighth century at the latest into the late Middle Ages."
[2]
[1]: (Wickham 2015, 80) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [2]: (Wickham 2015, 36) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
||||||
|
Domuscultae from the eighth century was excavated and showed "a church and a substantial set of outbuildings, presumably largely for the storage of products."
[1]
"Rome, always a large city, needed to be fed, principally with grain; and it was fed from its hinterland from the eighth century at the latest into the late Middle Ages."
[2]
[1]: (Wickham 2015, 80) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [2]: (Wickham 2015, 36) Wickham, C. 2015. Medieval Rome: Stability and Crisis of a City, 900-1150. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
||||||
|
Rome’s mayoral office which supervised the import of grain, dates back to early days of the Roman Republic.
[1]
"The Republican stages of the Roman attempt to deal with storage problems are to some extent lost, because the material remains of most of the warehouses we have found belong to the Imperial period, but there are some clues."
[2]
From literary sources [Livy] it seems that the major development of Rome’s river port and its attendant warehouses did not take place until the early second century B.C. Earlier the old Forum Boarium and Forum Holitorium in the centre of Rome seem to have coped with the main flow of imports which had probably come down the Tiber from the Italian hills."
[2]
[1]: (Canciello 2005) [2]: (Rickman 1971, 2) |
||||||
|
Rome’s mayoral office, which supervised the import of grain, dates back to early days of the Roman Republic.
[1]
"The Republican stages of the Roman attempt to deal with storage problems are to some extent lost, because the material remains of most of the warehouses we have found belong to the Imperial period, but there are some clues."
[2]
From literary sources [Livy] it seems that the major development of Rome’s river port and its attendant warehouses did not take place until the early second century B.C. Earlier the old Forum Boarium and Forum Holitorium in the centre of Rome seem to have coped with the main flow of imports which had probably come down the Tiber from the Italian hills."
[2]
[1]: (Canciello 2005) [2]: (Rickman 1971, 2) |
||||||
|
Rome’s mayoral office, which supervised the import of grain, dates back to early days of the Roman Republic.
[1]
"The Republican stages of the Roman attempt to deal with storage problems are to some extent lost, because the material remains of most of the warehouses we have found belong to the Imperial period, but there are some clues."
[2]
From literary sources [Livy] it seems that the major development of Rome’s river port and its attendant warehouses did not take place until the early second century B.C. Earlier the old Forum Boarium and Forum Holitorium in the centre of Rome seem to have coped with the main flow of imports which had probably come down the Tiber from the Italian hills."
[2]
[1]: (Canciello 2005) [2]: (Rickman 1971, 2) |
||||||
|
Stored in the forum building. Rome’s mayoral office which supervised the import of grain, dates back to early days of the Roman Republic.
[1]
"The Republican stages of the Roman attempt to deal with storage problems are to some extent lost, because the material remains of most of the warehouses we have found belong to the Imperial period, but there are some clues."
[2]
From literary sources [Livy] it seems that the major development of Rome’s river port and its attendant warehouses did not take place until the early second century B.C. Earlier the old Forum Boarium and Forum Holitorium in the centre of Rome seem to have coped with the main flow of imports which had probably come down the Tiber from the Italian hills."
[2]
[1]: (Canciello 2005) [2]: (Rickman 1971, 2) |
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|
’The first component of the stored tax-grain, the official government grain, was regularly tapped by the court during die tenth century as a source of rank- and support-stipends for the middle-ranking nobility.
[1]
[1]: Shively, Donald H. and McCullough, William H. 2008. The Cambridge History of Japan Volume 2: Heian Japan. Cambridge Histories Online Cambridge University Press.p.314 |
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|
‘in the Kamakura Period, commercial warehouses were developed to store trade goods...where the stable temperature and humidity provided by the thick walls made them suitable for making and storing fermented products such as miso paste and soy sauce.’
[1]
[1]: Young, Michiko. 2007. The Art of Japanese Architecture. Tuttle Publishing.p.134 |
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|
’Yet two major crop failures of multiple-year duration (in the 1730s and 1780s) plus other poor harvest years did not decrease the population of this already-crowded country. The Japanese had sufficient surplus in normal or good years so that food could be stored. A single year of poor harvest thus could be weathered without the loss of life recorded for earlier centuries.’
[1]
[1]: Hall, John Whitney (ed.). 1991.The Cambridge History of Japan. Vol. 4. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge.p.688 |
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|
’State temples linked by river and road to the capital not only promulgated the royal cult, but also served as repositories for the surpluses of rice, oil, medicines, and all the other products necessary to sustain the the social system.’
[1]
’Chou Ta-kuan was in Cambodia less than a century after the reign of Jayavarman VII, who founded 102 medical institutions in all parts of the kingdom. Inscriptions list in detail the provisions that had to be made for the upkeep of these institutions, which required a huge investment in food, furnishing, and medicinal herbs. They are usually called ’hospitals’, though it is not clear whether they had any in-patients. It is more likely that they were warehouses and dispensaries for medicines.’
[2]
[1]: (Higham 2011, p. 272) [2]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, pp.128-129) |
||||||
|
’State temples linked by river and road tot he capital not only promulgated the royal cult, but also served as repositories for the surpluses of rice, oil, medicines, and all the other products necessary to sustain the the social system.’
[1]
’Chou Ta-kuan was in Cambodia less than a century after the reign of Jayavarman VII, who founded 102 medical institutions in all parts of the kingdom. Inscriptions list in detail the provisions that had to be made for the upkeep of these institutions, which required a huge investment in food, furnishing, and medicinal herbs. They are usually called ’hospitals’, though it is not clear whether they had any in-patients. It is more likely that they were warehouses and dispensaries for medicines.’
[2]
[1]: (Higham 2014, p. 272) [2]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, pp.128-129) |
||||||
|
’Chou Ta-kuan was in Cambodia less than a century after the reign of Jayavarman VII, who founded 102 medical institutions in all parts of the kingdom. Inscriptions list in detail the provisions that had to be made for the upkeep of these institutions, which required a huge investment in food, furnishing, and medicinal herbs. They are usually called ’hospitals’, though it is not clear whether they had any in-patients. It is more likely that they were warehouses and dispensaries for medicines.’
[1]
’State temples linked by river and road to the capital not only promulgated the royal cult, but also served as repositories for the surpluses of rice, oil, medicines, and all the other products necessary to sustain the the social system.’
[2]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, pp.128-129) [2]: (Higham 2014, p. 272) |
||||||
|
’Chou Ta-kuan was in Cambodia less than a century after the reign of Jayavarman VII, who founded 102 medical institutions in all parts of the kingdom. Inscriptions list in detail the provisions that had to be made for the upkeep of these institutions, which required a huge investment in food, furnishing, and medicinal herbs. They are usually called ’hospitals’, though it is not clear whether they had any in-patients. It is more likely that they were warehouses and dispensaries for medicines.’
[1]
’State temples linked by river and road to the capital not only promulgated the royal cult, but also served as repositories for the surpluses of rice, oil, medicines, and all the other products necessary to sustain the the social system.’
[2]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, pp.128-129) [2]: (Higham 2014, p. 272) |
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|
’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’
[1]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 125) |
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|
In the Songhai period state farms "were spread right across the empire, to supply the government and the garrisons, but the largest concentration was still to be found in the well-watered inland delta"
[1]
-- basic institution likely inherited from the preceding Mali Empire?
[1]: (Roland and Atmore 2001, 69) |
||||||
|
State farms "were spread right across the empire, to supply the government and the garrisons, but the largest concentration was still to be found in the well-watered inland delta"
[1]
Agricultural products from plantations "stored in clay granaies used for purposes of silage."
[2]
[1]: (Roland and Atmore 2001, 69) [2]: (Diop 1987, 156) Diop, Cheikh Anta. Salemson, Harold trans. 1987. Precolonial Black Africa. Lawrence Hill Books. Chicago. |
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|
“To levy taxes in these new administrative units, each was also to receive a tax office managed by two officials recruited from among traditional Chinese scholars. These officers are noticed in the Secret History where they are called balaqaci (q.v.), "storehouse managers," and amuci (q.v.), "granary officers." Some of the tax offices may have been in existence before Ögödei, but the main system was of his making."
[1]
[1]: (Buell 1993, 39) |
||||||
|
For example, granaries, and large storage facilities at Alladino
[1]
. "These larger communities had houses with uniform sized bricks, granaries, massive city walls, gateways, and extensive areas of craft production..."
[2]
[1]: (Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017) [2]: Weber, S. (1999) Seeds of urbanism: palaeoethnobotany and the Indus Civilization. Antiquity (73): 813-26. p813 |
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|
"Tamim’s claim that the Uighurs practised agriculture has been strikingly confirmed by the discoveries of archeologists, who have found signs that the Uighurs used millstones, pestles and irrigation canals, and even evidence that grain, such as millet, was buried together with corpses of certain Uighurs."
[1]
[1]: (Mackerras 1990, 337) |
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|
Warehouses at border markets. "The border trade not only altered Zunghar internal relations but also began to change relations with the frontier merchants. Border officials, realizing that merchants knew prices better than the government, decided to co- operate with them. They created a system of “merchant management under overall official supervision” (shangban er guan wei zongshe zhaokan).17 Nineteenth-century advocates of self-strengthening programs would later call this arrangement “official supervision and merchant management” (guandu shangban). The quantities of goods which the Zunghars brought to the border exceeded what local markets could bear. Dried grapes and rare medicinal products like sal ammoniac and antelope horn, obtained from mines in Turkestan and pastures in Mongolia, piled up in warehouses when no one could arrange distribution. Cattle and sheep served local interests better because they could be used to support military garrisons, but even these herds exceeded local demand. Furthermore, Zunghars constantly insisted on being paid in silver, thus threatening to cause a substan- tial bullion outflow. "
[1]
[1]: (Perdue 2005, 263) |
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|
No evidence for centralised food storage has been found at Monte Alban.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Feinman, G. M. and Nicholas, L. M (2012) The Late Prehispanic economy of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico: weaving threads from data, theory, and subsequent history. Political Economy, Neoliberalism, and the Prehistoric Economies of Latin America. Vol 32: 225-258. p235 [2]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p55 |
||||||
|
No evidence for centralised food storage has been found at Monte Alban.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Feinman, G. M. and Nicholas, L. M (2012) The Late Prehispanic economy of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico: weaving threads from data, theory, and subsequent history. Political Economy, Neoliberalism, and the Prehistoric Economies of Latin America. Vol 32: 225-258. p235 [2]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p55 |
||||||
|
No evidence for centralised food storage has been found at Monte Alban.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Feinman, G. M. and Nicholas, L. M (2012) The Late Prehispanic economy of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico: weaving threads from data, theory, and subsequent history. Political Economy, Neoliberalism, and the Prehistoric Economies of Latin America. Vol 32: 225-258. p235 [2]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p55 |
||||||
|
No evidence for centralised food storage has been found at Monte Alban.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Feinman, G. M. and Nicholas, L. M (2012) The Late Prehispanic economy of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico: weaving threads from data, theory, and subsequent history. Political Economy, Neoliberalism, and the Prehistoric Economies of Latin America. Vol 32: 225-258. p235 [2]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p55 |
||||||
|
No evidence for centralised food storage has been found at Monte Alban
[1]
[2]
although smaller storage areas dating to the IV period have been found at the Guila Naquitz cave
[3]
(these would presumably not have been state-owned).
[1]: Feinman, G. M. and Nicholas, L. M (2012) The Late Prehispanic economy of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico: weaving threads from data, theory, and subsequent history. Political Economy, Neoliberalism, and the Prehistoric Economies of Latin America. Vol 32: 225-258. p235 [2]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p55 [3]: Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p206 |
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|
The following suggests that perhaps "community-focus structures" developed later. A Middle Archaic example of open-air site is Gheo-Shih [Oaxaca Valley], which is a field marked by boulders and kept clean. This is considered to be one of Mesoamerica’s earliest example of a community-focus structure, such as the plaza, temple-pyramid, and palace, all of which developed in the Formative and later periods.
[1]
[1]: (Evans 2004: 92) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/EWW3Q2TA. |
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|
“By Periods VI and VII, Mehrgarh had clearly entered a new phase in its development. In Periods VI and VII, Mehgarh took on the configuration of a large village or town with streets and lanes and clustered residential areas. The communal storage in compartmented buildings of former periods was replaced by storage rooms, now securely located within individual houses."
[1]
[1]: Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p53 |
||||||
|
None exist in the rather scanty archaeological record, and individual households and residential clusters stored their own food in storage pits.
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[1]: Flannery, Kent V. (1976). "The Early Mesoamerican House." In The Early Mesoamerican Village, ed. K. V. Flannery. New York: Academic Press, 16-24. [2]: Niederberger, C. (1976). Zohapilco: cinco milenios de occupacion humana en un sitio lacustre de la Cuenca de Mexico, Colección Científica No.30 INAH, Mexico City. [3]: Serra Puche, Mari Carmen (1986). "Unidades Habitacionales del Formativo en la Cuenca de Mexico." In Unidades Habitacionales Mesoamericanas y Sus Areas de Actividad, ed. L. Manzanilla. Mexico City: UNAM, 161-192. [4]: Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization. Academic Press, New York, pg. 305-44. [5]: Carballo, David M. (2016). Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.73-84, 149-156. |
||||||
|
The only known storage features were private bell-shaped storage pits and raised granary structures (cuexcomates).
[1]
[2]
[1]: Plunket, P., & Uruñuela, G. (2012). Where east meets west: the Formative in Mexico’s central highlands. Journal of Archaeological Research, 20(1), 1-51. [2]: Carballo, David M. (2016). Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.154-6. |
||||||
|
None exist in the rather scanty archaeological record, and individual households and residential clusters stored their own food in storage pits.
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[1]: Flannery, Kent V. (1976). "The Early Mesoamerican House." In The Early Mesoamerican Village, ed. K. V. Flannery. New York: Academic Press, 16-24. [2]: Niederberger, C. (1976). Zohapilco: cinco milenios de occupacion humana en un sitio lacustre de la Cuenca de Mexico, Colección Científica No.30 INAH, Mexico City. [3]: Serra Puche, Mari Carmen (1986). "Unidades Habitacionales del Formativo en la Cuenca de Mexico." In Unidades Habitacionales Mesoamericanas y Sus Areas de Actividad, ed. L. Manzanilla. Mexico City: UNAM, 161-192. [4]: Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization. Academic Press, New York, pg. 305-44. [5]: Carballo, David M. (2016). Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico. Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.73-84, 149-156. |
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|
No information found in relevant literature.
|
||||||
|
Sources do not suggest there is evidence for polity-owned storage sites during this period.
[1]
[1]: Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. |
||||||
|
At San José Mogote there were subterranean storage pits which could store 1000kg of maize per household.
[1]
However, it is unlikely these were maintained by a state-like entity.
[1]: Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). "The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico." Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11801-11805, p11802 |
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|
"Other kinds of civic buildings [at Tula] one might expect to find with more excavation includes palaces, marketplaces, government storehouses, and calmecacs (priestly schools)".
|
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|
"In general terms, however, these settlements tend to approximate those we have already described for the Late Intermediate in some parts of the Central Sierra: communities of modest size, comprised of nucleated clusters of predominantly round buildings, often containing precincts of small rectangular buildings which seem to be storage facilities."
[1]
[1]: (Parsons and Hastings 1988, 224) |
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|
According to Alan Covey: " Karen Chávez and John Rowe had small excavations with contexts of that date, but no clear architecture. It’s not clear what Zapata dug at Muyu Urqu, or what Gordon McEwan and Arminda Gibaja found at Chokepukio, but there doesn’t seem to be a discussion of public storage."
[1]
[1]: (Alan Covey 2015, personal communication) |
||||||
|
"Thousands of storage units were built on the hills surrounding the Inca provincial centers ... Hundreds of other storage units were built surrounding other secondary and tertiary sites of Inca administration. ... These buildings generally held agricultural materials, including maize, quinoa, and potatoes."
[1]
Tambos storage and accommodation complexes also contained food. Every village, town and city along important Inca roads had to maintain a tambo, and additional ones added to ensure soldiers need march no further than 22-28 km in a day.
[2]
Alan Covey: Hyslop 1984 on road system. Round colcas built on cool, dry high ground used to store staples.
[3]
Alan Covey: Terry LeVine’s volume on Inca storage is a good reference on this topic.
[4]
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 96) [2]: (Hyslop, J., 1984. The Inka Road System. Studies in archaeology. [3]: LeVine, T. ed., 1992. Inka storage systems. University of Oklahoma Press [4]: (Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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|
According to SCCS variable 20 ’Food Storage’ ’Individual households’, not ’Communal facilities’, ’Political agent controlled repositories’, or ’Economic agent controlled repositories’ were present, coded in the SCCS as ‘2’. Roots and tubers were stored in yam-houses. [These were the property of individuals, usually men (though in some respects it might be more accurate to call them the property of married couple or households). Some yam houses had internal divisions such that the yams in different areas belonged to different persons, who were invariably related.] ’While time devoted to taro cultivation always exceeds that of the other two crops, harvesting falls off markedly during the dry season. In contrast, the time devoted to the harvesting of sweet potato increases steadily through the survey, while that of yams is confined almost entirely to the wet season when large quantities are stored in specially constructed yam houses (or occasionally in holes in the ground).’
[1]
’The storing of yams is in the harau or yam-houses, seen commonly in many of the southern villages of the division. The harau usually takes the form of a small platform sheltered by a gabled roof in which there is a sort of attic. The platform is simply a place of social intercourse; the attic is the storehouse for yams. It is closed at either end, and thus dry and dark. When the yams are sprouting it is time for replanting.’
[2]
’A mere roofless platform is sometimes to be seen as a place of social intercourse. Among the southern tribes it is more usually combined with the picturesque little harau or yam-house, in which a small attic compartment above is the repository for the sprouting yams.’
[3]
Other crops were accumulated for feasts: ’The fact that there is never real famine and that scarcity is a rare thing, brings about an attitude of mind which we might call improvidence. Yams are stored where they are grown; so also are Tauga nuts and Puga. But the two former are not common except in the south of the Division. Beyond these, and of course the coconut, the native puts by no vegetable food. When a feast is preparing, the taro will be gathered in great quantities and stacked on platforms. Some is eaten at the feast, some distributed with a great display of cordiality to the guests, who take it home. There is no method of preserving taro, and sometimes, when a feast is for any reason delayed, a great deal of food may deteriorate and become inedible.’
[4]
’Coco-nuts are accumulated, under strict taboo, for a feast. The huge coco-nut-laden tripod in the centre of the village, or the long lines of dry nuts on the ground, indicate that there is some entertainment pending towards which all the villagers will contribute. Sometimes one may see the tragedy of a feast over-long delayed and the nuts sprouting head high, too far gone to eat and perhaps too far gone to plant.’
[2]
[The yams stored in yam houses were distinctly not constructed for the purpose of communal feasts only, but for feasts as well as general consumption. It was (and still is) usual for Orokaiva to plant special garden plots whose produce is earmarked for consumption or distribution at communal feasts, but the main crop for that is taro, and usually the food is stored, basically, in the ground (it is left to continue "hardening" or "ripening" in the unharvested garden) until just several days before the feast will be held. There may be some regional variation involved, though.]
[1]: Waddell, Eric, and P. A. Krinks 1968. “Organisation Of Production And Distribution Among The Orokaiva: An Analysis Of Work And Exchange In Two Communities Participating In Both The Subsistence And Monetary Sectors Of The Economy”, 83 [2]: Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar) 1928. “Orokaiva Magic”, 145 [3]: Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar), and Hubert Murray 1930. “Orokaiva Society”, 70 [4]: Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar) 1928. “Orokaiva Magic”, 144 |
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|
Food storage sites are present, but were not state owned. Pirak IA: “In locus LXXII four circular structures of unbaked clay, with a diameter varying from 0.80 to 1.25 m, are double the bases of silos that had been levelled off. Installations of this type are common all over the site and in all periods…”
[1]
“As for storage facilities, those at Pirak are circular clay silos of a type still used in the region today but unknown even in the third millennium BC.” [2] [1]: Jarrige, J-F. (1979) Fouilles de Pirak. Paris : Diffusion de Boccard. p357 [2]: Jarrige, J-F. (2000) Continuity and Change in the North Kachi Plain (Baluchistan, Pakistan) at the beginning of the Second Millennium BC. In, Lahiri, N. The Decline and Fall of the Indus Civilization. Permanent Black, Delhi., pp345-362. p348 |
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Family yurts where surrounded by storehouses: ’As horse and cattle breeders, the Yakut had a transhumant pattern of summer and winter settlements. Winter settlements comprised as few as twenty people, involving several closely related families who shared pasture land and lived in nearby yurts (BALAGAN) with surrounding storehouses and corrals. The yurts were oblong huts with slanted earth walls, low ceilings, sod roofs and dirt floors. Most had an adjoining room for cattle. They had substantial hearths, and fur-covered benches lining the walls demarcated sleeping arrangements according to social protocol. Yurts faced east, toward benevolent deities. In summer families moved to larger encampments with their animals. The most ancient summer homes, URASY, were elegant birch-bark conical tents. Some could hold one hundred people. Their ceilings soared at the center point, above a circular hearth. Around the sides were wide benches placed in compartments that served as ranked seating and sleeping areas. Every pole or eave was carved with symbolic designs of animals, fertility, and lineage identities.’
[1]
The material suggests that Sakha food storage was household-level rather than ‘polity-owned’.
[1]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut |
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|
"Buildings remains are numerous at Sarazm. They comprise housing, workshops for craftsmen, storage (granaries), as well as palatial and cult buildings. All are mainly built with earth-brick (adobe) that allowed flexibility in the architecture with a variety of uses, sizes and shapes."
[1]
[1]: (Sarazm Management Plan 2005, 17) |
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|
For example, Kaman-Kalehöyük, where large assemblages were found, while at other sites excavations mostly unearth household storages
[1]
.
[1]: Fairbairn A., Omura S. 2005. Archaeological identification and significance of ÉSAG (agricultural storage pits) at Kaman-Kalehöyük, central Anatolia. Anatolian Studies 55. pg. 15-23 |
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|
Preiser-Kapeller says present.
[1]
Castella settlements on the lower Danube "had common granaries for corn"
[2]
Such as in Constantinople: "Two granaries near the Marmara, the Alexandrina and Theodosianum, stored some of the grain from Egypt, while some was held in three granaries to the north, near the Srategion and Prosphorion harbour."
[3]
[1]: (Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 2015) Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences) [2]: (Haussig 1971, 92-93) Haussig, H W. trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. [3]: (Hennessey 2008, 213) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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|
Preiser-Kapeller says present.
[1]
Castella settlements on the lower Danube "had common granaries for corn".
[2]
Such as in Constantinople: "Two granaries near the Marmara, the Alexandrina and Theodosianum, stored some of the grain from Egypt, while some was held in three granaries to the north, near the Srategion and Prosphorion harbour."
[3]
[1]: (Preiser-Kapeller 2015) Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences) [2]: (Haussig 1971, 92-93) Haussig, H W. trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. [3]: (Hennessey 2008, 213) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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|
Castella settlements on the lower Danube "had common granaries for corn".
[1]
Such as in Constantinople: "Two granaries near the Marmara, the Alexandrina and Theodosianum, stored some of the grain from Egypt, while some was held in three granaries to the north, near the Srategion and Prosphorion harbour."
[2]
[1]: (Haussig 1971, 92-93) Haussig, H W. trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. [2]: (Hennessey 2008, 213) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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Granaries.
|
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Ottoman famine relief policy was based on moving food from surplus areas to regions suffering the shortage. This was most expensive for eastern Anatolia which was least accessible by sea. Other measures included price fixing, tax breaks or adjustments, and deferring (or substituting) the tax obligation. The Ottoman imperial granary system was designed to ensure the capital Istanbul received a consistent supply of grain.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Yaron Ayalon. 2015. Natural Disasters in the Ottoman Empire. Plague, Famine, and Other Misfortunes. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. pp. 74-75 [2]: R J Barendse. 2009. Arabian Seas 1700 - 1763. Volume 1: The Western Indian Ocean in the Eighteenth Century. BRILL. Leiden. p. 53 |
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|
"Most of the people at Cahokia were self-sufficient, but granaries are present in Stirling/Moorehead Cahokia."
[1]
"Fluctuation in agricultural production (especially due to flooding) would have affected specific areas of the American Bottom on an almost annual basis, and may have required provisioning some parts of the population on an irregular basis. Granaries and other storage facilities may have held the surplus required for this provisioning."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine/Trubitt 2014, 20) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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|
"Most of the people at Cahokia were self-sufficient, but granaries are present in Stirling/Moorehead Cahokia."
[1]
"Fluctuation in agricultural production (especially due to flooding) would have affected specific areas of the American Bottom on an almost annual basis, and may have required provisioning some parts of the population on an irregular basis. Granaries and other storage facilities may have held the surplus required for this provisioning."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine/Trubitt 2014, 20) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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|
There were the presence of shared storage rooms in the ends of longhouses, in a society in which "resources were controlled by clans according to egalitarian principles," which were often linked by trade routes that chiefs controlled.
[1]
[2]
[1]: (Wiliamson 1998: 15) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/ULF78LBI. [2]: (Hasenstab 2001: 456, 463) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/EQZYAI2R. |
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High status individuals (chiefs, etc.) had houses for the storage of provisions as part of their household clusters
[1]
. Food storage sheds were called hale papa’a. All scholars agree that these provisions were intended for redistribution, but it is unclear to whom. Sahlins
[2]
implies that the food was redistributed to the people, including commoners. But Kirch
[3]
states that the food was redistributed almost entirely to other chiefs, lesser chiefs, retainers, etc., with only token amounts, at most, going to commoners. He also states that food storage was difficult given the climate and kinds of crops that Hawaiians cultivated, so chiefs had to physically travel to different areas of their chiefdoms in order to exact tribute, rather than being able to store all of the tribute in a central location
[4]
. Meanwhile, Valeri states that none of the tribute was redistributed to the commoners
[5]
. Sahlins and Kirch seem to agree that chiefs would sometimes, or at least were expected to, provide food to commoners in the event of famine
[6]
[3]
.
[1]: Kirch, P. V. 1985. Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Pg. 251. [2]: Sahlins, Marshall 1958. Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Pp. 17-8. [3]: Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 260 [4]: Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 261. [5]: Valeri, Valerio 1985. Kingship and Sacrifice: Ritual and Society in Ancient Hawaii. (Translated by Paula Wissing.) Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Pg. 204. [6]: Sahlins, Marshall 1958. Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Pg. 18. |
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|
High status individuals (chiefs, etc.) had houses for the storage of provisions as part of their household clusters
[1]
. Food storage sheds were called hale papa’a. All scholars agree that these provisions were intended for redistribution, but it is unclear to whom. Sahlins
[2]
implies that the food was redistributed to the people, including commoners. But Kirch
[3]
states that the food was redistributed almost entirely to other chiefs, lesser chiefs, retainers, etc., with only token amounts, at most, going to commoners. He also states that food storage was difficult given the climate and kinds of crops that Hawaiians cultivated, so chiefs had to physically travel to different areas of their chiefdoms in order to exact tribute, rather than being able to store all of the tribute in a central location
[4]
. Meanwhile, Valeri states that none of the tribute was redistributed to the commoners
[5]
. Sahlins and Kirch seem to agree that chiefs would sometimes, or at least were expected to, provide food to commoners in the event of famine
[6]
[3]
.
[1]: Kirch, P. V. 1985. Feathered Gods and Fishhooks: An Introduction to Hawaiian Archaeology and Prehistory. Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press. Pg. 251. [2]: Sahlins, Marshall 1958. Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Pp. 17-8. [3]: Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 260 [4]: Kirch, P. V. 1984. The Evolution of the Polynesian Chiefdoms. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pg. 261. [5]: Valeri, Valerio 1985. Kingship and Sacrifice: Ritual and Society in Ancient Hawaii. (Translated by Paula Wissing.) Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Pg. 204. [6]: Sahlins, Marshall 1958. Social Stratification in Polynesia. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press. Pg. 18. |
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|
"Most of the people at Cahokia were self-sufficient, but granaries are present in Stirling/Moorehead Cahokia."
[1]
"Fluctuation in agricultural production (especially due to flooding) would have affected specific areas of the American Bottom on an almost annual basis, and may have required provisioning some parts of the population on an irregular basis. Granaries and other storage facilities may have held the surplus required for this provisioning."
[2]
[1]: (Peregrine/Trubitt 2014, 20) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) |
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|
"Most of the people at Cahokia were self-sufficient, but granaries are present in Stirling/Moorehead Cahokia."
[1]
"Fluctuation in agricultural production (especially due to flooding) would have affected specific areas of the American Bottom on an almost annual basis, and may have required provisioning some parts of the population on an irregular basis. Granaries and other storage facilities may have held the surplus required for this provisioning."
[2]
After 700-800 CE maize cultivation lead to larger populations.
[3]
[1]: (Peregrine/Trubitt 2014, 20) [2]: (Trubitt 2014, 18) [3]: (Iseminger 2010, 26) Iseminger, W R. 2010. Cahokia Mounds: America’s First City. The History Press. Charleston. |
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at a later time: "Grain would be stored, at a domestic level, in silos dug below the floors of farms and in jars, thus taking care of daily requirements and of surpluses."
[1]
-- reference for general region
[1]: (Francfort 1982, 184) Francfort, Henri-Paul. The economy, society and culture of Central Asia in Achaemenid times. in Boardman, John. Hammond, N. G. L. Lewis, D. M. Ostwald, M. 1988. The Cambridge Ancient History. Second edition. Volume 10. Cambridge University Press. |
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|
"Grain would be stored, at a domestic level, in silos dug below the floors of farms and in jars, thus taking care of daily requirements and of surpluses."
[1]
-- reference for general region
[1]: (Francfort 1982, 184) Francfort, Henri-Paul. The economy, society and culture of Central Asia in Achaemenid times. in Boardman, John. Hammond, N. G. L. Lewis, D. M. Ostwald, M. 1988. The Cambridge Ancient History. Second edition. Volume 10. Cambridge University Press. |
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’In 905/1499 Ahmad al-Dhayh bought all the food which was in the royal storehouse (for grain)
[1]
.
[1]: Porter, Venetia Ann (1992) The history and monuments of the Tahirid dynasty of the Yemen 858-923/1454-1517, Durham theses, Durham University, p. 154 Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5867/ |
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|
"The transportation of grain to Amsterdam, its storage there and its further distribution to final markets at home and abroad, was a large industry in its own right. In the first half of the seventeenth century the ships sailing back and forth from the Baltic employed some 4,000 seamen. In the harbor of Amsterdam another army of workers specialized in the handling of the grain.Footnote3 Hundreds of grain lightermen, organized in their guild (korenlichtermansgilde), transferred grain from the ships to barges. On the quays, the even more numerous members of the grain porters’ guild (korendragersgilde) carried the grain sacks to the storage lofts and the markets. A guild of grain weighers and measurers (korenmeters en zetters) ascertained weight and volume, while an unorganized army of grain turners (verschietsters), primarily women, monitored the grain storage lofts, turning the sacks periodically to prevent overheating and spoilage. All of this grain was bought and sold at a specialized grain exchange (Korenbeurs) by sworn brokers."
[1]
[1]: (De Vries 2019: 148-149) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/P9E78WVF/collection. |
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|
“In the 15th century, the Ajuran became increasingly authoritarian and oppressive. Their subjects were forced to dig kelis (canals) for irrigation, and bakars (storage pits) for cereals that were collected in tribute.”
[1]
[1]: (Mukhtar 2016, Encyclopedia of Empire) Mukhtar, Mohamed H. 2016. ‘Ajuran Sultanate.’ In J.Mackenzie Encyclopedia of Empire. Wiley. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/5U3NQRMR/library |
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“The survey achieved three goals: (1) It led to the identification of the residential area, comprising mostly compound-courtyard structures (impluvium architecture), granary stone structures, a vast palace complex, a dug-out water reservoir, refuse mounds, as well as grinding stones and grinding hollows on rock outcrops. (2) It provided the spatial and density distribution of artifacts, mostly pottery. (3) It made purposive problem-oriented selective excavations possible because the provenance of many of the features is known.”
[1]
[1]: Gosselain, O. P., & MacEachern, S. (2017). Field Manual for African Archaeology (A. Livingstone-Smith & E. Cornelissen, Eds.): 70. Royal Museum for Central Africa, Tervuren. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/JRMZECR5/collection |
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“And fires were a real hazard to grain stores and the city’s food reserves; there was no way of controlling a conflagration - no tanks of water, or pumps, or hoses - -just pottery urns in washrooms and deep wells.”
[1]
[1]: Last, Murray. “Contradictions in Creating a Jihadi Capital: Sokoto in the Nineteenth Century and Its Legacy.” African Studies Review, vol. 56, no. 2, 2013, pp. 1–20: 13. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5RUPN5VI/collection |
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|
“The palace was the religious and administrative centre of the nation. The Oba’s living quarters were incapsulated in a vast assemblage of council halls, shrines, storehouses, and workshops surrounded by a high compound wall.”
[1]
“Tribute in yams, etc., was stored partly by the Iwɛguae, who catered for the Oba’s personal household and for the feasts he gave his chiefs; and partly by the Ibiwe, who were responsible for the provisioning of the wives’ quarters.”
[2]
[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 18. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection [2]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 23. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection |
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Granaries. It’s unclear what time period this refers to, but it’s in a section headed ‘Pre-Colonial Social Organization’ so should apply: “Each section of the compound had its own kitchen and each married man his own farm and granaries. At the time of the visit (in November), the household foodstocks had been entirely consumed, and, pending the harvest, the members were living solely on maize, stacked on the maize farms close to the river. The household depended wholly on agriculture. But two of the members engaged, to a small extent in fishing. There was no property at all in the form of livestock.”
[1]
[1]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 102. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection |
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|
Granaries. "The first European descriptions, as we have seen, concerned the kings’ courts. [...] These certainly were not cities, but rather rustic palaces, both princely residences and sites of political decision making, complete with military camps, granaries, cattle enclosures, and workshops, all of which had the look of an open market on certain days."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 165-166) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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|
Granaries. "The first European descriptions, as we have seen, concerned the kings’ courts. [...] These certainly were not cities, but rather rustic palaces, both princely residences and sites of political decision making, complete with military camps, granaries, cattle enclosures, and workshops, all of which had the look of an open market on certain days."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 165-166) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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|
"Just as important was the devastation caused by an army on the march, even in friendly country. The foragers, and sometimes even the combatant companies themselves, pillaged the harvests that were in the field or stocked in the granaries and requisitioned cattle for slaughter, not to mention what they stole along the way."
[1]
[1]: (Vansina 2004: 93) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5J4MRHUB/collection. |
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|
Settlements would have multiple food storage sites, particularly granaries.
|
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|
Granaries. "The first European descriptions, as we have seen, concerned the kings’ courts. [...] These certainly were not cities, but rather rustic palaces, both princely residences and sites of political decision making, complete with military camps, granaries, cattle enclosures, and workshops, all of which had the look of an open market on certain days."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 165-166) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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|
Granaries. "The first European descriptions, as we have seen, concerned the kings’ courts. [...] These certainly were not cities, but rather rustic palaces, both princely residences and sites of political decision making, complete with military camps, granaries, cattle enclosures, and workshops, all of which had the look of an open market on certain days."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 165-166) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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|
Granaries. "The first European descriptions, as we have seen, concerned the kings’ courts. [...] These certainly were not cities, but rather rustic palaces, both princely residences and sites of political decision making, complete with military camps, granaries, cattle enclosures, and workshops, all of which had the look of an open market on certain days."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 165-166) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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|
Granaries. "The first European descriptions, as we have seen, concerned the kings’ courts. [...] These certainly were not cities, but rather rustic palaces, both princely residences and sites of political decision making, complete with military camps, granaries, cattle enclosures, and workshops, all of which had the look of an open market on certain days."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 165-166) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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|
Granaries. "The first European descriptions, as we have seen, concerned the kings’ courts. [...] These certainly were not cities, but rather rustic palaces, both princely residences and sites of political decision making, complete with military camps, granaries, cattle enclosures, and workshops, all of which had the look of an open market on certain days."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 165-166) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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|
Granaries. "Just as important was the devastation caused by an army on the march, even in friendly country. The foragers, and sometimes even the combatant companies themselves, pillaged the harvests that were in the field or stocked in the granaries and requisitioned cattle for slaughter, not to mention what they stole along the way."
[1]
[1]: (Vansina 2004: 93) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5J4MRHUB/collection. |
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|
Granaries. "The first European descriptions, as we have seen, concerned the kings’ courts. [...] These certainly were not cities, but rather rustic palaces, both princely residences and sites of political decision making, complete with military camps, granaries, cattle enclosures, and workshops, all of which had the look of an open market on certain days."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 165-166) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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Form not specified, but some system and presumably structures for the storage of grain implied by comments in Hannaford about the general situation in Zimbabwe culture societies. “Although the documents are relatively silent on communal activity and long-term planning in agriculture at the village level, they do provide accounts of centralized institutional arrangements in the Zimbabwe culture polities, for example labour service and grain tribute. In theory, siphoning off a surplus from the… hinterland then meant that the stored grain could be redistributed in times of drought.”
[1]
[1]: (Hannaford 2018, 10) Matthew Hannaford, “Pre-Colonial South-East Africa: Sources and Prospects for Research in Economic and Social History,” in Journal of Southern African Studies Vol. 44 No. 5 (2018) . Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/W3RGNGTN/item-details |
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|
Granaries. It’s unclear what time period this refers to, but it’s in a section headed ‘Pre-Colonial Social Organization’ so should apply: “Each section of the compound had its own kitchen and each married man his own farm and granaries. At the time of the visit (in November), the household foodstocks had been entirely consumed, and, pending the harvest, the members were living solely on maize, stacked on the maize farms close to the river. The household depended wholly on agriculture. But two of the members engaged, to a small extent in fishing. There was no property at all in the form of livestock.”
[1]
[1]: Zhema, S. (2017). A History of the Social and Political Organization of the Jukun of Wukari Division, c.1596–1960 [Benue State University]: 102. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U667CC36/collection |
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“In some European eyes, the farmland on either side was as lovely as the road itself. It was intensively cultivated, with sorghum, corn, beans, and yams among field crops and palm oil and shea butter among tree crops. Forbes wrote that cultivation in the Cana area "rival[ed] that of the Chinese." His companion Beecroft remarked "Corn Plantations tastefully cleared and laid out in Ridges." Fraser rated the royal road environs "by far the prettiest part of the journey" from the coast." Bouit called the countryside "extremely beautiful," with "pretty dwellings [and] rich croplands extending as far as one could see on both sides of the route." Repin said the lay of the land favored the traveler with "views both varied and pleasant; it’s a sort of kitchen garden supplying grain and vegetables." For Burton, the land from Cana to Abomey was "emphatically the garden of Dahome, showing a wondrous soft and pleasant aspect... a succession of palm orchards and grain fields... [with] frequent villages that stud the fair champaign.”
[1]
[1]: Alpern, S. B. (1999). Dahomey’s Royal Road. History in Africa, 26, 11–24: 17. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/J4ZASAV6/collection |
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Present since the preceding period. Icehouses were often shared between farms and houses and personal forms of food storage became available with the introduction of canning in 1825. Grains, rice and corn was stored locally for human and animal food supplies and also in preparation for shipping.
[1]
[1]: Volo and Volo 2004: 53, 57, 166. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SIB5XSW97. |
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The following quote suggests that there might have been a granary present at the site of Tirukkampuliyur. “The excavation in Tirukkampuliyur brought to light a structure built of burnt bricks in the foundations made of brickbats, pebbles and hard earth. Mud plaster was used as the binding medium in construction. The structure consisted of two compartments and a front verandah. This has been identified, though on insufficient grounds, as a granary.”
[1]
[1]: (Raman 1976, 52) Raman, K.V. 1976. ‘Archaeology of the Sangam Age’. Proceedings of the Indian History Congress. Vol 37. Pp 50-56. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/M3ZPI56I/collection |
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"There are [...] no signs of communal construction activities, and no preserved facilities to store agricultural surplus. [...] It has to be considered that the preservation of features in Nok sites is generally poor and that the amount of data is not too large and regionally restricted to a rather small key study area."
[1]
[1]: (Breunig and Ruppe 2016: 253) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/ES4TRU7R. |
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The following suggests that the only identified buildings were houses, and that houses fulfilled multiple purposes ("economically generalized”). ”The community [of Kirikongo] was founded by a single house (Mound 4) c. ad 100 (Yellow I), as part of a regional expansion of farming peoples in small homesteads in western Burkina Faso. A true village emerged with the establishment of a second house (Mound 1) c. ad 450, and by the end of the first millennium ad the community had expanded to six houses. At first, these were economically generalized houses (potting, iron metallurgy, farming and herding) settled distantly apart with direct access to farming land that appear to have exercised some autonomy."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 21-22) |
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"There are [...] no signs of communal construction activities, and no preserved facilities to store agricultural surplus. [...] It has to be considered that the preservation of features in Nok sites is generally poor and that the amount of data is not too large and regionally restricted to a rather small key study area."
[1]
[1]: (Breunig and Ruppe 2016: 253) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/ES4TRU7R. |
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"The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31) |
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Inferred from the following, which pertains to the immediately preceding period. "The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31) |
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"The first nondomestic structures identified at Kirikongo are found from Red II and Red III on the peak of Mound 4. This multistory complex has formal similarities to a Bwa ancestor house, which today when associated with the founding house is a sacrificial shrine to the village ancestors, the meeting place for the village council, and maintained by the village headman. Given the presence of these ritual structures, cross-cutting communal activities, and a communally focused built environment, it is possible that an institution similar to the village Do was in existence."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 31) |
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The near-absence of archaeologically identified settlements makes it particularly challenging to infer most building types. "While the historical sources provide a vague picture of the events of the first 500 years of the Kanem-Borno empire, archaeologically almost nothing is known. [...] Summing up, very little is known about the capitals or towns of the early Kanem- Borno empire. The locations of the earliest sites have been obscured under the southwardly protruding sands of the Sahara, and none of the later locations can be identified with certainty."
[1]
[1]: (Gronenborn 2002: 104-110) |
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"Contexts that could shed light on the dynamics of social structure and hierarchies in the metropolis, such as the royal burial site of Oyo monarchs and the residences of the elite population, have not been investigated. The mapping of the palace structures has not been followed by systematic excavations (Soper, 1992); and questions of the economy, military system, and ideology of the empire have not been addressed archaeologically, although their general patterns are known from historical studies (e.g, Johnson, 1921; Law, 1977)."
[1]
Regarding this period, however, one of the historical studies mentioned in this quote also notes: "Of the earliestperiod of Oyo history, before the sixteenth century, very little is known."
[2]
Law does not then go on to provide specific information directly relevant to this variable.
[1]: (Ogundiran 2005: 151-152) [2]: (Law 1977: 33) |
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For individuals living in the countryside, local dry goods stores presented an assortment of national and foreign manufactures—and lines of credit that gave shop owners great influence in their community.”
[1]
[1]: (Bunker and Macias-Gonzalez 2011: 72-3) Bunker, Steven B. and Macías-González, Víctor M. 2011. “Consumption and Material Culture from Pre-Contact through the Porfiriato,” in A Companion to Mexican History and Culture, ed. William H. Beezley. Chichester: Wiley-Blackwell. pp54–82. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDIQ5VE7 |
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“Moquegua clearly was an important region in Tiwanaku’s far periphery, and became increasingly important in Early Tiwanaku V. Principal roles for the region at large included producing, storing, and processing maize. Chen Chen itself appears to have been dedicated to maize processing, undoubtedly in large part for shipment and distribution to the altiplano, where maize in general does not grow.”
[1]
[1]: (Janusek 2004: 241) Janusek, John Wayne. 2004. Identity and Power in the Ancient Andes: Tiwanaku Cities Through Time. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDDCMA8P |
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Icehouses were often shared between farms and houses and the first icebox was patented in 1803. Also more personal forms of food storage became available with the introduction of canning in 1825 Rice and corn was stored locally for human and animal food supplies and also in preparation for shipping.
[1]
[1]: Volo and Volo 2004: 53, 57, 166. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SIB5XSW97. |
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Settlements across the polity would have food storage particularly for grains – the main crop.
[1]
“By contrast, starvation was averted in London, the south-east, and East Anglia, which had local food supplies and convenient access to imported grain from the Baltic region, although London and the larger towns, the mixed farming lowlands, and other areas with well-developed communications were especially vulnerable to plague.”
[2]
“Also special commissioners were appointed to manage food supplies in times of scarcity; to prevent exports of grain; to fix prices of essential consumables; to punish speculators or racketeers in foodstuffs; to apprehend vagabonds; and generally to enforce law and order.”
[3]
[1]: (Bucholz et al 2013: 375) Bucholz, Robert, Newton Key, and R.O. Bucholz. 2013. Early Modern England 1485-1714: A Narrative History. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons. http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/uvic/detail.action?docID=1166775. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/XQGJH96U [2]: (Guy 1988: 31) Guy, John. 1988. Tudor England. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/IIFAUUNA [3]: (Guy 1988: 171) Guy, John. 1988. Tudor England. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/IIFAUUNA |
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Grain stores; elite food stores. At the palace at Meknes: “In the centre ran running water. Each animal had its stall and a shelter for its equipment. Opposite was a storehouse, the heri which supported a supplementary palace with twenty pavilions. Between the palace and the stables was the granary, forty feet high and big enough, it was said, to contain the whole harvest of Morocco. At the side was a pond for irrigation purposes and also subterranean reserves of water in case of a siege.”
[1]
“He [Mulay Ismail] was moreover no spendthrift, ‘concerning himself personally with horseshoes and horseshoe nails, with spices, drugs, butter, honey and other trifles that are in his stores’. All of which caused the Sieur Mouette, subject of a king who stinted nothing, to say that such an occupation ‘is more suited to a grocer than to a great prince like him’.”
[2]
[1]: (Bosworth 2007: 399) Bosworth, Clifford Edmund. 2007. ed., Historic Cities of the Islamic World. Leiden; Boston: Brill. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/HGHDXVAC [2]: (Julien 1970: 247-248) Julien, Charles-Andre. 1970. History of North Africa: Tunisia, Algeria, Morocco, From the Arab Conquest to 1830, ed. R Le Tourneau and C.C. Stewart, trans. John Petrie. New York; Washington: Praeger Publishers. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ZJVWWN24 |
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Settlements had granaries.
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“Something then had to bring farmers and other subsistence producers to centers and get them to pay taxes, so to speak. It was not stored food, since centralized or largescale storage facilities are unknown in the southern Maya lowlands (Lucero n.d.a).”
[1]
[1]: (Lucero 2006: 35) Lucero, Lisa J. 2006. Water and Ritual: The Rise and Fall of Classic Maya Rulers. Austin: University of Texas Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NSX2SNWU |
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It is very likely that cities at least had food storage sites, however this has not been mentioned in the sources consulted.
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“Food stocks in the larger cities of the Monarchy continued to fall to perilous depths. So grave was the situation by late April 1918 that the director of the Gemeinsame Ernährungsausschuss, Landwehr von Pragenau, ordered the seizure of several trains and barges carrying the equivalent of 2,455 wagons of grain from the Ukraine to Germany as they passed through Austrian territory.”
[1]
[1]: (Boyer 2022: 557) Boyer, John W. 2022. Austria, 1867–1955. Oxford: Oxford University Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CG3P4KKD |
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The following quote points to the retrieval of grain types in the capital city of Zabid that suggest significant food storage practices. "Other possible crops include several poorly preserved grains of wheat (Triticum sp.), a crop unlikely to thrive in the hot Tihama where high temperatures and high humidity preclude a winter vegetative phase. Wheat may therefore have been imported into the city, and one likely explanation for its ingestion by camels may be linked to wheat storage and processing. Several types of wheat store better when the grain is left still encased in tough glumes, preventing insect and fungal decay. If such semi-cleaned grain (e.g. emmer wheat) was carted or shipped, recipients may have had to finish processing the cereal to clean it of glumes and small seed contaminants. This was a widespread practice throughout the Mediterranean world. In ninth century Zabid, such waste from cleaning wheat may have been included in animal diets after prime wheat had been removed from stunted grain (perhaps the source of the archaeological specimens) and chaff."
[1]
[1]: (McCorriston and Johnson 1998, 179) McCorriston, J. and Z. Johnson, 1998. Agriculture and animal husbandry at Ziyadid Zabid, Yemen. Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Vol. 28, Papers from the thirty-first meeting of the Seminar for Arabian Studies held in Oxford, 17-19 July 1997 (1998), pp. 175-188 (14 pages). Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/TQUXJVPK/library |
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The following quote implies that granaries continued to exist between the "fall" of the Roman Empire and the establishment of the Ostrogothic Kingdom.
"Letters in the Variae state that Theoderic ordered numerous construction works for the walls, sewers, palace, Curia, Theatre of Pompey, aqueducts, and granaries. In many if not most of the cases, what is being done is not new construction but repair." [1] [1]: (Deliyannis 2016: 237) Deliyannis, D. M. 2016. Urban Life and Culture. In Arnold, Bjornlie and Sessa (eds) A Companion to Ostrogothic Italy pp. 234-262. Brill. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JG677MNK/item-list |
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