| # | Polity | Coded Value | Tags | Year(s) | Edit | Desc |
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As yet no evidence for fortified camps has been found in the Kachi Plain from this time period.
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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"Most sites are located in places that are better suited to farming than community defense, and the distribution of Qotakalli pottery to the level of hamlets suggests a high degree of interaction between settlements within the Cusco Basin."
[1]
For Covey, Qotakalli designates the period after c.400 CE.
[2]
AD: coded as inferred absent in the period 200-400 CE. Despite the lack of archaeological confirmation, the absence of fortified camps can be inferred from the continuity between 200-400 and 400-500CE, which are considered the same period by Bauer.
[1]: (Covey 2006, 60) [2]: (Covey 2006, 59) |
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"Most sites are located in places that are better suited to farming than community defense, and the distribution of Qotakalli pottery to the level of hamlets suggests a high degree of interaction between settlements within the Cusco Basin."
[1]
For Covey, Qotakalli designates the period after c.400 CE.
[2]
AD: coded as inferred absent in the period 200-400 CE. Despite the lack of archaeological confirmation, the absence of fortified camps can be inferred from the continuity between 200-400 and 400-500CE, which are considered the same period by Bauer.
[1]: (Covey 2006, 60) [2]: (Covey 2006, 59) |
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"For urban centres in the rest of Mesoamerica, the lack of perimeter walls and defensive settings is striking. The undefended nature of Aztec towns, for example, contrasts sharply with the ethnohistoric record of Aztec warfare".
[1]
[1]: (Smith 2003: 38) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/WEIQNSNP |
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"Whereas no sites are documented as fortified or military observatories during the Formative and Classic periods, approximately one quarter of sites are during the Epiclassic and one-third of sites are during the Postclassic."
[1]
[1]: (Carballo and Pluckhahn 2007: 615) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/MUW5MHB7. |
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"Whereas no sites are documented as fortified or military observatories during the Formative and Classic periods, approximately one quarter of sites are during the Epiclassic and one-third of sites are during the Postclassic."
[1]
[1]: (Carballo and Pluckhahn 2007: 615) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/MUW5MHB7. |
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Do we even have any evidence for Ubaid armies going on long marches?
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Although there is no information on the warfare of this period, it is highly unlikely the resources were available for this technology.
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[According to the codebook this refers to fortified camps of armies on the move. It is highly unlikely that the small warbands of late medieval Iceland would make fortified camps when moving around. In most cases they would overnight at farmsteads.]
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Probably unnecessary given probable scale and distances of military action.
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Probably unnecessary given probable scale and distances of military action.
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No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
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No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
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No army to build temporary fortified camps.
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"For fortifications, Aztec sites show a broad range with some totally exposed on valley floors and others being walled or at elevations. Tenochtitlan only had walls around the sacred precinct but of course had natural fortification by being an island in a lake that could be entered only through a few causeways. At the high end of fortification was the Tlaxcalan stronghold of Tepeticpac, up on a high hill and encircled by walls. That was their strategy of resistance against the Aztec empire. Huexotla is a site in the domain of Texcoco with a large wall and their were fortified garrisons on the frontier between the Aztec and Tarascan empires, in west Mexico. But probably more sites were not fortified than were. There was nothing comparable to the medieval European pattern or earlier fortified city states of Mesopotamia or elsewhere in Eurasia."
[1]
[1]: (Carballo 2019: pers. comm. to E. Cioni and G. Nazzaro) |
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"Whereas no sites are documented as fortified or military observatories during the Formative and Classic periods, approximately one quarter of sites are during the Epiclassic and one-third of sites are during the Postclassic."
[1]
[1]: (Carballo and Pluckhahn 2007: 615) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/MUW5MHB7. |
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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Evidence for fortified camps has not been found for this period.
[1]
[1]: Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. |
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The description seems to suggest that Sakha fortification were permanent structures rather than being constructed on the move: "When speaking of structures, we should also mention the fact that in the old days the Yakuts knew how to make fortifications or ostrozhki, as they were called in the Russian texts of the 17th century. For example, in 1636-1637, during the campaign against the Kangalastsy, the Russian Cossacks found that “they had built strong forts with two walls covered with gravel, and surrounded by snow and water;” it was only after a two-day assault that the Cossacks managed to take one of these forts. In 1642 the Russians also took a Yakut fortress after great difficulty: “. . . the fort was made with two walls, the space between the walls was filled with earth, and there were log towers.” At a later stage these fortifications disappeared, and no one has described them since in detail. But even in the 19th century it was possible to find special tower-like barns here and there, which belonged to the Toyons."
[1]
[1]: Tokarev, S. A., and Gurvich I. S. 1964. “Yakuts.” Peoples Of Siberia, 265 |
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups."
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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older reports describe make-shift palisades and watchtowers made from wood only
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups."
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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In terms of settlement organisation, the main defensive strategy seems to have been to construct larger villages
[1]
.
[1]: Illinois State Museum, Illinois Economy: Settlements (2000), http://www.museum.state.il.us/muslink/nat_amer/post/htmls/ec_settle.html |
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The description seems to suggest that Sakha fortification were permanent structures rather than being constructed on the move: "When speaking of structures, we should also mention the fact that in the old days the Yakuts knew how to make fortifications or ostrozhki, as they were called in the Russian texts of the 17th century. For example, in 1636-1637, during the campaign against the Kangalastsy, the Russian Cossacks found that “they had built strong forts with two walls covered with gravel, and surrounded by snow and water;” it was only after a two-day assault that the Cossacks managed to take one of these forts. In 1642 the Russians also took a Yakut fortress after great difficulty: “. . . the fort was made with two walls, the space between the walls was filled with earth, and there were log towers.” At a later stage these fortifications disappeared, and no one has described them since in detail. But even in the 19th century it was possible to find special tower-like barns here and there, which belonged to the Toyons."
[1]
[1]: Tokarev, S. A., and Gurvich I. S. 1964. “Yakuts.” Peoples Of Siberia, 265 |
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As yet no evidence for fortified camps has been found in the Kachi Plain from this time period.
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Stone walls surrounded settlements rather than military camps on the move (see above).
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Stone walls surrounded settlements rather than military camps on the move (see above).
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Not mentioned in the literature.
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Not mentioned in the literature.
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Not mentioned in the literature.
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No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
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No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
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Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "The Hawaiians generally did not build fornications, but non-combatants could find sacred sanctuary in places of refuge known as pu’uhonua." Pg 4.
[1]
[1]: Hommon, Robert, J. 2013. The Ancient Hawaiian State: Origins of a Political Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. |
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No references in the literature. RA.
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No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
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No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
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[According to the codebook this refers to fortified camps of armies on the move. It is highly unlikely that the small warbands of late medieval Iceland would make fortified camps when moving around. In most cases they would overnight at farmsteads.]
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No mention in sources so far consulted. Parthian army was small and cavalry based. After takeover of Persia and Mesopotamia Parthians did not campaign and mostly fought defensive wars. Due to mobile nature of warfare and lack of campaigns unlikely to have developed and/or required fortified camps.
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No mention in sources so far consulted. Parthian army was small and cavalry based. After takeover of Persia and Mesopotamia Parthians did not campaign and mostly fought defensive wars. Due to mobile nature of warfare and lack of campaigns unlikely to have developed and/or required fortified camps.
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"As with the rest of the Near East, there is little evidence for warfare in Neolithic Mesopotamia."
[1]
[1]: (Hamblin 2006: 33) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/4WM3RBTD. |
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Under chapter 9 "The Rajput Administration": "Very often the army had to remain for months in camps with either the ruler or some royal prince in command. So the camp could be a very elaborate affair."
[1]
Subsequent description does not mention fortification. In a camp of the type described by Suri "an army could live on for months, expecting the besieged either to get tired or run short of essential supplies of commodities like food and water (Kathakosaprakarana, pp. 164-65)."
[2]
[1]: (Bakshi, Gajrani and Singh eds 2005, 393) S R Bakshi. S Gajrani. Hari Singh. eds. 2005. Early Aryans to Swaraj. Volume 3: Indian Education and Rajputs. Sarup & Sons. New Delhi. [2]: (Bakshi, Gajrani and Singh eds 2005, 394) S R Bakshi. S Gajrani. Hari Singh. eds. 2005. Early Aryans to Swaraj. Volume 3: Indian Education and Rajputs. Sarup & Sons. New Delhi. |
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Not clear whether this information applies to pre-contact polities. "The Hawaiians generally did not build fornications, but non-combatants could find sacred sanctuary in places of refuge known as pu’uhonua." Pg 4.
[1]
[1]: Hommon, Robert, J. 2013. The Ancient Hawaiian State: Origins of a Political Society. Oxford: Oxford University Press. |
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’The Kumasi Fort was built in 1820 by the Asantehene (the King of the Asante Kingdom), Osei Tutu Kwamina, to resemble the coastal forts which were built by European merchants. Kumasi Fort had to be rebuilt in 1897, after it was destroyed by British forces in 1874. The fort was built from granite and brown soil that was brought from Cape Coast to Kumasi by porters.’
[1]
Kumasi Fort was constructed in imitation of colonial forts. Although the Asantehene claimed formal jurisdiction over colonial coastal forts such as Elmina, these were de facto controlled by the British during most of the time period in question. During campaigns rapidly built shelters were the norm, though: ’In the past these rapidly built shelters for farming and hunting were also used by the Asante army. British forces came across ‘little huts with low sloping roofs, thatched with green broad leaves of the plantain. Each hut or lean-to had a couple of bamboo bedsteads on posts… They had also taken the pains to make comfortable settees with backs’. Indeed. Sir Garnet Wolseley was so impressed with the camp-beds that he urged his troops to copy them.’
[2]
[1]: http://www.ghanamuseums.org/kumasi-fort-millitary-museum.php [2]: McLeod, M. D. (Malcolm D.) 1981. “Asante”, 23 |
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’The Kumasi Fort was built in 1820 by the Asantehene (the King of the Asante Kingdom), Osei Tutu Kwamina, to resemble the coastal forts which were built by European merchants. Kumasi Fort had to be rebuilt in 1897, after it was destroyed by British forces in 1874. The fort was built from granite and brown soil that was brought from Cape Coast to Kumasi by porters.’
[1]
Kumasi Fort was constructed in imitation of colonial forts. Although the Asantehene claimed formal jurisdiction over colonial coastal forts such as Elmina, these were de facto controlled by the British during most of the time period in question. During campaigns rapidly built shelters were the norm, though: ’In the past these rapidly built shelters for farming and hunting were also used by the Asante army. British forces came across ‘little huts with low sloping roofs, thatched with green broad leaves of the plantain. Each hut or lean-to had a couple of bamboo bedsteads on posts… They had also taken the pains to make comfortable settees with backs’. Indeed. Sir Garnet Wolseley was so impressed with the camp-beds that he urged his troops to copy them.’
[2]
[1]: http://www.ghanamuseums.org/kumasi-fort-millitary-museum.php [2]: McLeod, M. D. (Malcolm D.) 1981. “Asante”, 23 |
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Not mentioned in the literature.
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Not mentioned in the literature.
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[NB: The following has been classed as a settlement in a defensive position for the time being, as it is uncertain whether this satisfies the description of a fortified camp: "When the menaced Jívaro is the chief of the tribe or a person of prestige, he constructs a very remarkable kind of a fort on the top of a hill where he can see a long way. Four enormous strong posts, 25 m. high, chosen from among the strongest in the forest, support a little room 3 m. square with a floor of strong wood, a roof like those in the houses, surrounded by a wall of chonta and caña one meter high. A big ladder is the only way of getting in. In this fort are placed an enormous tunduli, rocks to be thrown against the assailants, lances, machetes, implements of every sort, and occasionally a good Winchester rifle completes the armament. It is unnecessary to add that all the approaches are protected by numerous traps."
[1]
]
[1]: Rivet, Paul. 1907. “Jivaro Indians: Geographic, Historical And Ethnographic Research.”, 617-618 |
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"There are no doors or doorways, restricted passageways, labyrinthine corridors or walls physically restricting access to any structure within the towns. As a matter of fact, there are no town walls or enclosures for defense either."
[1]
Pueblito: "It is also important to note that, in contradistinction to other pre-Hispanic groups of the Northern Andes contemporaneous with the Tairona, such as the better known Muisca of the Eastern Highlands (Boada 1998, Henderson and Ostler 2005, Villate 2001) or even the Calima and Malagana societies of the Cauca Valley (Cardale de Schrimpff and Bray 2005), the town itself, its plazas and their attendant structures were not enclosed at any time through palisades, fortifications, narrow corridors or other physical means used to restrict access and circulation."
[2]
[1]: (Giraldo 2010, 28) [2]: (Giraldo 2010, 207) |
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Technology not yet available
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Based on preceding and succeeding polities.
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"Engineers not only cut paths through forests, built fortified stations, and erected bridges, but they also provided telegraphic communications, aerial reconnaissance from balloons, and rail transportation in some operations."
[1]
1856-1881 CE: Trenches used in warfare at this time.
[2]
Were more successful fighting Zulus standing behind barricades.
[3]
[1]: (Spiers 1996, 197) Edward Spiers. The Late Victorian Army 1868-1914. David G Chandler. Ian Beckett. eds. 1996. The Oxford History of the British Army. Oxford University Press. Oxford. [2]: (Barthorp 1988, 8) Michael Barthorp. 1988. The British Army on Campaign. 1856-1881. Osprey Publishing Ltd. [3]: (Barthorp 1988, 14) Michael Barthorp. 1988. The British Army on Campaign. 1856-1881. Osprey Publishing Ltd. |
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Present in previous and subsequent periods.
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Present in previous and subsequent polities.
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According to Gnirs, "fortification architecture and techniques of siege had become the basic means of warfare by the third millennium BCE."
[1]
Fortress of Sile was an "important stronghold on the landbridge connecting the Egyptian Delta with Syria-Palestine."
[2]
[1]: (Gnirs 2001) [2]: (Van Dijk 2000, 285-286) |
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Some oppida are fortified camps. cf Bibracte, in central France.
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Present in preceding polities.
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Present in previous and subsequent polities.
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’The initial move seems to have been to Srei Santhor, about 30 km (19 miles) northeast of Phnom Penh, at some time in the fourteenth century; then, briefly, to Phnom Penh itself. By about 1528, the Cambodian court under its first great Post-Angkorian king, Ang Chan I, had moved once and for all to the all to the Quatre Bras region, establishing a new capital at Lovek (Longvek), on the right bank of the Tonle Sap River, 50 km (30 miles) north of Phnom Penh. Love, like Udong and Phnom Penh- the town s that succeeded it as the capital- was thoroughly international, with foreign quarters for Malay, Japanese, and Chinese traders (there were as many as 3,000 of the last in the 1540s). There Ang Chan (who really did exist) built a golden palace and at least four major wats, erecting a huge, four-faced Buddha of wood, the stone foundation of which survive in one of the town’s vicars. The capital was fortified by earthen ramparts topped with palisades; these ramparts, which form a huge rectangle, are still visible.’
[1]
’Military campaings were probably conducted in the Post-Classic period as they had been during the Classic Era, but on a lesser scale: it is doubtful if any king of Lovek or Udong could muster the armies that were fielded by rulers like Suryavarman II. There was no standing army - in times of war, the patron was expected to muster a force of his clients, and place himself or an officer designated by the king at the head. The arms that they bore were substantially like those wielded by Classic warriors, with the addition of firearms and canon (after 1600). Again the principle of five ruled, as there were five corps: the vanguard, the rear guard, the right flank, the left flank, and the central corps or main body of the army, where the king kept himself with his war elephants. These animals were strengthened magically from time to time by bring sprayed with water mixed with human bile (or so say our sources); magical ideas also led the warriors to cover themselves with protective amulets. The king would be surrounded by Brahmins who conducted ritual ablutions, and by soothsayers who were consulted on the placement of military camps and for auspicious days for military operations.’
[2]
[1]: (Coe 2003, pp. 208-209) [2]: (Coe 2003, p. 219) |
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Preceding polity had fortified camps.
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Present for the previous polity.
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Present for previous polities.
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needs expert verification
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Previous polity had this form of fortification.
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Ditch. Camp was a circle of tents with a ditch and an advance guard.
[1]
"A concern for morale and a tradition of efficient administration lay behind the cleanliness and good order of mamluk military camps, especially during sieges such as that of Acre in 1291. Such encampments had baths with warm water and professional attendants, along with latrines for the officers and probably for ordinary mamluks."
[2]
[1]: (Nicolle 1996, 135-181) [2]: (Nicolle 2014) Nicolle, D. 2014 Mamluk Askar 1250-1517. Osprey Publishing Ltd. |
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Ditch. Camp was a circle of tents with a ditch and an advance guard.
[1]
"A concern for morale and a tradition of efficient administration lay behind the cleanliness and good order of mamluk military camps, especially during sieges such as that of Acre in 1291. Such encampments had baths with warm water and professional attendants, along with latrines for the officers and probably for ordinary mamluks."
[2]
1517 CE the troops of Ottoman sultan Selim "stormed the fortified camp of al-Raydaniyya, outside Cairo."
[3]
[1]: (Nicolle 1996, 135-181) [2]: (Nicolle 2014) Nicolle, D. 2014 Mamluk Askar 1250-1517. Osprey Publishing Ltd. [3]: (Oliver and Atmore 2001, 25) Oliver R and Atmore A. 2001. Medieval Africa 1250-1800. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. |
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Ditch. Camp was a circle of tents with a ditch and an advance guard.
[1]
"A concern for morale and a tradition of efficient administration lay behind the cleanliness and good order of mamluk military camps, especially during sieges such as that of Acre in 1291. Such encampments had baths with warm water and professional attendants, along with latrines for the officers and probably for ordinary mamluks."
[2]
[1]: (Nicolle 1996, 135-181) [2]: (Nicolle 2014) Nicolle, D. 2014 Mamluk Askar 1250-1517. Osprey Publishing Ltd. |
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|
Senusret I (1971-1928 BCE) controlled Nubia with fortresses, among them Buhen.
[1]
Set up a series of massive fortresses.
[2]
Fortified towns designed to control river traffic and trade.
[3]
Fortifications at the Isthmus of Suez and the southern frontier at the First Cataract of the Nile.
[4]
[1]: (http://www.reshafim.org.il/ad/egypt/history12-17.htm#amenemheti) [2]: (Quirke 2001) [3]: (Manning 2012, 75-76) [4]: (Dupuy and Dupuy 2007, 5) |
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|
Crenellated walls around dwellings common from Amratian Period (Naqada I) onwards
[1]
"In the northern part of South Town Petrie found the remains of a thick mudbrick wall, which appeared to be "a fortification with divisions within it" (Petrie and Quibell 1896: 54)."
[2]
[1]: (Midant-Reynes 2000, 52) [2]: (Bard 1994, 272) |
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|
Crenellated walls around dwellings common from Amratian Period (Naqada I) onwards
[1]
"In the northern part of South Town Petrie found the remains of a thick mudbrick wall, which appeared to be "a fortification with divisions within it" (Petrie and Quibell 1896: 54)."
[2]
[1]: (Midant-Reynes 2000, 52) [2]: (Bard 1994, 272) |
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|
"Herodotus informs us that stratopeda (’camps’) were established between Bubastis and the sea on the branch of the Nile. He claims that these camps were occupied without a break for over a century until the mercenaries were moved to Memphis at the beginning of the reign of Ahmose II (570-526 BC), but the archaeological evidence presents a rather more complex picture."
[1]
e.g. Tell Defenna and another south of Pelusium.
[1]
[1]: (Lloyd 2000, 366) |
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|
The summer palace built by Hülegü’s son Abaqa near Lake Urmia had "massive oval walls protected by towers and accessed by a new gate".
[1]
[1]: Sheila S. Blair, ’IL-KHANIDS ii. Architecture’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/il-khanids-ii-architecture |
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|
Garrisons
[1]
"Since the great wars of the fourteenth century, when Barcelona and Valencia built the magnificent fortifications which survived down to the nineteenth century, the walls of Spanish towns had generally been allowed to fall into decline. Travellers from the war-torn Europe of the 1500s and 1600s were surprised at how Spain managed to get along with medieval ramparts, and how little was spent on the bastions and counter-scarps of contemporary defence. But the walls were still used as a control on movement in and out, and particularly for the collection of the sisas or excise tax, which was the basis of municipal budgets."
[2]
Fortress towns.
[3]
[1]: (Bradley 2009, 195) Bradley, Peter T. 2009. Spain and the Defense of Peru: Royal Reluctance and Colonial Self-Reliance. Lulu.com. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/VFMNE6JR [2]: (Casey 2002, 113) Casey, James. 2002. Early Modern Spain: A Social History. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/2SNTRSWT [3]: (Casey 2002, 3 Casey, James. 2002. Early Modern Spain: A Social History. New York: Routledge. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/2SNTRSWT |
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|
"Evidence for warfare varies in the different areas of Europe during the Late Neolithic. In France, numerous fortified sites are found (Cassen and Boujot 1990); for example, in the Charentes and adjoining regions approximately 60 fortified sites are known (Giot 1994). Some of them such as Champ-Durand in Vendee, have a triple row of interrupted ditches with dry-stone walls and towers to protect entrances."
[1]
[1]: (Milisauskas and Kruk 2002, 259) |
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|
Fortified camp outside of a city mentioned in the context of a war against Vijayanagaran king.
[1]
Don’t have access to previous page but I presume it is the Delhi Sultanate at war since the book is about the Delhi Sultanate.
[1]: Abraham Eraly. 2015. The Age of Wrath: A History of the Delhi Sultanate. Penguin Random House. |
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|
’The Kumasi Fort was built in 1820 by the Asantehene (the King of the Asante Kingdom), Osei Tutu Kwamina, to resemble the coastal forts which were built by European merchants. Kumasi Fort had to be rebuilt in 1897, after it was destroyed by British forces in 1874. The fort was built from granite and brown soil that was brought from Cape Coast to Kumasi by porters.’
[1]
Kumasi Fort was constructed in imitation of colonial forts. Although the Asantehene claimed formal jurisdiction over colonial coastal forts such as Elmina, these were de facto controlled by the British during most of the time period in question. During campaigns rapidly built shelters were the norm, though: ’In the past these rapidly built shelters for farming and hunting were also used by the Asante army. British forces came across ‘little huts with low sloping roofs, thatched with green broad leaves of the plantain. Each hut or lean-to had a couple of bamboo bedsteads on posts… They had also taken the pains to make comfortable settees with backs’. Indeed. Sir Garnet Wolseley was so impressed with the camp-beds that he urged his troops to copy them.’
[2]
[1]: http://www.ghanamuseums.org/kumasi-fort-millitary-museum.php [2]: McLeod, M. D. (Malcolm D.) 1981. “Asante”, 23 |
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"One of Saul’s important innovations was the introduction of the fortified camp for prolonged campaigns. These were well-organized, semipermanent base camps broken into special zones for training, ordinance [sic] manufacture, and quartermaster."
[1]
This source is fairly speculative and based on textual reading of the Bible. Later, in I Samuel 23:14, David is described as living in מצדות in the desert, variously translated as "strongholds" or "fortified camps." I favor the latter translation, as a permanent stronghold would have been easy for Saul to find.
[1]: Gabriel (2003:32) |
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|
Kautilya’s Arthashastra mentions fortified camps (Book X, Relating to War). Royal camps were constructed on the model of a fort.
[1]
[2]
Site chosen by team of commander, astrologer and engineer. King’s quarters "surrounded by trenches, parapets, and a wall with gates."
[3]
[1]: Schlingloff, Dieter. Fortified Cities of Ancient India: A Comparative Study. Anthem Press, 2013. p. 39 [2]: Allchin, F. Raymond. The Archaeology of Early Historic South Asia: The Emergence of Cities and States. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995., p.230. [3]: (Bradford and Bradford 2001, 126) Bradford, Alfred S. Bradford, Pamela, M. 2001. With Arrow, Sword, and Spear: A History of Warfare in the Ancient World. Greenwood Publishing Group. |
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|
Garrisons were widely used throughout the empire, including in cities to, ‘…guard against possible uprisings, to provide security for the local population, so that it could go about its daily activites, and to ensure that tribute was collected by financial officials of the administration.’
[1]
[1]: Aperghis, G. G. 2004. The Seleukid Royal Economy: The Finances and Financial Administration of the Seleukid Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p199 |
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|
"The Seljuks tended to use fortresses and citadels more as temporary bases in terms of emergency than as permanent bases, and were more likely to base their camps outside rather than at the heart of cities."
[1]
[1]: (Peacock 2015, 240) Peacock, A C S. 2015. The Great Seljuk Empire. Edinburgh University Press Ltd. Edinburgh. |
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Reference for pre-colonial African warfare: "The formation of a fortified camp, distinct from the parent town or towns, was usually the first step taken by a West African army when it advanced into the field. ... the leaders were sheltered by tents or by walls of matting while the soldiers slept under such shelter as they could find... But on arrival at the point chosen by the commander as the base of operations, the practice was to throw up an earthern wall surrounded by a ditch (the excavation from which the wall had been built)."
[1]
Present.
[2]
[1]: (Smith 1989, 100) Robert Sydney Smith. 1989. Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa. Second Edition. The University of Wisconsin Press. Madison. [2]: S.A. Djata, The Bamana kingdom by the Niger (1997), p. 17 |
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|
General reference for the time period in Europe: tents were the form of accommodation for wealthier traveling soldiers. At least from the 13th century the tents of nobles were huge, showy constructions.
[1]
"The old Roman practice of preparing a fortified camp at the end of each day’s march did not survive the empire’s fall, though the practice was revived in one form or another in some fifteenth-century armies, often using specially made wagons to make temporary ramparts."
[2]
Crusades historian Guibert of Nogent (d. 1124 CE) said the Roman-type camp did not exist.
[2]
General reference for the time period in Europe: palisade and ditch were sometimes used for long stays or when night attack feared. Watchmen and guard patrols were commonly used.
[3]
[1]: (Rogers 2007, 34) Clifford J Rogers. 2007. Soldiers’ Lives Through History: The Middle Ages. Greenwood Press. Westport. [2]: (Rogers 2007, 81) Clifford J Rogers. 2007. Soldiers’ Lives Through History: The Middle Ages. Greenwood Press. Westport. [3]: (Rogers 2007, 82) Clifford J Rogers. 2007. Soldiers’ Lives Through History: The Middle Ages. Greenwood Press. Westport. |
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|
’The wall [of Angkor Thom] is entirely made of superimposed blocks of stone; it is about two [sic] fathoms high. The bonding of the stones is very compact and solid, and no weeds are found there. There is no crenellation.’ On the ramparts, in certain places gangling [kuang-lang, kouang-lang] trees have been planted. At regular distances are found empty casemates. The inner side of the wall is like a ramp wider than ten fathoms. On top of each ramp are huge doors, closed at night, and open in the morning. There are also guards at the gates.’
[1]
[1]: (Zhou and Smithies 2001, p. 19) |
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|
’The wall [of Angkor Thom] is entirely made of superimposed blocks of stone; it is about two [sic] fathoms high. The bonding of the stones is very compact and solid, and no weeds are found there. There is no crenellation.’ On the ramparts, in certain places gangling [kuang-lang, kouang-lang] trees have been planted. At regular distances are found empty casemates. The inner side of the wall is like a ramp wider than ten fathoms. On top of each ramp are huge doors, closed at night, and open in the morning. There are also guards at the gates.’
[1]
[1]: (Zhou and Smithies 2001, p. 19) |
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|
’The picture [of the Funan] is one of small town-states, moated, fortified and frequently in conflict with each other.’
[1]
’There is considerable evidence for conflict and the imposition of hegemony by one group over another in Southeast Asia from earliest times. From the Angkor period (after 800CE), there is ample evidence of conflict, both from inscriptions (Finot 1925; Jacques 1986) and bas-reliefs (Chetwin 2001; Clark 2007; Coedés 1932; Jacq-Hergoualc’h 2007; Le Bonheur & Poncar 1993). Accounts from Chinese histories provide indirect evidence for conflict in the earlier period too. One indicates that settlements in the polity of Funan, located in the Mekong Delta, were fortified. Another reveals that missions were sent to China by a number of polities conquered by Chenla, the power that superseded Funan in Cambodia, after CE 650-6 (Tuan-Lin 1876).’
[2]
[1]: (Freeman and Jacques 1999, p. 8) [2]: (Dommet et al 2011, p.441) |
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|
’The picture [of the Funan] is one of small town-states, moated, fortified and frequently in conflict with each other.’
[1]
’There is considerable evidence for conflict and the imposition of hegemony by one group over another in Southeast Asia from earliest times. From the Angkor period (after 800CE), there is ample evidence of conflict, both from inscriptions (Finot 1925; Jacques 1986) and bas-reliefs (Chetwin 2001; Clark 2007; Coedés 1932; Jacq-Hergoualc’h 2007; Le Bonheur & Poncar 1993). Accounts from Chinese histories provide indirect evidence for conflict in the earlier period too. One indicates that settlements in the polity of Funan, located in the Mekong Delta, were fortified. Another reveals that missions were sent to China by a number of polities conquered by Chenla, the power that superseded Funan in Cambodia, after CE 650-6 (Tuan-Lin 1876).’
[2]
[1]: (Freeman and Jacques 1999, p. 8) [2]: (Dommet et al 2011, p.441) |
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|
Reference for pre-colonial African warfare: "The formation of a fortified camp, distinct from the parent town or towns, was usually the first step taken by a West African army when it advanced into the field. ... the leaders were sheltered by tents or by walls of matting while the soldiers slept under such shelter as they could find... But on arrival at the point chosen by the commander as the base of operations, the practice was to throw up an earthern wall surrounded by a ditch (the excavation from which the wall had been built)."
[1]
[1]: (Smith 1989, 100) Robert Sydney Smith. 1989. Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa. Second Edition. The University of Wisconsin Press. Madison. |
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About Timbuktu: The first city wall seems to date from the time of Malian hegemony. It was probably fortified by Sonni Ali and Askia Mohammed to protect the city from surprise attacks. [...] The new city wall was a c.5km ring, with a diameter of 1000m. "La première enceinte de la ville semble dater du temps de l’hégémonie malienne. Elle fut fortifiée sans doute par Sonni Ali et Askia Mohammed pour mettre la ville à l’abri des attaques surprises. [...] La nouvelle enceinte décrivait un périmètre à peu près circulaire, long d’environ 5 kilomètres avec un diamètre de 1000 mètres."
[1]
[1]: (Niane 1975, 70) |
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"There are several sites in central and western Mongolia that probably served as border outposts inhabited by relocated Jurchen and Chinese (Ou-yang Hsu ̈an 1937a). One of these is the site of Khar Bukhyn Balgas. Like several other sites, it consists of a large square defensive wall constructed of rammed earth enclosing an area of nearly 1 km2 (Rogers et al. 2005, p. 807). Additional sites in Mongolia that have large defensive walls are the Kherlen Bars 1, Kherlen Bars 3, Sumt, East Wall, and West Wall sites (Dashnyam et al. 1999)."
[1]
[1]: (Rogers 2012, 228) |
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|
"Whereas no sites are documented as fortified or military observatories during the Formative and Classic periods, approximately one quarter of sites are during the Epiclassic and one-third of sites are during the Postclassic."
[1]
[1]: (Carballo and Pluckhahn 2007: 615) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/MUW5MHB7. |
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|
"Whereas no sites are documented as fortified or military observatories during the Formative and Classic periods, approximately one quarter of sites are during the Epiclassic and one-third of sites are during the Postclassic."
[1]
[1]: (Carballo and Pluckhahn 2007: 615) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/MUW5MHB7. |
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Tipón "This Late Intermediate Period settlement and its agricultural lands and water sources were surrounded by an enormous defensive wall, constructed of rough field stones and mud mortar, approximately five meters in height. In other sections, areas of sheer cliff blocked access to the site. These defensive features of the site run for several kilometers."
[1]
Many forts and fortifications developed when the Inca state annexed new territory outside the Cuzco Basin during the Inca state period.
[2]
Within this period ? walls were constructed at Muyuch’urqu, and there were defenses at Raqchi.
[3]
However it is not clear from text whether construction is before 1250 CE and whether they were built by the Incas. Early Inca architecture at Markasunay in the Sacred Valley
[3]
but if the Incas did not expand into the Sacred Valley until 1250-1310 CE period by "early" author must mean not as early as 1000-1200, the date in the title of the chapter. According to D’Altroy, Cuzco valley settlements (initially?) were unfortified, open positions in contrast to those of the neighbouring highland settlements.
[4]
[1]: (Bauer and Covey 2002, 858) [2]: (Covey 2006, 127) [3]: (Covey 2006, 91) [4]: (D’Altroy 2014, 79) |
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"As the Inca state annexed new territory outside the Cusco Basin, it appears to have developed a number of forts and fortifications". There was an early Inca fort at Raqchi (village since 1000 CE): walls protected interior architecture and a dry moat, which augmented natural fortifications, surrounded the village. Other early Inca forts at Warq’ana (walls and ditch) and Pumamarca.
[1]
Wat’a (Huata) had surrounding walls.
[2]
[1]: (Covey 2006a, 127) [2]: (D’Altroy 2014, 82) |
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Cairo settlement began as an "encampment" built by a general. The walls were built before the mosque and the palace "which seems to have been something of an afterthought." "Cairo was founded to be a temporary way-station for the Fatimids’ conquest of the Muslim lands in their entirety."
[1]
Mahdiyya in Tunisia had an 8.3 meters thick wall and 110 towers on its ramparts.
[2]
[1]: (Bloom 2007, 103, 110) Bennison A K, Gascoigne A L eds. 2007. Cities in the Pre-Modern Islamic World: The Urban Impact of Religion, State and Society. Routledge. [2]: (Qutbuddin 2011, 39) Qutbuddin, Tahera. Fatimids. Ramsamy, Edward. ed. 2011. Cultural Sociology of the Middle East, Africa, and Asia. Volume 2. Africa. Sage. Los Angeles. |
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Preiser-Kapeller says present.
[1]
"Like their ancestors the antique Romans, the Byzantines dug camp every night, surrounding it with a ditch and palisade."
[2]
[1]: (Johannes Preiser-Kapeller 2015) Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences) [2]: (O’Rourke 2010, 8) O’Rourke, M. 2010. The Land Forces of the Roman (Byzantine) Empire in the 10th Century. Canberra. |
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|
Preiser-Kapeller says present.
[1]
"Like their ancestors the antique Romans, the Byzantines dug camp every night, surrounding it with a ditch and palisade."
[2]
[1]: (Preiser-Kapeller 2015) Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences) [2]: (O’Rourke 2010, 8) O’Rourke, M. 2010. The Land Forces of the Roman (Byzantine) Empire in the 10th Century. Canberra. |
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|
Preiser-Kapeller says present.
[1]
"Like their ancestors the antique Romans, the Byzantines dug camp every night, surrounding it with a ditch and palisade."
[2]
[1]: (Preiser-Kapeller 2015) Institute for Medieval Research, Division of Byzantine Research, Austrian Academy of Sciences) [2]: (O’Rourke 2010, 8) O’Rourke, M. 2010. The Land Forces of the Roman (Byzantine) Empire in the 10th Century. Canberra. |
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“Assuming that hypaithrou and Tyana also designate intended users, the coins attest to a disposition of troops both in Tyana’s famous fortress and outside the city in a strategic encampment.”
[1]
[1]: Iossif, P. P and Lorber, C. C. (2010) Hypaithros: A Numismatic Contribution to the Military History of Cappadocia. Historia, Band 59/4, Franz Steiner Verlag, Stuttgart. p445 |
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The preceding Macedonians under Alexander the Great built fortified camps.
[1]
Lysimachus built a fortified camp near the Phyrgian city of Abassium on a campaign against Antigonus.
[2]
[1]: (Buckley 1996, 383) Terry Buckley.1996. Aspects of Greek History, 750-323 BC: A Source-based Approach. London. Routledge. [2]: (Champion 2014, 155) Jeff Champion. 2014. Antigonus the One-Eyed: Greatest of the Successors. Pen & Sword. Barnsley. |
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"Ottoman strategy relied on mobility and offensive tactics during their era of expansion, but from the second half of the 17th century, as they lost the tactical initiative, the Turks were increasingly obliged to rely on elaborate field fortifications."
[1]
Present, see description of Battle of Nikopolis 1396 CE.
[2]
[1]: (Nicolle 1983, 6) [2]: Personal communication. Johannes Preiser-Kapeller. 2016. Institute for Medieval Research. Division of Byzantine Research. Austrian Academy of Sciences. |
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In the field the tabur fortification system was used, waggons would be chained together to protect artillery and manned by Janissaries.
[1]
"Ottoman strategy relied on mobility and offensive tactics during their era of expansion, but from the second half of the 17th century, as they lost the tactical initiative, the Turks were increasingly obliged to rely on elaborate field fortifications."
[2]
[1]: (Nicolle 1983, 7) [2]: (Nicolle 1983, 6) |
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|
In the field the tabur fortification system was used, waggons would be chained together to protect artillery and manned by Janissaries.
[1]
"Ottoman strategy relied on mobility and offensive tactics during their era of expansion, but from the second half of the 17th century, as they lost the tactical initiative, the Turks were increasingly obliged to rely on elaborate field fortifications."
[2]
[1]: (Nicolle 1983, 7) [2]: (Nicolle 1983, 6) |
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|
"Not only could the Northeastern Indians build strongly fortified sites, but they were also well versed in the rapid construction of breastwork defenses. Much Iroquois information is available on this subject. Champlain, traveling with the Iroquois, observed the camps they prepared while moving in contested terrain: ’Proceeding about three leagues farther on, we made a halt, in order to rest the coming night. They all at once set to work, some cut wood, and others to obtain the bark of trees for covering their cabins, for the sake of sheltering themselves, others to fell large trees for constructing a barricade on the river-bank around their cabins, which they do so quickly that in less than two hours so much is accomplished that five hundred of their enemies would find it very difficult to dislodge them without killing large numbers. They make no barricade on the river-bank where their canoes are drawn up, in order that they may be able to embark, if occasion requires.’ (Grant 1907, 157- 158)"
[1]
[1]: (Jones 2004, 56) Jones, David. 2004. Native North American Armor, Shields, and Fortifications. Austin: University of Texas Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/943RGM7A/itemKey/HABDQG2T |
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General reference for the time period in Europe: tents were the form of accommodation for wealthier traveling soldiers. At least from the 13th century the tents of nobles were huge, showy constructions.
[1]
"The old Roman practice of preparing a fortified camp at the end of each day’s march did not survive the empire’s fall, though the practice was revived in one form or another in some fifteenth-century armies, often using specially made wagons to make temporary ramparts."
[2]
Crusades historian Guibert of Nogent (d. 1124 CE) said the Roman-type camp did not exist.
[2]
General reference for the time period in Europe: palisade and ditch were sometimes used for long stays or when night attack feared. Watchmen and guard patrols were commonly used.
[3]
[1]: (Rogers 2007, 34) Clifford J Rogers. 2007. Soldiers’ Lives Through History: The Middle Ages. Greenwood Press. Westport. [2]: (Rogers 2007, 81) Clifford J Rogers. 2007. Soldiers’ Lives Through History: The Middle Ages. Greenwood Press. Westport. [3]: (Rogers 2007, 82) Clifford J Rogers. 2007. Soldiers’ Lives Through History: The Middle Ages. Greenwood Press. Westport. |
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camps built on campaigns unlikely to be preserved. are there any references to them in textual sources?
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades
[1]
but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
[1]: Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102 |
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The fact that sources mention evidence for defensive palisades
[1]
but not evidence for any other kind of fortification suggests that there is only evidence for the former. Evidence for large or complex fortifications has not been found for this period.
[1]: Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p102 |
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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According to Miksic the Majapahit capital did not seem to have any sort of defensive perimeter.
[1]
This does not mean that no town or fort in Majapahit had any type of defensive fortification. Indian military terms surviving in Javanese include ’fortress’ and ’siege’.
[2]
[1]: (Miksic 2000, 115) [2]: (Kumara 2007, 161) Sasiprabha Kumara. 2007. Sanskrit Across Cultures. Special Centre for Sanskrit Studies, Jawaharlal Nehru University. New Delhi. |
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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No reference.
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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No reference.
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No reference.
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Were any fortified camps necessary on Shah Abbas’s campaign to retake Iraq from the Ottomans?
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No reference.
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Sources
[1]
do not mention any archaeological evidence for fortification for this period.
[1]: Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. |
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No reference.
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No reference.
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No reference.
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‘early Neolithic settlements have proven difficult to document even in intensively surveyed regions.’ There is only evidence for mudbrick architecture
[1]
[1]: Lloyd R. Weeks, ‘The Development and Expansion of a Neolithic Way of Life’, In Daniel T. Potts (ed.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Iran, 2013, p. 56 |
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Urban fortification in Yemen at time is relatively well studies and sources do not mention the existence of long walls.
[1]
[1]: (De Maigret 2002: 267-273) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/X3MRZCH5. |
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