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A moderate, local, culturally complex, farming-fishing population integrates with a large, intrusive farming population from the south. Evidence includes settlement patterns, demography, subsistence patterns, material culture, and external trade contacts.
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
[7]
[8]
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1996). "The Basin of Mexico: Multimillenial Development toward Cultural Complexity." In Olmec Art of Ancient Mexico, edited by Emily P. Benson and Beatriz de la Fuente. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, pp. 83-93. [2]: Niederberger, Christine. (2000) "Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC." In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192. [3]: Niederberger, C. (1976). Zohapilco: cinco milenios de occupacion humana en un sitio lacustre de la Cuenca de Mexico, Colección Científica No.30 INAH, Mexico City. [4]: Nichols, Deborah L. (2015). "Intensive Agriculture and Early Complex Societies of the Basin of Mexico: The Formative Period." Ancient Mesoamerica 26(2): 407-21. [5]: Plunket, P., & Uruñuela, G. (2012). Where east meets west: the Formative in Mexico’s central highlands. Journal of Archaeological Research, 20(1), 1-51. [6]: Tolstoy, Paul, Suzanne K. Fish, Martin W. Boksenbaum, Kathryn Blair Vaughn and C. Earle Smith. (1977). "Early Sedentary Communities of the Basin of Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology, 4(1): 91-106. [7]: Tolstoy, Paul. (1975) "Settlement and Population Trends in the Basin of Mexico (Ixtapaluca and Zacatenco Phases)" Journal of Field Archaeology, 2(4): 331-349. [8]: Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization. Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-6. |
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A moderate, local, culturally complex, farming-fishing population integrates with a large, intrusive farming population from the south. Evidence includes settlement patterns, demography, subsistence patterns, material culture, and external trade contacts.
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
[7]
[8]
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1996). "The Basin of Mexico: Multimillenial Development toward Cultural Complexity." In Olmec Art of Ancient Mexico, edited by Emily P. Benson and Beatriz de la Fuente. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, pp. 83-93. [2]: Niederberger, Christine. (2000) "Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC." In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192. [3]: Niederberger, C. (1976). Zohapilco: cinco milenios de occupacion humana en un sitio lacustre de la Cuenca de Mexico, Colección Científica No.30 INAH, Mexico City. [4]: Nichols, Deborah L. (2015). "Intensive Agriculture and Early Complex Societies of the Basin of Mexico: The Formative Period." Ancient Mesoamerica 26(2): 407-21. [5]: Plunket, P., & Uruñuela, G. (2012). Where east meets west: the Formative in Mexico’s central highlands. Journal of Archaeological Research, 20(1), 1-51. [6]: Tolstoy, Paul, Suzanne K. Fish, Martin W. Boksenbaum, Kathryn Blair Vaughn and C. Earle Smith. (1977). "Early Sedentary Communities of the Basin of Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology, 4(1): 91-106. [7]: Tolstoy, Paul. (1975) "Settlement and Population Trends in the Basin of Mexico (Ixtapaluca and Zacatenco Phases)" Journal of Field Archaeology, 2(4): 331-349. [8]: Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization. Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-6. |
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A moderate, local, culturally complex, farming-fishing population integrates with a large, intrusive farming population from the south. Evidence includes settlement patterns, demography, subsistence patterns, material culture, and external trade contacts.
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
[7]
[8]
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1996). "The Basin of Mexico: Multimillenial Development toward Cultural Complexity." In Olmec Art of Ancient Mexico, edited by Emily P. Benson and Beatriz de la Fuente. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, pp. 83-93. [2]: Niederberger, Christine. (2000) "Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC." In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192. [3]: Niederberger, C. (1976). Zohapilco: cinco milenios de occupacion humana en un sitio lacustre de la Cuenca de Mexico, Colección Científica No.30 INAH, Mexico City. [4]: Nichols, Deborah L. (2015). "Intensive Agriculture and Early Complex Societies of the Basin of Mexico: The Formative Period." Ancient Mesoamerica 26(2): 407-21. [5]: Plunket, P., & Uruñuela, G. (2012). Where east meets west: the Formative in Mexico’s central highlands. Journal of Archaeological Research, 20(1), 1-51. [6]: Tolstoy, Paul, Suzanne K. Fish, Martin W. Boksenbaum, Kathryn Blair Vaughn and C. Earle Smith. (1977). "Early Sedentary Communities of the Basin of Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology, 4(1): 91-106. [7]: Tolstoy, Paul. (1975) "Settlement and Population Trends in the Basin of Mexico (Ixtapaluca and Zacatenco Phases)" Journal of Field Archaeology, 2(4): 331-349. [8]: Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization. Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-6. |
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A moderate, local, culturally complex, farming-fishing population integrates with a large, intrusive farming population from the south. Evidence includes settlement patterns, demography, subsistence patterns, material culture, and external trade contacts.
[1]
[2]
[3]
[4]
[5]
[6]
[7]
[8]
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1996). "The Basin of Mexico: Multimillenial Development toward Cultural Complexity." In Olmec Art of Ancient Mexico, edited by Emily P. Benson and Beatriz de la Fuente. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, pp. 83-93. [2]: Niederberger, Christine. (2000) "Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC." In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192. [3]: Niederberger, C. (1976). Zohapilco: cinco milenios de occupacion humana en un sitio lacustre de la Cuenca de Mexico, Colección Científica No.30 INAH, Mexico City. [4]: Nichols, Deborah L. (2015). "Intensive Agriculture and Early Complex Societies of the Basin of Mexico: The Formative Period." Ancient Mesoamerica 26(2): 407-21. [5]: Plunket, P., & Uruñuela, G. (2012). Where east meets west: the Formative in Mexico’s central highlands. Journal of Archaeological Research, 20(1), 1-51. [6]: Tolstoy, Paul, Suzanne K. Fish, Martin W. Boksenbaum, Kathryn Blair Vaughn and C. Earle Smith. (1977). "Early Sedentary Communities of the Basin of Mexico." Journal of Field Archaeology, 4(1): 91-106. [7]: Tolstoy, Paul. (1975) "Settlement and Population Trends in the Basin of Mexico (Ixtapaluca and Zacatenco Phases)" Journal of Field Archaeology, 2(4): 331-349. [8]: Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization. Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-6. |
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Continuity in material culture, symbolic culture, settlement occupation, and subsistence practices
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Continuity in material culture, symbolic culture, settlement occupation, and subsistence practices.
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"People archaeologists call Oneota arrived in the central Illinois River valley seven hundred years ago. They may have come from Iowa or farther up the Mississippi River"
[1]
.
[1]: Illinois State Museum, Late Prehistoric, Identity (2000), http://www.museum.state.il.us/muslink/nat_amer/pre/htmls/lp_id.html |
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Hall refers to ’new knowledge of the archaeological identity of the Illinois that suggests that the Illinois had a much shallower history of occupation in Illinois than previously believed and were more likely indigenous to a location in or near the Lake Erie basin than that of Lake Michigan’.
[1]
Emerson and Brown write: ’What is clear ... is that the historic groups encountered by the French in Illinois were themselves newcomers, with little connection to the prehistoric inhabitants’.
[2]
The Huber Oneota phase is ’now believed to have died out by the 1630s’.
[3]
[1]: (Hall 1997, 173) Robert L. Hall. 1997. An Archaeology of the Soul: North American Indian Belief and Ritual. Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press. [2]: (Emerson and Brown 1992, 113) Thomas E. Emerson and James A. Brown. 1992. ’The Late Prehistory and Protohistory of Illinois’, in Calumet and Fleur-De-Lys: French and Indian Interaction in the Midcontinent, edited by J. Walthall and T. Emerson, 77-125. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press. [3]: (Ehrhardt 2010, 264) Kathleen L. Ehrhardt. 2010. ’Problems and Progress in Protohistoric Period Archaeology since Calumet and Fleur-de-Lys.’ Illinois Archaeology 22 (1): 256-87. |
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Emergence of chiefdoms probably due to increased long-distance trade, access to productive rice-lands, control of strategic resources, such as salt and iron ore, and the expansion of the population in restricted river floodplains.
[1]
Excavations from an Iron Age cemetery in Angkor Borei show a heavily stratified cemetery with grave goods that include complete pottery vessels. The period between 100-550 CE witnessed the foundation of cities linked by a network of canals. Oc Eo being the best known example.
[2]
Hence Higham sees continuity between these preceding chiefdoms and the establishment of Funan.
[1]: (Higham 2002, p. 229) [2]: (Higham 2002, p. 235-236) |
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’A most informative inscription dated to AD 667 informs us that the rulers of this dynasty were served by members of an elite family which traced its origins back to the rule of Rudravarman, thought to be one of the last kings of Funan in the early 6th century. Thus there appears to have been a smooth transition from one state to another.’
[1]
’The first rulers of a united and powerful Chenla were related to the royal family of Fu- nan, with the founder, Bhavavarman, being the grandson of King Rudravarman of Funan. Bha- vavarman united the two kingdoms and even- tually subsumed Funan under his own rule.’
[2]
’Bhavavarman united the two kingdoms and eventually subsumed Funan under his own rule. He was succeeded by his brother Mahendravarman and then the latter’s son, Isanavarman, who used their connections and knowledge of Funan to complete the integration process.’
[2]
’Six Funanese tributary missions to China are recorded as arriving during the third century. Then comes a gap of seventy years, a single embassy in 357 CE, then eighty years before a group of three embassies arrived between 434 and 438 CE. After a further gap of some fifty years, ten embassies arrived between 484 and 539, and three more between 559 and the last embassy in 588, after which Funan gave way to Zhenla, which itself was replaced by the Khmer kingdom of Angkor in 802.’
[3]
[1]: (Higham 2014b, p 293-294) [2]: (West 2009, 160) [3]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, 30) |
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’The establishment of a grand and long-lasting civilization centred on the northern shore of the Tonle Sap does not represent a major dislocation with the preceding Chenla statelets, nor indeed with the preceding prehistoric period, for Iron Age burials and occupation have been identified under the early Hindu temple of Prei Khmeng, just west of Angkor, and next to the southern entrance to the city of Angkor Thom. [...] All the characteristics of ANgkor were previsouly evolving in the Chenla polities, but they were magnified and given stability through the centralising manupulation of power excersised by a succession of rulers imbued with unusual charisma and prowess.’
[1]
’It is clear that during the two centuries or so preceding AD 802 - the founding date of the Khmer Empire - there were a number of independent states in Khmer territory, not just the one, or at most two of the so-called ’Zhenla’ of the Chinese annals. Each of these was a highly stratified class society, rather than the tribal one of the old upon chiefdoms.’
[2]
’In Southeast Asia new and powerful kingdoms arose. In Cambodia the Khmer kingdom of Angkor replaced Zhenla [...]’
[3]
[1]: (Higham 2014b, p. 349) [2]: (Coe 2003, p. 68) [3]: (Stuart-Fox 2003, p. 41) |
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In 1569, after a protracted military campaign, Burmese forces took the capital and "installed the obsequious Maha Thammaracha as vassal king of Ayudhya"
[1]
. Besides the subordination to Burmese rule in the period between 1569 and 1592, sources do not indicate any significant changes in the polity after 1569.
[1]: (Wyatt 1984, p. 95) |
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"The new regime portrayed itself as a restoration of Ayutthayan tradition [...]. The capital was moved across the river to Bangkok, and built on similar principles to Ayutthaya--an island created by closing a river meander with a canal. The word Ayutthaya was inscribed in the city’s official name. The remains of shattered Ayutthayan monuments were brought to the city and incorporated into its new buildings. All surviving manuscripts were sought out and complied into recensions of laws, histories, religious texts, and manuals on the practice of every aspect of government."
[1]
[1]: (Baker and Phongpaichit 2009, p. 27) |
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Sanjaya, founder of the Medang Kingdom, was great-grandson of the famous Kalingga monarch Queen Shima. (EXTERNAL_INLINE_LINK: http://historian-sholeh.blogspot.co.uk/2011/01/medang-kingdom.html )
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(gradual change) Gradual decline of Demak in the late sixteenth century allowed for the rise of other states including Mataram and Surabaya which emerged as the leading powers by 1600.
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The following implies that immigration was a factor in this transition: ’Chuuk was settled by the first century A.D. In the fourteenth century, a cult center was established on Moen Island. It was abandoned in the eighteenth century following a fresh immigration from neighboring atolls. Japan replaced Germany as the ruling power in World War I and was in turn replaced by the United States under United Nations Trusteeship in 1945. In 1986 Chuuk and its surrounding atolls became a state within the newly independent Federated States of Micronesia. Protestant missionaries and traders came in the 1880s and Roman Catholic missionaries after 1900. Japan sought to develop Chuuk economically and introduced elementary education in Japanese. Education was much expanded under American administration, and many Chuukese learned English. Some went to college in Guam, Hawaii, and the United States mainland. The American administration introduced representative government.’
[1]
It is unclear from this material how substantial this migration wave was. At the moment, it appears that there was no ’population replacement’ per se. We have therefore assumed continuity, but this is in need of confirmation.
[1]: Goodenough, Ward H. and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Chuuk |
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The Spanish sold the islands to German colonial authorities in the late 19th century. The islands were later annexed by the Japanese: ’The islands were sighted by the Spanish explorer Álvaro Saavedra in 1528. They were visited occasionally by 19th-century traders and whalers and were included in the German purchase of parts of Micronesia from Spain (1899). Annexed by Japan (1914) and strongly fortified for World War II, the islands (known as the Truk Islands until 1990) were heavily attacked, bypassed, and blockaded by the Allies during the war. The sunken hulls of Japanese ships remain there, along with ruined weapons and fortifications on land. Together with the other islands in what are now the Federated States of Micronesia, the Chuuk group was part of the U.S.-administered United Nations Trust Territory of the Pacific Islands from 1947 to 1986.’
[1]
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Chuuk-Islands |
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It is generally argued that newcomers from the area of South-West Asia Minor arrived in Crete.
[1]
[2]
[1]: e.g. Evans, J. D. 1994. "The early millennia: continuity and change in a farming settlement," in Evely, D., Hughes-Brock, H. and Momigliano, N. (eds), Knossos: A Labyrinth of History. Papers Presented in Honour of Sinclair Hood, London, 1-20 [2]: Broodbank, C. and Straser, T. F. 1991. "Migrant framers and the Neolithic colonization of Crete," Antiquity 65, 233-45. |
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The Andalusian Arabs conquered Crete in 824. Their relation with the Byzantine Empire was very hostile. Byzantines attemped to reconquest Crete many times and for the approximately 135 years of its existence, the Emirate of Crete was one of the major enemies of the Byzantine Empire.
[1]
[1]: Christides, B. The Conquest of Crete by Arabs (ca. 824). A Turning Point in the Struggle Between Byzantium and Islam, Athens. |
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"Agricultural intensification continued during the Late Formative Phase."
[1]
"The Late Formative Period is a time of special interest in the prehistory of the Cuzco Valley, since it is during this period that a clear settlement hierarchy developed."
[2]
There does not seem to be many changes from the Marcavalle period, apart from a complexification of social and settlement hierarchy.
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 44) [2]: (Bauer 2004, 45) |
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Although Bauer and McEwan propose different names for the cultures of the Cuzco Valley and Chanapata can either designate a previous polity, or the polity preceding the Wari, there is a sense of continuity for the polities of the Cuzco Valley before the arrival of the Wari. "In the Cuzco region at this time, there was a culture called Chanapata by archaeologists. The Chanapata peoples are little known and in many respects seem to be a continuation of the preceding Marcavalle culture."
[1]
[1]: (McEwan 2006a, 35) |
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The boundaries between this polity and the previous one in terms of chronology are unclear, as Bauer refers to 200-600 CE as the Qotakalli period
[1]
and Covey states that Qotakalli appeared c.400 CE
[2]
. Moreover, Covey refers to a settlement shift after 400 CE in the Sacred Valley (within the NGA): before 400 CE, he says there was a small chiefdom with a three-tiered settlement hierarchy, and another one in the Cuzco Basin; and after 400 CE the large villages were abandoned and new ones built at about 3500m. In the Sacred Valley the abandoned sites represent 70% of the sample. In the new sites, Qotakalli pottery was found.
[3]
Depending on the chronology used, there would either be continuity or cultural assimilation of the previous polity in the Qotakalli circa 400 CE.
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 47) [2]: (Covey 2006, 59) [3]: (Covey 2006, 60-63) |
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The boundaries between this polity and the previous one in terms of chronology are unclear, as Bauer refers to 200-600 CE as the Qotakalli period
[1]
and Covey states that Qotakalli appeared c.400 CE
[2]
. Moreover, Covey refers to a settlement shift after 400 CE in the Sacred Valley (within the NGA): before 400 CE, he says there was a small chiefdom with a three-tiered settlement hierarchy, and another one in the Cuzco Basin; and after 400 CE the large villages were abandoned and new ones built at about 3500m. In the Sacred Valley the abandoned sites represent 70% of the sample. In the new sites, Qotakalli pottery was found.
[3]
Depending on the chronology used, there would either be continuity or cultural assimilation of the previous polity in the Qotakalli circa 400 CE.
[1]: (Bauer 2004, 47) [2]: (Covey 2006, 59) [3]: (Covey 2006, 60-63) |
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"While Wari colonization left an indelible mark on the Lucre Basin and Huaro area, it did not disrupt settlement in areas where Qotakalli pottery was most prevalent."
[1]
Ceramic analysis and settlement patterns by Covey and Bauer suggest that the Wari colonised selected parts of the NGA (the Lucre Basin) and influenced some of the elites, the local population carried on producing local ceramics. There were a few pockets of control but no hegemonic state controlling the NGA.
[2]
"The data suggest an archipelago of colonies and strategic installations, with restricted areas displaying high fidelity to Wari canons surrounded by regions with little or no evidence of Wari influence (Fig. 9). Such a viewpoint is consis- tent with settlement patterns in other regions of the Andes."
[3]
[1]: (Covey 2006, 68) [2]: (Covey, Bauer, Bélisle, Tsesmeli 2013) [3]: (Covey, Bauer, Bélisle, Tsemeli 2013, 549) |
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"While Wari colonization left an indelible mark on the Lucre Basin and Huaro area, it did not disrupt settlement in areas where Qotakalli pottery was most prevalent."
[1]
Ceramic analysis and settlement patterns by Covey and Bauer suggest that the Wari colonised selected parts of the NGA (the Lucre Basin) and influenced some of the elites, the local population carried on producing local ceramics. There were a few pockets of control but no hegemonic state controlling the NGA.
[2]
"The data suggest an archipelago of colonies and strategic installations, with restricted areas displaying high fidelity to Wari canons surrounded by regions with little or no evidence of Wari influence (Fig. 9). Such a viewpoint is consis- tent with settlement patterns in other regions of the Andes."
[3]
[1]: (Covey 2006, 68) [2]: (Covey, Bauer, Bélisle, Tsesmeli 2013) [3]: (Covey, Bauer, Bélisle, Tsemeli 2013, 549) |
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Linguistic and biological evidence suggests that Incas spoke Puquina and Aymara, and were genetically related to the altiplano populations.
[1]
". Intriguingly, the Inca-era populace of the Cuzco area differs from earlier residents of the same zone; the latter group is biologically more closely affiliated with the Wari region. That evidence supports the idea that the Incas were latecomers to the Cuzco area, after ad 1000. Even so, they also found that some human remains recovered from Saqsawaman (just above Cuzco) had closer links to more northerly and coastal populations. They deduce from this evidence that there may have been some genetic mixing as a consequence of imperial programs (Shinoda in press). The complexity of this patterning emphasizes the difficulties of sorting out Inca history, whether political or biological. Overall, however, the suggestion that the Incas had a strong pre-imperial link to the Lake Titicaca area is far better supported now than it was a short time ago, even if we cannot quite argue that the issue is settled."
[2]
"Generally, there is little continuity between Cusco-dominated Wari Period styles and Killke period settlements, of which 83.5% (183/224) have no occupation from AD 400 to AD 1000."
[3]
. However, another polity in the Cuzco Valley exhibited more continuity with the Wari: "The end of Wari occupation at Chokepukio is marked by the burial of some Wari temples and the complete razing of a number of very large buildings on the site. These were dismantled leaving only their foundations."
[4]
"There is strong Wari cultural influence in the ceramics and architecture of the Late Intermediate Period at Chokepukio, suggesting a continuity of cultural elements after the collapse of the Wari Empire."
[5]
Although it seems that the Killke and the Incas were not native to the zone, they might have been interpreted as genetically affiliated to the altiplano because of their conquest and subsequent mixing with the Lucre Basin Polity based at Choquepukio between 1300-1430 CE, as McEwan explains when referring to Choquepukio: "In a collaborative effort, Hiltunen and I (Hiltunen and McEwan 2004) have compared the archaeological evidence with the history given by Montesinos and suggest that descendants of the elite personages involved in the first migration to Cuzco later went on to found the Hanan (or upper moiety) of the Inca dynasty and united the various ethnic groups using K’illke ceramics, who were organized into the Hurin (or lower moiety)"
[6]
. The Killke groups that mixed with the Lucre might have been a continuation of previous Cuzco quasi-polities.
[1]: (D’Altroy 2014, 85) [2]: (D’Altroy 2014) [3]: (Covey 2006, 89) [4]: (Hiltunen and McEwan 2004, 243) [5]: (McEwan 2006a, 66) [6]: (McEwan 2006b, 95) |
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Linguistic and biological evidence suggests that Incas spoke Puquina and Aymara, and were genetically related to the altiplano populations.
[1]
". Intriguingly, the Inca-era populace of the Cuzco area differs from earlier residents of the same zone; the latter group is biologically more closely affiliated with the Wari region. That evidence supports the idea that the Incas were latecomers to the Cuzco area, after ad 1000. Even so, they also found that some human remains recovered from Saqsawaman (just above Cuzco) had closer links to more northerly and coastal populations. They deduce from this evidence that there may have been some genetic mixing as a consequence of imperial programs (Shinoda in press). The complexity of this patterning emphasizes the difficulties of sorting out Inca history, whether political or biological. Overall, however, the suggestion that the Incas had a strong pre-imperial link to the Lake Titicaca area is far better supported now than it was a short time ago, even if we cannot quite argue that the issue is settled."
[2]
"Generally, there is little continuity between Cusco-dominated Wari Period styles and Killke period settlements, of which 83.5% (183/224) have no occupation from AD 400 to AD 1000."
[3]
. However, another polity in the Cuzco Valley exhibited more continuity with the Wari: "The end of Wari occupation at Chokepukio is marked by the burial of some Wari temples and the complete razing of a number of very large buildings on the site. These were dismantled leaving only their foundations."
[4]
"There is strong Wari cultural influence in the ceramics and architecture of the Late Intermediate Period at Chokepukio, suggesting a continuity of cultural elements after the collapse of the Wari Empire."
[5]
Although it seems that the Killke and the Incas were not native to the zone, they might have been interpreted as genetically affiliated to the altiplano because of their conquest and subsequent mixing with the Lucre Basin Polity based at Choquepukio between 1300-1430 CE, as McEwan explains when referring to Choquepukio: "In a collaborative effort, Hiltunen and I (Hiltunen and McEwan 2004) have compared the archaeological evidence with the history given by Montesinos and suggest that descendants of the elite personages involved in the first migration to Cuzco later went on to found the Hanan (or upper moiety) of the Inca dynasty and united the various ethnic groups using K’illke ceramics, who were organized into the Hurin (or lower moiety)"
[6]
. The Killke groups that mixed with the Lucre might have been a continuation of previous Cuzco quasi-polities.
[1]: (D’Altroy 2014, 85) [2]: (D’Altroy 2014) [3]: (Covey 2006, 89) [4]: (Hiltunen and McEwan 2004, 243) [5]: (McEwan 2006a, 66) [6]: (McEwan 2006b, 95) |
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"If we turn to the Cuzco region itself, the written and archaeological sources paint a fairly coherent picture of long-term development for the pre-imperial Incas, despite some important divergences. Both sources are compatible with the idea that, sometime after ad 1000, the Incas experienced 300 - 400 years of slow development from an incipiently hierarchical society into a nascent state."
[1]
[1]: (D’Altroy 2014, 85-86) |
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Wthin the Cuzco NGA, continuity: "Continuing studies by Peruvian archaeologists have recovered Killke pottery from at least seven more locations, distributed across an area that approximates imperial-era Cuzco. Their work in and around the Qorikancha has yielded exceptionally high-quality pottery (Bauer and Covey 2004: 77-8). The planning of parts of the early town apparently foreshadowed the imperial capital’s layout. Building foundations under the present-day Hotel Libertador were found to have orientations like those of nearby imperial masonry. From that evidence, we may infer that at least part of the most prestigious imperial layout overlaid an existing design. In turn, that suggests that there was some sort of conceptual continuity from the pre-imperial to imperial eras (González Corrales 1984; Hyslop 1990: 30-4)."
[1]
Outside the Cuzco NGA, the Incas conquered and either assimilated these polities culturally, as with the Chimu
[2]
or relocated groups inside these zones, as in the case of Cerro Azul
[3]
. Farrington mentions the presence of Killke pottery in urban excavations in Cuzco
[4]
, but he explains the growth of the site in terms of a post-1438 urbanization project by Pachakutiq
[5]
.
[1]: (D’Altroy 2014, 80) [2]: (D’Altroy 2014, 382) [3]: (D’Altroy 2014, 100) [4]: (Farrington 2013:142) Ian Farringon, 2013. Cusco: Urbanism and Archaeology in the Inka World. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. [5]: (Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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Wthin the Cuzco NGA, continuity: "Continuing studies by Peruvian archaeologists have recovered Killke pottery from at least seven more locations, distributed across an area that approximates imperial-era Cuzco. Their work in and around the Qorikancha has yielded exceptionally high-quality pottery (Bauer and Covey 2004: 77-8). The planning of parts of the early town apparently foreshadowed the imperial capital’s layout. Building foundations under the present-day Hotel Libertador were found to have orientations like those of nearby imperial masonry. From that evidence, we may infer that at least part of the most prestigious imperial layout overlaid an existing design. In turn, that suggests that there was some sort of conceptual continuity from the pre-imperial to imperial eras (González Corrales 1984; Hyslop 1990: 30-4)."
[1]
Outside the Cuzco NGA, the Incas conquered and either assimilated these polities culturally, as with the Chimu
[2]
or relocated groups inside these zones, as in the case of Cerro Azul
[3]
. Farrington mentions the presence of Killke pottery in urban excavations in Cuzco
[4]
, but he explains the growth of the site in terms of a post-1438 urbanization project by Pachakutiq
[5]
.
[1]: (D’Altroy 2014, 80) [2]: (D’Altroy 2014, 382) [3]: (D’Altroy 2014, 100) [4]: (Farrington 2013:142) Ian Farringon, 2013. Cusco: Urbanism and Archaeology in the Inka World. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. [5]: (Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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Wthin the Cuzco NGA, continuity: "Continuing studies by Peruvian archaeologists have recovered Killke pottery from at least seven more locations, distributed across an area that approximates imperial-era Cuzco. Their work in and around the Qorikancha has yielded exceptionally high-quality pottery (Bauer and Covey 2004: 77-8). The planning of parts of the early town apparently foreshadowed the imperial capital’s layout. Building foundations under the present-day Hotel Libertador were found to have orientations like those of nearby imperial masonry. From that evidence, we may infer that at least part of the most prestigious imperial layout overlaid an existing design. In turn, that suggests that there was some sort of conceptual continuity from the pre-imperial to imperial eras (González Corrales 1984; Hyslop 1990: 30-4)."
[1]
Outside the Cuzco NGA, the Incas conquered and either assimilated these polities culturally, as with the Chimu
[2]
or relocated groups inside these zones, as in the case of Cerro Azul
[3]
. Farrington mentions the presence of Killke pottery in urban excavations in Cuzco
[4]
, but he explains the growth of the site in terms of a post-1438 urbanization project by Pachakutiq
[5]
.
[1]: (D’Altroy 2014, 80) [2]: (D’Altroy 2014, 382) [3]: (D’Altroy 2014, 100) [4]: (Farrington 2013:142) Ian Farringon, 2013. Cusco: Urbanism and Archaeology in the Inka World. Gainesville: University Press of Florida. [5]: (Covey 2015, personal communication) |
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“Ferdinand and Isabella had been remarkably successful in carrying out the union of the two Crowns, but their lack of a male heir threatened to undo that work. As a result of the premature death of their only son, as well as other deaths in the family, their youngest daughter Juana stood to inherit the throne, but Juana, known as ‘La Loca’ was widely deemed incapable of ruling Spain. Because of Juana’s mental state and her marriage to a member of the Habsburg family (rulers of the Holy Roman Empire), it fell to Ferdinand and Isabella’s grandson (and Juana’s son) Charles to inherit the Spanish throne in 1516.”
[1]
[1]: (Cowans 2003, 46) Cowans, John. 2003. Early Modern Spain: A Documentary History. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/4MRSP5DU |
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NOTE: The Mauryan Empire was the most powerful polity to rule over Southern India before the Satavahanas
[1]
. However, partly because of difficulties in dating the exact beginning of the Satavahana Empire, it is not clear that there was a direct link between the two polities
[2]
[1]: U. Singh, A History of Ancient and Early medieval India (2008), pp. 324-358 [2]: C. Sinopoli, On the Edge of Empire: Form and Substance in the Satavahana Dynasty, in S. Alcock (ed), Empires (2001), p. 159 |
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In the first half of the eighth century, the Chalukyas ruled over Western and Central India. However, in the ’40s and early ’50s of that century, they found themselves in a position of weakness, due to the death of their leader, Vikramaditya II, as well as prolonged conflict with Arabs and the Pallavas to the North. One of their feudatories to the South, Dantidurga, exploited this moment of weakness to annex several territories to his own rule. By the time he had secured dominion over Madhya Pradesh and Central and Southern Gujarat, the Chalukyas declared war against him, but were defeated in battle in 753 CE. This is the year when the Rashtrakuta Empire is said to have started, with Dantidurga as its first ruler. Once the Chalukyas were definitively overthrown by Dantidurga’s successor, Krishna I, the Rashtrakutas’ military and diplomatic endeavours focused mostly on two objectives: securing control over Southern India, particularly the Deccan Plateau, and organising military expeditions to the North.
[1]
[1]: K.R. Basavaraja, History and Culture of Karnataka (1984), pp. 62-83 |
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feudal subordinate The Hoysalas began their rule as the feudatories of the Chalukyas and when their power was on the wane, the Hoysalas asserted their independence and established their supremacy over Karnataka as it stands today
[1]
.
[1]: H.V. Sreenivasa Murthy and R. Ramakrishnan, A History of Karnataka (1978), p. 111 |
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"The rulers of Kampili began their careers as tributaries of the Yadava kings of Devagiri, the first Deccani polity defeated by the Delhi Sultanate. Following Sultanate occupation of Devagiri, the Yadava general Muhammad Singa fled with his son Kampili to the northern shores of the Tungabhadra River, where he established a base from which to resist Sultanate forces (Stein 1989a: 18)."
[1]
[1]: (Sinopoli 2003, 74) |
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The origins of the first rulers of Vijayanagara are obscure and much debated, but it is clear that they were effective and creative military leaders who, after establishing their capital on the southern banks of the Tungabhadra River, rapidly expanded their territories to the south and resisted challenges from the north
[1]
.
[1]: Carla M. Sinopoli, ’From the Lion Throne: Political and Social Dynamics of the Vijayanagara Empire’, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, Vol 43, No. 3 (2000), pp. 369-70 |
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The Confederacy was founded before 1566: ’The Iroquoian confederacy was organized sometime between 1400 and A.D. 1600 for the purpose of maintaining peaceful relations between the 5 constituent tribes. Subsequent to European contact relations within the confederacy were sometimes strained as each of the 5 tribes sought to expand and maintain its own interests in the developing fur trade. For the most part, however, the fur trade served to strengthen the confederacy because tribal interests often complemented one another and all gained from acting in concert. The League was skillful at playing French and English interests off against one another to its advantage and thereby was able to play a major role in the economic and political events of northeastern North America during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Iroquois aggressively maintained and expanded their role in the fur trade and as a result periodically found themselves at war with their neighbors, such as the Huron, Petun, and the Neutral to the West and the Susquehannock to the south. Much of the fighting was done by the Seneca, the most powerful of the Iroquoian tribes. From 1667 to the 1680s the Iroquois maintained friendly relations with the French and during this time Jesuit missions were established among each of the 5 tribes. However, Iroquois aggression and expansion eventually brought them into conflict with the French and, at the same time, into closer alliance with the English. In 1687, 1693 and 1696 French military expeditions raided and burned Iroquois villages and fields. During Queen Anne’s War (1702-1713) the Iroquois allied with the English and at the War’s end were acknowledged to be British subjects, though they continued to aggressively maintain and extend their middleman role between English traders at Fort Orange (Albany) and native groups farther west.’
[1]
’Between the Hudson and lake Erie, our broad territory was occupied by the Ho-de[unknown] -no-sau-nee, or Iroquois, scattered far and wide, in small encampments, or in disconnected villages. Their council-fires, emblematical of civil jurisdiction, burned continuously from the Hudson to Niagara. At the era of Dutch discovery (1609), they had pushed their permanent possession as far west as the Genesee; and shortly after, about 1650, they extended it to the Niagara. They then occupied the entire territory of our State west of the Hudson, with the exception of certain tracts upon that river below the junction of the Mohawk, in the possession of the River Indians, and the country of the Delawares, upon the Delaware river. But both these had been subdued by the conquering Iroquois, and had become tributary nations.’
[2]
Warfare and population pressure were probably major factors in the formation and consolidation of the Confederacy and similar polities: ’During the 15th and early 16th centuries, warfare in the Northeast culture area fostered the creation of extensive political and military alliances. It is generally believed that this period of increasing conflict was instigated by internal events rather than by contact with Europeans; some scholars suggest that the region was nearing its carrying capacity. Two of the major alliances in the area were the Huron confederacy (which included the Wendat alliance) and the Five Tribes (later Six Tribes), or Iroquois Confederacy. The constituent tribes of both blocs spoke Iroquoian languages; the term “Iroquoian” is used to refer generally to the groups speaking such languages, while references to the “Iroquois” generally imply the tribes of the Iroquois Confederacy alone.’
[3]
[1]: Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois [2]: Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 36 [3]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Native-American/Native-American-history#ref968222 |
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The League Council stayed in place after Queen Anne’s War, although colonial incursions were felt more strongly: ’The Iroquoian confederacy was organized sometime between 1400 and A.D. 1600 for the purpose of maintaining peaceful relations between the 5 constituent tribes. Subsequent to European contact relations within the confederacy were sometimes strained as each of the 5 tribes sought to expand and maintain its own interests in the developing fur trade. For the most part, however, the fur trade served to strengthen the confederacy because tribal interests often complemented one another and all gained from acting in concert. The League was skillful at playing French and English interests off against one another to its advantage and thereby was able to play a major role in the economic and political events of northeastern North America during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Iroquois aggressively maintained and expanded their role in the fur trade and as a result periodically found themselves at war with their neighbors, such as the Huron, Petun, and the Neutral to the West and the Susquehannock to the south. Much of the fighting was done by the Seneca, the most powerful of the Iroquoian tribes. From 1667 to the 1680s the Iroquois maintained friendly relations with the French and during this time Jesuit missions were established among each of the 5 tribes. However, Iroquois aggression and expansion eventually brought them into conflict with the French and, at the same time, into closer alliance with the English. In 1687, 1693 and 1696 French military expeditions raided and burned Iroquois villages and fields. During Queen Anne’s War (1702-1713) the Iroquois allied with the English and at the War’s end were acknowledged to be British subjects, though they continued to aggressively maintain and extend their middleman role between English traders at Fort Orange (Albany) and native groups farther west.’
[1]
[1]: Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois |
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"…it was at the end of the Late Bronze Age (ca. 1200 BCE) that certain city states or regional polities appeared thereafter to be differentiated from the relatively homogenous Canaanite material culture of the Levant that preceded it. In other words, the early Iron I period did not witness a sudden “appearance” of something others would come to call Phoenicia or Phoenician city-states; instead the transition was one of a general disruption of other sites and regional cultures in the Levant."
[1]
[1]: Dixon (2013:13). |
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The Israelite settlements first are found in hilly, desolate regions of the highlands that had little previous settlement during the Canaanite heyday, perhaps as refuges from the domination of surrounding powers such as the Philistines. In time, these became a political power in their own right.
[1]
[1]: Finkelstein (2013), Lehmann (2004). |
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Between 553 and 550 BCE, Cyrus the Great rebelled against Median control and re-established the independence of Persia. He took control of the area of Elam and Susa and eventually the whole of the Median empire.
[1]
[1]: Liverani, M. 2014. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. p.561 |
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This coding is arguable. The code book doesn’t have a good descriptor for "successful political rebellion"; the new elites who ejected the Seleucids, the Hasmonean dynasty, were native to Judea, so "elite migration" doesn’t really fit either. "Cultural assimilation" might fit, perhaps. At any rate, in 153 BCE the Hasmonean leader Jonathan "Apphus," having led a years-long guerrilla war against the Seleucids after the death of his brother (Judah the Maccabbi), was confirmed as High Priest and ruler of the Jews as a vassal of the Seleucid claimant Alexander Balas. In the swirl of conflict over the Seleucid throne, Jonathan fell into a trap and was executed in 142 BCE; he was succeeded by his brother Simon, who achieved a measure of quasi-independence from the Seleucids—though he remained a vassal and the population retained strong elements of Hellenism. Simon was confirmed as High King and Prince in a popular assembly in 141 BCE.
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The potential role of Zamindars remains to be confirmed. ’Zamindar, in India, a holder or occupier (dār) of land (zamīn). The root words are Persian, and the resulting name was widely used wherever Persian influence was spread by the Mughals or other Indian Muslim dynasties. The meanings attached to it were various. In Bengal the word denoted a hereditary tax collector who could retain 10 percent of the revenue he collected. In the late 18th century the British government made these zamindars landowners, thus creating a landed aristocracy in Bengal and Bihar that lasted until Indian independence (1947). In parts of north India (e.g., Uttar Pradesh), a zamindar denoted a large landowner with full proprietary rights. More generally in north India, zamindar denoted the cultivator of the soil or joint proprietors holding village lands in common as joint heirs. In Maratha territories the name was generally applied to all local hereditary revenue officers.’
[1]
Zamindars located in Assam led expeditions into the Garo Hills and subjugated parts of them: ‘There remains no record of when the Garos migrated and settled in their present habitat. Their traditional lore as recorded by Major Playfair points out that they migrated to the area from Tibet. There is evidence that the area was inhabited by the stone-using peoples-Palaeolithic and Neolithic groups-in the past. After settling in the hills, Garos initially had no close and constant contact with the inhabitants of the adjoining plains. In 1775-76 the Zamindars of Mechpara and Karaibari (at present in the Goalpara and Dhubri districts of Assam) led expeditions onto the Garo hills.’
[2]
‘In pre-British days the areas adjacent to the present habitat of the Garo were under the Zeminders of Karaibari, Kalumalupara, Habraghat, Mechpara and Sherpore. Garos of the adjoining areas had to struggle constantly with these Zeminders. Whenever the employees of the Zeminders tried to collect taxes or to oppress the Garo in some way or other, they retaliated by coming down to the plains and murdering ryots of the Zeminders. In 1775-76 the Zeminders of Mechpara and Karaibari led expeditions to the hills near about their Zeminderies and subjugated a portion of what is at present the Garo Hills district. The Zeminder of Karaibari appointed Rengtha or Pagla, a Garo as his subordinate.’
[3]
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/zamindar [2]: Roy, Sankar Kumar: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Garo [3]: Majumdar, Dhirendra Narayan 1978. “Culture Change In Two Garo Villages”, 29 |
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‘There remains no record of when the Garos migrated and settled in their present habitat. Their traditional lore as recorded by Major Playfair points out that they migrated to the area from Tibet. There is evidence that the area was inhabited by the stone-using peoples-Palaeolithic and Neolithic groups-in the past. After settling in the hills, Garos initially had no close and constant contact with the inhabitants of the adjoining plains. In 1775-76 the Zamindars of Mechpara and Karaibari (at present in the Goalpara and Dhubri districts of Assam) led expeditions onto the Garo hills. The first contact with British colonialists was in 1788, and the area was brought under administrative control in the year 1873.’
[1]
[1]: Roy, Sankar Kumar: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Garo |
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’Akan states, historical complex of gold-producing forest states in western Africa lying between the Comoé and Volta rivers (in an area roughly corresponding to the coastal lands of the modern republics of Togo, Ghana, and, in part, Côte d’Ivoire). Their economic, political, and social systems were transformed from the 16th to the 18th century by trade with Europeans on the coast. Of the northern Akan (or Brong) states the earliest (established c. 1450) was Bono; of the southern the most important were Denkyera, Akwamu, Fante (Fanti), and Asante.’
[1]
The first Akan states date back to the 13th century, although migration remained relevant: ’It would seem that the first states of the Akan-speaking peoples who now inhabit most of the forest and coastlands were founded about the 13th century by the settlement, just north of the forest, of migrants coming from the direction of Mande; that the dominant states of northern Ghana, Dagomba, Mamprusi, and their satellites were established by the 15th century by invaders from the Hausa region; that a little later the founders of the Ga and Ewe states of the southeast began to arrive from what is now Nigeria by a more southerly route; and that Gonja, in the centre, was created by Mande conquerors about the beginning of the 17th century. Tradition tends to present these migrations as movements of whole peoples. In certain instances-for example, Dagomba, Mamprusi, and Gonja-it can be shown that the traditions relate in fact to comparatively small bands of invaders who used military and political techniques acquired farther north to impose their rule on already established populations whose own organization was based more on community of kin than on allegiance to political sovereigns. It is probable that the first Akan states-e.g., such influential states as Bono and Banda north of the forest or the smaller states founded on the coast by migration down the Volta River-were also established in this way. The later Akan infiltration into the forest, which then was probably sparsely inhabited, and the Ga and Ewe settlement of the southeast may have been more of mass movements, though in the latter case it is known that the immigrants met and absorbed earlier inhabitants.’
[2]
The fluidity of the situation makes the choice of a single code more difficult.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Akan-states [2]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Ghana/Daily-life-and-social-customs#toc76828 |
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’Akan states, historical complex of gold-producing forest states in western Africa lying between the Comoé and Volta rivers (in an area roughly corresponding to the coastal lands of the modern republics of Togo, Ghana, and, in part, Côte d’Ivoire). Their economic, political, and social systems were transformed from the 16th to the 18th century by trade with Europeans on the coast. Of the northern Akan (or Brong) states the earliest (established c. 1450) was Bono; of the southern the most important were Denkyera, Akwamu, Fante (Fanti), and Asante.’
[1]
The first Akan states date back to the 13th century, although migration remained relevant: ’It would seem that the first states of the Akan-speaking peoples who now inhabit most of the forest and coastlands were founded about the 13th century by the settlement, just north of the forest, of migrants coming from the direction of Mande; that the dominant states of northern Ghana, Dagomba, Mamprusi, and their satellites were established by the 15th century by invaders from the Hausa region; that a little later the founders of the Ga and Ewe states of the southeast began to arrive from what is now Nigeria by a more southerly route; and that Gonja, in the centre, was created by Mande conquerors about the beginning of the 17th century. Tradition tends to present these migrations as movements of whole peoples. In certain instances-for example, Dagomba, Mamprusi, and Gonja-it can be shown that the traditions relate in fact to comparatively small bands of invaders who used military and political techniques acquired farther north to impose their rule on already established populations whose own organization was based more on community of kin than on allegiance to political sovereigns. It is probable that the first Akan states-e.g., such influential states as Bono and Banda north of the forest or the smaller states founded on the coast by migration down the Volta River-were also established in this way. The later Akan infiltration into the forest, which then was probably sparsely inhabited, and the Ga and Ewe settlement of the southeast may have been more of mass movements, though in the latter case it is known that the immigrants met and absorbed earlier inhabitants.’
[2]
The fluidity of the situation makes the choice of a single code more difficult.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Akan-states [2]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Ghana/Daily-life-and-social-customs#toc76828 |
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’The Asante wars had their origin in the seventeenth century in the course of attempts by Oti Akenten and Obiri Yeboah to establish the power of their segment of the Oyoko clan, based in Kokofu in Amansee, in the area now covered by Kumasi City. Obiri Yeboah died in war with the Dorma people, then located within four miles of Kumasi, and was succeeded by Osei Tutu (died 1717). Osei Tutu defeated the Dorma (Reindorf, 1895: 50; Fuller, 1968: 2) and led the Asante to conquer Denkyira (Bosman, 1705), their south-western neighbour and erstwhile overlords, in 1699-1708 [...] Between Osei Tutu and Osei Bonsu (1800-1824) the Asante conquered or otherwise brought into subjection to the Asantehene (King of Asante), nearly all the peoples now inhabiting all the regions of modern Ghana and also east-central and south-western Ivory Coast (Rattray, 1923: 287-293; Priestley and Wilks, 1960; Fynn, 1971: 105, 155; Meredith, 1812; Wilks, 1975; 43-79).’
[1]
[1]: Arhin, Kwame 1986. “Asante Praise Poems: The Ideology Of Patrimonialism”, 165 |
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After the initial immigration of pioneer settlers, a general Icelandic assembly was established: ’The traditionally accepted date for the first permanent settlement is 874. Settlers claimed land on the uninhabited island and established an agricultural economy based largely on grass. They raised sheep, cattle, horses, and in places some grain as well. The [Page 6] land was all claimed by 930 when the general assembly (Alþing) was founded, thus marking the end of the period of settlement. In the year 1000, by a compromise decision of a single arbiter selected at the Alþing, Christianity became the religion of Iceland. Individual farmers built and maintained Christian churches.’
[1]
’By the end of the settlement period, a general Icelandic assembly, called the Althing, had been established and was held at midsummer on a site that came to be called Thingvellir. This assembly consisted of a law council (lögrétta), in which the godar made and amended the laws, and a system of courts of justice, in which householders, nominated by the godar, acted on the panels of judges. At the local level, three godar usually held a joint assembly in late spring at which a local court operated, again with judges nominated by the godar. All farmers were legally obliged to belong to a chieftaincy (godord) but theoretically were free to change their allegiance from one godi to another; the godar were allotted a corresponding right to expel a follower. Some scholars have seen in this arrangement a resemblance to the franchise in modern societies. On the other hand, there was no central authority to ensure that the farmers would be able to exercise their right in a democratic way. No one was vested with executive power over the country as a whole. In any case, no trace of democratic practice reached farther down the social scale than to the heads of farming households; women and workers (free or enslaved) had no role in the political system.’
[2]
[1]: Durrenberger, E. Paul 1992. “Dynamics Of Medieval Iceland: Political Economy And Literature”, 5p [2]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Iceland/Government-and-society#toc10088 |
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The union with Norway displaced the system of autonomous chieftains that had characterized the Commonwealth: ’The thirteenth century was a period of escalating conflict (STURLUNGAÖLD) chieftains attempted to exert control beyond their local regions. The system of autonomous chieftains ended after 1262 A.D. when Iceland came under Norwegian rule.’
[1]
Gjerset claims that allegiance to Norway was welcomed by Icelandic commoners: ’The opposition to the king’s designs in Iceland was gradually weakened by influences which created a new public opinion. According to medieval thought royal rule was a divine institution to which all Christians owed submission. The Icelandic state systems, which stood as a relic of a pagan past, could find no support in the prevailing ideas of the times. [...] The Norwegian kings, who had been the champions of Christianity and the unity of the realm, had become national heroes and the leaders of the people, not least in the opinions of the Icelanders, who glorified their achievements in great historical works. Royal rule could no longer be viewed even by the chieftains as an illegitimate encroachment on ancient liberties. To the common people, who had lost their freedom, and were subject ot the arbitrary will of the great lords, it could only bring new hope of peace and improved social conditions. The resistance to the growing influence of the king did not at this time spring from patriotic sentiment, or conscious national aspirations on the part of the people, but was wholly due to the intense individualism and love of power of the cieftains. But even they had maintained the closest relations with the king. They had never hesitated to bind themselves to him in personal service under oath as hiromenn, skutilsveinar, lendrmenn and other officials under the crown.’
[2]
Iceland pledged allegiance to Norway at the general assembly of 1262ce: ’It was now felt that the fate of Iceland would be decided at the next Althing, and Gizur sought be secret intrigue to and diligent propaganda to gather support against Hallvard Gullsko and the leaders of the king’s party. His final appeal to the people’s love of independence was so successful that he appeared at the Althing with an army of 1440 men, while his opponents had only half that number. But armed conflict does not seem to have been his plan. He undoubtedly felt restrained by the situation of the country and the attitude of the chieftains. With the advice of his adherents he himself took the initiative, and submitted the king’s request to the Althing. He spoke earnestly in support of it, declaring that a refusal to accept it would be equivalent to his death warrant. To this appeal the people finally yielded. The lögrétta of the Althing, on behalf of the people, took the oath of allegiance and entered into the following agreement with King Haakon, known as the "Gamli sáttmáli", in 1262 [...]’
[3]
But Icelanders attempted to maintain a degree of autonomy: ’To a large extent, Iceland was ruled separately from Norway. It had its own law code, and the Althing continued to be held at Thingvellir, though mainly as a court of justice. Most of the royal officials who succeeded the chieftains were Icelanders. In 1380 the Norwegian monarchy entered into a union with the Danish crown, but that change did not affect Iceland’s status within the realm as a personal skattland (“tax land”) of the crown.’
[4]
[1]: Bolender, Douglas James and Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders [2]: Gjerset, Knut [1924]. "History of Iceland", 203 [3]: Gjerset, Knut [1924]. "History of Iceland", 206 [4]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Iceland/Government-and-society#toc10093 |
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"The language of Parthia at this time was Parthian, which linguistically is related to Median and belongs to the family of West Iranian languages. The Parni newcomers abandoned their own language in favour of Parthian. The Parni, whose speech was described by Justin as ’midway between Scythian and Median, and contained features of both’, now became known as the Arsacids or Parthians."
[1]
[1]: (Curtis 2007) Curtis, Vesta Sarkhosh and Stewart, Sarah eds. 2007. The Age of the Parthians. I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd. London. |
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"The Yueh-chih, as the ancestors of the Kushans were known, were settled in the Tarim Basin in the 3rd century BCE."
[1]
"After being driven out of the Tarim Basin the Yueh-chih settled on either side of the Amu Darya, in a region called collectively in ancient times Bactria."
[2]
[1]: (Samad 2011, 77) Samad, R. U. 2011. The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys. Angora Publishing. [2]: (Samad 2011, 78) Samad, R. U. 2011. The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys. Angora Publishing. |
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"The original homeland of the Hephthalites is relatively obscure although most experts agree that they originated north of the Great Wall of China, in or near present day Mongolia. A Chinese source from the second century states that they lived in a region of northwest China sometimes referred to as Dzungaria, a steppe area surrounded by mountain chains."
[1]
All the nomadic kingdoms that flourished in Bactria between the middle of the fourth century CE and the middle of the sixth century CE seem to have originated in a massive migration in the second half of the fourth century between 350 CE and 370 CE.
[2]
[1]: (West 2009, 275) West, B A. 2009. Encyclopedia of the Peoples of Asia and Oceania. Infobase Publishing. [2]: De la Vaissière, É. "Is there a Nationality of the Hephthalites." Bulletin of the Asia Institute 17 (2008): pp 119-132. |
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"Dental evidence links Jomon to the living Ainu and Yayoi and Kofun period skeletons to the recent population of Japan."
[1]
[1]: (Scott and Turner 2000) Scott, Richard G. Turner, Christy G. 2000. The Anthropology of Modern Human Teeth: Dental Morphology and Its Variation in Recent Human Populations. Cambridge University Press. |
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internal power shift The Kamakura period is considered the start of the Medieval period of Japanese history and marks the rise of the warrior class. The Kamakura period begins with the rise to power of Minamoto no Yoritomo who was granted the title of Shogun by the Emperor in 1192 legitimizing his role as de facto ruler of Japan. ’Mainly because of this need for legitimacy - but also partly because it has long been a practice in Japan to maintain some degree of continuity with the past amidst change - his government was a mixture of old and new. It became known as the bakufu (tent headquarters), a term used of the headquarters of commanders in the field, and in theory was merely the military arm of the imperial central government. The old central institutions were left largely intact, though weakened... Recent research has suggested that the court retained a greater vitality than previously believed, especially with regard to bureaucratic matters, and that religious institutions also played a significant role in the political world. In that sense, rather than simple warrior rule such as characterised the succeeding Muromachi period, it was perhaps more a case of cooperative rule during the Kamakura period.
[1]
[1]: Henshall, Kenneth.2012. A History of Japan: From Stone Age to Superpower. Palgrave Macmillan. New York. [Third Edition]. p.35. |
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Regime change: ’Emperor Go-Daigo’s three-year usurpation of power was overturned by Ashikaga Takauji, who thereafter established the Ashikaga shogunate inaugurating the start of the Muromachi period.’
[1]
[1]: Deal, William E. 2005. Handbook to Life in Medieval and Early Modern Japan. Oxford University Press.p.88. |
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By the 1560s[CE], the extended period of political disorder and civil war was ending. A process of national unification began to occur as the result of the military and political shrewdness of three central figures: the warriors Oda Nobunaga (1534-82[CE]), Toyotomi Hideyoshi (1536-98[CE]), and Tokugawa Ieyasu (1542-1616[CE]). Beginning with Nobunaga, these three gradually defeated and annexed smaller daimyo, leading eventually to complete control over Japan by the Tokugawa shogunate.
[1]
[1]: Deal, William E. 2005. Handbook to Life in Medieval and Early Modern Japan. Oxford University Press.p.11. |
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Regime change. The rise to power of the Tokugawa shogunate marked an end to the internal strife and warfare that characterized the preceding century. Tokugawa Ieyasu and his immediate successors set about limiting the power of their rivals and instituting new policies aimed at maintaining stability and centralising Japan’s government.
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European and Chinese traders and pirates were present on Borneo even before the 17th century, but Iban territory was not part of the formal colonial system at the time: ’Modern European knowledge of Borneo dates from travelers who passed through Southeast Asia in the 14th century. The first recorded European visitor was the Franciscan friar Odoric of Pordenone, who visited Talamasim on his way from India to China in 1330. The Portuguese, followed by the Spanish, established trading relations on the island early in the 16th century. At the beginning of the 17th century the Portuguese and Spanish trade monopoly was broken by the Dutch, who, intervening in the affairs of the Muslim kingdoms, succeeded in replacing Mataram influence with their own. The coastal strip along the South China and Sulu seas was long oriented toward the Philippines to the northeast and was often raided by Sulu pirates. British interests, particularly in the north and west, diminished that of the Dutch. The Brunei sultanate was an Islamic kingdom that at one time had controlled the whole island but by the 19th century ruled only in the north and northwest. In 1841 Sarawak was split away on the southwest, becoming an independent kingdom ruled by the Brooke Raj. North Borneo (later Sabah) to the northeast was obtained by a British company to promote trade and suppress piracy, but it was not demarcated until 1912. Those losses left a much-reduced Brunei, which became a British protectorate in 1888.’
[1]
Iban communities were de facto self-governing before the Brooke Raj period: ’Each longhouse, as each BILEK, is an autonomous unit. Traditionally the core of each house was a group of descendants of the founders. Houses near one another on the same river or in the same region were commonly allied, marrying among themselves, raiding together beyond their territories, and resolving disputes by peaceful means. Regionalism, deriving from these alliances, in which Iban distinguished themselves from other allied groups, persist in modern state politics. Essentially egalitarian, Iban are aware of long-standing status distinctions among themselves of RAJA BERANI (wealthy and brave), MENSI SARIBU (commoners), and ULUN (slaves). Prestige still accrues to descendants of the first status, disdain to descendants of the third.’
[2]
’Prior to the arrival of the British adventurer, James Brooke, there were no permanent leaders, but the affairs of each house were directed by consultations of family leaders. Men of influence included renowned warriors, bards, augurs and other specialists. Brooke, who became Rajah of Sarawak, and his nephew, Charles Johnson, created political positions -- headman (TUAI RUMAH), regional chief (PENGHULU), paramount chief (TEMENGGONG) -- to restructure Iban society for administrative control, especially for purposes of taxation and the suppression of head-hunting. The creation of permanent political positions and the establishment of political parties in the early 1960s have profoundly changed the Iban.’
[2]
It is assumed here that this was true prior to the 17th century as well.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Borneo-island-Pacific-Ocean [2]: Sutlive, Vinson H. Jr. and Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iban |
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’At Singapore (founded 20 years earlier by Sir Stamford Raffles), Brooke learned that Pengiran Muda Hassim, chief minister of the sultanate of Brunei, was engaged in war with several rebel Iban (Sea Dayak) tribes in neighbouring Sarawak, nominally under Brunei control. The rebellion was crushed with Brooke’s aid, and as a reward for his services the title of raja of Sarawak was conferred upon him in 1841, confirmed in perpetuity by the sultan of Brunei in 1846. For the next 17 years Brooke and a handful of English assistants made expeditions into the interior of Sarawak, partially suppressed the prevalence of headhunting, and established a secure government.’
[1]
’During the 1830’s, the ruler of the Sarawak district of Brunei (the present First Division of Sarawak) found himself with a territory in revolt. In summary, failing to resolve this problem himself, the Rajah Muda Hasim sought the assistance of the Englishman James Brooke. Brooke was instrumental in returning order to the area and in reducing the number and impact of pirates along the adjacent coast. In return, after some prevarication, procrastination and negotiation, the Rajah Muda Hasim transferred this district, with his rights to tax and rule, to Brooke who assumed the title of Rajah and established the dynasty of the “Three White Rajahs” which was to rule Sarawak from 1841 to 1941.’
[2]
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Brooke-Raj [2]: Austin, Robert Frederic 1978. “Iban Migration: Patterns Of Mobility And Employment In The 20Th Century”, 10 |
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Determining the geographic frontiers of Central Anatolia is also problematic. The frontiers are not only linked to climate and topography, but also to the location of sites. Pontic Mountains can be considered the South border, and similarly, the Taurus Mountains were in the South frontier. The Eastern boundary is the easiest to define: it is a straight line between modern Malatya and Trabzon. Western border is formed by crucial sites like Beycesultan, Demircihöyük, Karataş-Semayük. During Early Bronze Age, some Indo-European nations arrived on this land - this happened around 2300 BCE. Most of the Early Bronze Age II sites in Anatolia saw massive and violent destruction and these disasters brought an end to the EB II period.
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Determining the geographic frontiers of Central Anatolia is also problematic. The frontiers are not only linked to climate and topography, but also to the location of sites. Pontic Mountains can be considered the South border, and similarly, the Taurus Mountains were in the South frontier. The Eastern boundary is the easiest to define: it is a straight line between modern Malatya and Trabzon. Western border is formed by crucial sites like Beycesultan, Demircihöyük, Karataş-Semayük. During Early Bronze Age, some Indo-European nations arrived on this land - this happened around 2300 BCE. Most of the Early Bronze Age II sites in Anatolia saw massive and violent destruction and these disasters brought an end to the EB II period.
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Use of the Nesite (Hittite) language dates "to the dominance of an Indo-European group in the region during the so-called Assyrian Colony period. From its base in the city of Nesa, the leaders of this group gained control over large parts of the eastern half of Anatolia a century or so before the emergence of the Hittite kingdom. Indo-European speakers may have first entered Anatolia during the third millennium, or even earlier. After their arrival one branch of them intermingled with a central Anatolian people called the Hattians (hence the name Hatti), and to begin with, the Hittite population and civilization were primarily an admixture of Indo-European and Hattian elements."
[1]
[1]: (Bryce 2002, 8) |
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"the Neo-Hittite kingdoms of the Land of Hatti were essentially an evolution out of the peoples who were already there rather than the result of large waves of new immigrants from devastated homelands in the west. And whether they were of post-Bronze Age or earlier origin, the Luwian-speaking inhabitants of these kingdoms probably constituted only a minority of their populations."
[1]
"Carchemish and probably Malatya apparently continued from their Late Bronze Age predecessors with little or no interruption."
[2]
Tabal region (Konya Plain): "There is nothing in the material record to indicate that it was significantly affected by the upheavals at the end of the Late Bronze Age, or by the collapse of the Hittite empire. Certainly there is no evidence of a shift of peoples from it in this period."
[3]
[1]: (Bryce 2012, 60) [2]: (Bryce 2012, 63) [3]: (Bryce 2002, 43) |
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"According to Greek tradition, the earliest Phrygians were immigrants from Macedon and Thrace. ... In all probability, the references to the Phrygians in the Iliad are anachronistic. The arrival of this people in Anatolia almost certainly dates to the early Iron Age, to the decade immediately following the Hittite kingdom’s collapse early in the 12th century. ... Probably by the end of the millennium, a Phrygian state had begun to evolve."
[1]
[1]: (Bryce 2002, 39-40) |
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Tabal region: "There is nothing in the material record to indicate that it was significantly affected by the upheavals at the end of the Late Bronze Age, or by the collapse of the Hittite empire. Certainly there is no evidence of a shift of peoples from it in this period."
[1]
Tuwana: "Conceivably, the kingdom arose in the wake of the Hittite empire’s fall, with a population perhaps largely made up of Luwian elements from Tuwanuwa."
[2]
[1]: (Bryce 2002, 43) [2]: (Bryce 2012, 148) |
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Given the presence of the Turks in the region before the 1070s there was not large population change. However it was a clear end to Byzantine rule.
[1]
[1]: Andrew Peacock ’SALJUQS iii. SALJUQS OF RUM’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/saljuqs-iii |
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"Hülegü took with him an enormous army, supposedly two out of every ten Mongol soldiers, who were accompanied by families and herds. This, then, was not just a military campaign but also the mass migration of a large portion of the Mongol nation to Persia and the surrounding countries."
[1]
[1]: REUVEN AMITAI, ’IL-KHANIDS i. DYNASTIC HISTORY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/il-khanids-i-dynastic-history |
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"Hülegü took with him an enormous army, supposedly two out of every ten Mongol soldiers, who were accompanied by families and herds. This, then, was not just a military campaign but also the mass migration of a large portion of the Mongol nation to Persia and the surrounding countries."
[1]
[1]: REUVEN AMITAI, ’IL-KHANIDS i. DYNASTIC HISTORY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/il-khanids-i-dynastic-history |
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This needs a bracket, to reflect the extraordinarily tentative hold the Byzantines had on Rome from the early eighth century on; by the beginning of the polity period, the papacy was effectively independent, or at least left to its own devices for defence, due to the Byzantine focus on defending Constantinople from Arab attacks, especially before the last Arab siege of Constantinople, in 717-718 CE.
[1]
[1]: For this see Brown, 318-19. |
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The Sakha entered the Lena river valley in the 14th century. The area was inhabited by Evenk and Yukagir nomads : ’Yakut oral histories begin well before first contact with Russians in the seventeenth century. For example, OLONKHO (epics) date at least to the tenth century, a period of interethnic mixing, tensions, and upheaval that may have been a formative period in defining Yakut tribal affiliations. Ethnographic and archaeological data suggest that the ancestors of the Yakut, identified in some theories with the Kuriakon people, lived in an area near Lake Baikal and may have been part of the Uighur state bordering China. By the fourteenth century, Yakut ancestors migrated north, perhaps in small refugee groups, with herds of horses and cattle. After arrival in the Lena valley, they fought and intermarried with the native Evenk and Yukagir nomads. Thus, both peaceful and belligerent relations with northern Siberians, Chinese, Mongols, and Turkic peoples preceded Russian hegemony. When the first parties of Cossacks arrived at the Lena River in the 1620s, Yakut received them with hospitality and wariness. Several skirmishes and revolts followed, led at first by the legendary Yakut hero Tygyn.’
[1]
[1]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut |
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Sakha territory came under tribute to Czarist Russia after a series of successful military expeditions: ’By 1620 a report had reached Tobolsk from the Mangaseya Cossacks of the Great (Lena) River and the Lena Yakut. In 1631 they descended by the Viliui River, a tributary of the Lena, to the Lena River and imposed tribute on the adjacent Yakut. In 1632 a party of Cossacks under the command of the Boyar’s son, Shakov, took tribute in sables from a clan of Viliui horse-breeding Yakut. The Viliui River farther up from its mouth was occupied by Tungus only. The northern boundary of the distribution of the Yakut at that time was the mouth of the Viliui. The whole Lena Valley from the mouth of the Viliui River to the south, at a distance of about 500 kilometers (or 710 miles) was occupied by Yakut. In their possession were also all the Lena islands of that region, rich in pasture lands. There is no definite information as to how far inland they penetrated at that period. We may admit, however, that the Yakut, being horse and cattle breeders, were hardly inclined to move into the dense forests far from the majority of their tribesmen, i.e., far from the Lena Valley. In the beginning of the seventeenth century the Yakut abode on the western banks of the Lena must have been the territory of the two present uluses of Yakutsk District, Namskij and Western Kangalassky. There, according to Yakut traditions, was the first place of refuge of their mythical forefather, the “Tatar” Elliei. From there a part of his nearest descendants could also have emigrated over the Lena islands to the eastern banks of the Lena River, where excellent pastures are as abundant as on the western banks.’
[1]
’By 1642 the Lena valley was under tribute to the czar; peace was won only after a long siege of a formidable Yakut fortress. By 1700 the fort settlement of Yakutsk (founded 1632) was a bustling Russian administrative, commercial, and religious center and a launching point for further exploration into Kamchatka and Chukotka. Some Yakut moved northeast into territories they had previously not dominated, further assimilating the Evenk and Yukagir. Most Yakut, however, remained in the central meadowlands, sometimes assimilating Russians. Yakut leaders cooperated with Russian commanders and governors, becoming active in trade, fur-tax collection, transport, and the postal system. Fighting among Yakut communities decreased, although horse rustling and occasional anti-Russian violence continued. For example, a Yakut Robin Hood named Manchari led a band that stole from the rich (usually Russians) to give to the poor (usually Yakut) in the nineteenth century. Russian Orthodox priests spread through Yakutia, but their followers were mainly in the major towns. By 1900 a literate Yakut intelligentsia, influenced both by Russian merchants and political exiles, formed a party called the Yakut Union. Yakut revolutionaries such as Oiunskii and Ammosov led the Revolution and civil war in Yakutia, along with Bolsheviks such as the Georgian Ordzhonikidze.’
[2]
[1]: Jochelson, Waldemar 1933. “Yakut", 220 [2]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut |
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While initially subject to Spanish colonial incursions, the Shuar tribes later resisted successfully: ’The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.’
[1]
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro |
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The state of Ecuador seceded first from the Spanish Crown, then from the federation of Gran Colombia: ’The people of Quito, the Ecuadoran capital, claim that it was the scene of the first Ecuadoran patriot uprising against Spanish rule (1809). Invading from Colombia in 1822, the armies of Simón Bolívar and Antonio José de Sucre came to the aid of Ecuadoran rebels, and on May 24 Sucre won the decisive Battle of Pichincha on a mountain slope near Quito, thus assuring Ecuadoran independence.’
[1]
’Ecuador’s early history as a country was a tormented one. For some eight years it formed, together with what are now the countries of Panama, Colombia, and Venezuela, the confederation of Gran Colombia. But on May 13, 1830, after a period of protracted regional rivalries, Ecuador seceded and became a separate independent republic.’
[1]
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Ecuador/Cultural-life#toc25824 |
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None of "continuity, cultural assimilation, elite migration, population migration" apply becauThe early kings of the Twenty-Sixth Dynasty, Psamtek I and Nekau II, were Neo-Assyrian vassals.
[1]
"In 610, Assyria fell to its southern neighbor Babylonia, despite a desperate Egyptian attempt to support its former overlord. The Babylonians continued Assyrian policies in most respects, extending the hold over the Syro‐Palestinian lands, but they never succeeded in conquering Egypt"
[2]
The relationship of this polity to the Neo-Assyrian Empire can thus be coded as an (accidental) secession.e the preceding Neo-Assyrian Empire was a foreign dynasty.
[1]: (Mieroop 2021: 275, 277) Mieroop, Marc Van De. 2021. A History of Ancient Egypt. 2nd ed. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. [2]: (Mieroop 2021: 275) Mieroop, Marc Van De. 2021. A History of Ancient Egypt. 2nd ed. Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons. |
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Began as revolutionary movement against Abbasids in Syria. "Naturally, Islmaili religious claims and Fatimid political ones were both bitterly opposed by the Abbasids, forcing the Fatimid/Ismaili leadership to flee their first base in Syria in 909. They seized Ifriqiya - modern Tunisia and Eastern Algeria - took over the trans-Saharan gold-and-slave trade, built two great capitals - first Kairouan, then nearby Mahdiyya - and set up an autonomous state far from the reach of Baghdad."
[1]
[1]: (Man 1999) Man, J. 1999. Atlas of the Year 1000. Harvard University Press. |
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Zhou dynasty broken up into several independent kingdoms, mainly ruled by former enfeoffed nobles of Zhou period
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Liu Bang / Gaozu led rebellion to take control of the polity after the death of Qin Empreor Shi Huangdi, replacing many of the former Qin officials and moving the capital from Xianyang, but retaining many Qin institutional features
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"Historians conventionally treat the Eastern Han as a restoration, for it was not technically a new dynasty but the return of imperial authority to a member of the Liu clan, which had lost its claim to the throne during the Xin dynasty (9-23) of Wang Mang (45 BC - 23 AD)."
[1]
[1]: (Knechtges 2010, 116) Knechtges, David R. in Chang, Kang-i Sun. Ownen, Stephen. 2010. The Cambridge History of Chinese Literature, Volume 1. Cambridge University Press. |
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While there are distinctive qualities that identify the Nara period, which begins with the establishment of the new capital at Nara, there was major disruptions at the start of the period and the government continued to strengthen and centralize its rule.
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"Hülegü took with him an enormous army, supposedly two out of every ten Mongol soldiers, who were accompanied by families and herds. This, then, was not just a military campaign but also the mass migration of a large portion of the Mongol nation to Persia and the surrounding countries."
[1]
[1]: REUVEN AMITAI, ’IL-KHANIDS i. DYNASTIC HISTORY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/il-khanids-i-dynastic-history |
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"Hülegü took with him an enormous army, supposedly two out of every ten Mongol soldiers, who were accompanied by families and herds. This, then, was not just a military campaign but also the mass migration of a large portion of the Mongol nation to Persia and the surrounding countries."
[1]
[1]: REUVEN AMITAI, ’IL-KHANIDS i. DYNASTIC HISTORY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/il-khanids-i-dynastic-history |
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"We do know, however, that the Xiongnu polity was constructed from diverse political and economic traditions by way of the integration of distinctive Inner Asian groups."
[1]
"Based on radiocarbon dating, the time-span of material patterns associated with Xiongnu archaeology range as early as 400/300 BC and as late as 200 AD. It is in the nature of archaeological dating to have wide error ranges but despite this, these archaeological patterns probably precede and postdate the Xiongnu chronology given in the histories (i.e., 209 BC to c. 93 AD)."
[1]
[1]: (Honeychurch 2015, 221) |
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"Subsequent to the death of Tanshikhuai, his brother came to power, followed by a nephew, and then an unrelated leader (Kebineng), but unity was ephemeral and by A.D. 235 the Xianbei broke into a series of smaller polities, eventually reemerging as the Toba (northern) Wei polity."
[1]
"Given their Tung-hu-Hsien-pi origins, it is presumed that the Jou-Jan were Mongolic in speech."
[2]
[1]: (Rogers 2012, 223) [2]: (Golden 1992, 77) |
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"It has been suggested that they conquered K’ang-chu and Sogdiana in c. 300 but the literary sources have not yet been corroborated by the archaeological evidence."
[1]
The Kidarites might have been present (rulers?) in Tokharistan under the Kushans.
[1]: (Zeimal 1996, 124-125) Zeimal, E. V. The Kidarite Kingdom In Central Asia. in Litvinsky, B. A. ed. and Iskender-Mochiri, I. ed. 1996. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume III. The crossroads of civilizations: A.D. 250 to 750. pp.123-137. unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/001046/104612e.pdf |
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"It has been suggested that they conquered K’ang-chu and Sogdiana in c. 300 but the literary sources have not yet been corroborated by the archaeological evidence."
[1]
The Kidarites might have been present (rulers?) in Tokharistan under the Kushans.
[1]: (Zeimal 1996, 124-125) Zeimal, E. V. The Kidarite Kingdom In Central Asia. in Litvinsky, B. A. ed. and Iskender-Mochiri, I. ed. 1996. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume III. The crossroads of civilizations: A.D. 250 to 750. pp.123-137. unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0010/001046/104612e.pdf |
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"By 627 internal rebellions and a Tang invasion resulted in the dissolution of the first Turkic polity."
[1]
"Tumïn’s brother Ištemi, ruled over the western part of the realm as subordinate kaghan—yabghu or yabghu kaghan—with a winter camp somewhere near Karashahr (Agni). This gradually became the de facto independent realm of the Western Turks, while *Tumïn’s successors reigned over the Türk, or Eastern Turks, and retained the full imperial dignity."
[2]
[1]: (Rogers 2012, 226) [2]: (Beckwith 2009, 115-116) |
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"The Uighur polity began from an initial coalition of nine smaller groups. Together this coalition was responsible for the fall of the second Turkic empire."
[1]
"The Toquz Oghuz formed an important but turbulent subject population for the two TÜRK EMPIRES (552-630, 682-742). In 742, in cooperation with the Basmil near the Tianshan Mountains, and the QARLUQS in Zungharia, the Uighurs overthrew the second Türk Empire. Three years later the Uighurs drove out the Basmil and elevated Qulligh Boyla as the Qutlugh Bilge Kül Qaghan (744-47), establishing their capital, ORDU-BALIGH, in the ORKHON- RIVER-TAMIR region that had been the Türk Empire’s sacred center."
[2]
"The first Uighur rulers considered themselves continuers of the Türk tradition, and claimed legitimacy by linking themselves with Bumin Kaghan, the founder of the First Türk empire. The difference separating Türks from Uighurs must have been purely political. As is clearly shown by the inscriptions commemorating the deeds of their great men, Türks and Uighurs spoke the same language, used the same runic-type script and lived within the same geographic boundaries. Were it not for their name, the Uighurs would be indistinguishable from the Türks."
[3]
[1]: (Rogers 2012, 226) [2]: (Atwood 2004, 560) [3]: (Sinor 1998, 197) |
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"The Uighur polity began from an initial coalition of nine smaller groups. Together this coalition was responsible for the fall of the second Turkic empire."
[1]
"The Toquz Oghuz formed an important but turbulent subject population for the two TÜRK EMPIRES (552-630, 682-742). In 742, in cooperation with the Basmil near the Tianshan Mountains, and the QARLUQS in Zungharia, the Uighurs overthrew the second Türk Empire. Three years later the Uighurs drove out the Basmil and elevated Qulligh Boyla as the Qutlugh Bilge Kül Qaghan (744-47), establishing their capital, ORDU-BALIGH, in the ORKHON- RIVER-TAMIR region that had been the Türk Empire’s sacred center."
[2]
"The first Uighur rulers considered themselves continuers of the Türk tradition, and claimed legitimacy by linking themselves with Bumin Kaghan, the founder of the First Türk empire. The difference separating Türks from Uighurs must have been purely political. As is clearly shown by the inscriptions commemorating the deeds of their great men, Türks and Uighurs spoke the same language, used the same runic-type script and lived within the same geographic boundaries. Were it not for their name, the Uighurs would be indistinguishable from the Türks."
[3]
[1]: (Rogers 2012, 226) [2]: (Atwood 2004, 560) [3]: (Sinor 1998, 197) |
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"The Liao Empire of the Khitan (907-1125) opened a new stage in the relationship between mediaeval China and the neighboring people. Their rise was preconditioned by the crisis and fall of the T’ang dynasty and the desolation of the steppe caused by the defeat of the Uighur Kaganate by the Yenisei Kyrgyz. The Khitans first brought under their power several small states which were formed on the remains of the T’ang Empire."
[1]
"It may be more accurate to suggest that A-pao-chi took advantage of a political vacuum created by the gradual withdrawal of the Kyrgyz into their homeland in the Yenisei region. What is certain is that by 924 the Kyrgyz evacuation of the Orkhon region must have been completed."
[2]
[1]: (Kradin 2014, 152) [2]: (Sinor 1998, 236) |
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The start of Merovingian rule in the Paris basin: 486, when the territory was conquered from Syragrius.
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New dynasty composed of a different branch of elites, but no substantial population change, and no elite migration.
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The Kassites invaded Babylon from the north-west after the Hittites ended the First Empire. The Hittites did not establish their presence in Babylonia and, instead, the Kassite elites took the throne and ruled over Babylonia. There was some migration of Kassite people, but mostly the elites gained control and assimilated into Babylonian society.
[1]
[1]: Gill, A. 2008. Gateway of the Gods: The Rise and Fall of Babylon. London: Quercus. p.66 |
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The major change in this period from polytheistic to monotheistic religion occurred gradually.
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The ruling dynasty were from "the northern Iranian provinces of Gilam and Daylam ... Gilam was the name given to the area on the south-west shores of the Caspian Sea; Daylam was the mountainous hinterland."
[1]
[1]: (Kennedy 2004, 210) Kennedy, Hugh N. 2004. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. Second edition. Pearson Longman. Harlow. |
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The ruling dynasty were from "the northern Iranian provinces of Gilam and Daylam ... Gilam was the name given to the area on the south-west shores of the Caspian Sea; Daylam was the mountainous hinterland."
[1]
[1]: (Kennedy 2004, 210) Kennedy, Hugh N. 2004. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. Second edition. Pearson Longman. Harlow. |
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Early Seljuk expansion saw land given out to tribal leaders and their family and kin.
[1]
Elite migration: "Unlike the earlier military slaves, they came accompanied by their families and their livestock, and their advance consisted of great nomadic migrations which permanently transformed the demography of the parts of the Middle East where they settled."
[2]
The Seljuks were a Turkic dynasty who had began in the territory east of the Aral Sea.
[3]
[4]
[1]: Andrew C. S. Peacock, Nomadic Society and the Seljūq Campaigns in Caucasia, Iran & the Caucasus, Vol. 9, No. 2 (2005):224-225. [2]: (Peacock 2015, 2) Peacock, A C S. 2015. The Great Seljuk Empire. Edinburgh University Press Ltd. Edinburgh. [3]: C. E. Bosworth, ’Turks, Seljuk and Ottoman’ in The Oxford Companion to Military History eds. Richard Holmes, Charles Singleton, and Dr Spencer Jones (2001) [4]: Ahmed H. al-Rahim, ’Seljuk Turks’ in The Oxford Dictionary of the Middle Ages ed. Robert E. Bjork (2010) |
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"Obliging historians and genealogists concocted for the Rasulids a descent from the royal house of the pre-Islamic Ghassanids and, ultimately, from Qahtan, progenitor of the South Arabs. But it is more probable that they came from the Menjik clan of the Oghuz Turks, who had participated in the Turkish invasions of the Middle East under the Saljuqs, and that the original Rasul had been employed as an envoy [ras l] by the ’Abbasid caliphs."
[1]
[1]: (Bosworth 2014) Clifford Edmund Bosworth. 2014. The New Islamic Dynasties. Edinburgh University Press. Edinburgh. |
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The Safavids drove out the Āq Qoyunlu from Persia with the help of Qezelbāš tribal forces. They installed themselves as Shahs, princes etc and Qezelbāš were given regional governorships. They declared the new regime to be Shi’i and the existing Sunni population was "persecuted, driven out, or killed".
[1]
Evidence for this is material cultural e.g. new coins minted and texts such as chronologies.
[1]
"the Safavids were themselves the posterity of the Aq Qoyunlu, not only in a genealogical sense, but also as heirs to a tribally constituted military elite".
[2]
Ismail began from a power base in the Caspian region, before moving into western Persia and Azerbaijan after defeating the the Āq Qoyunlu.
[3]
[1]: Rudi Matthee ‘SAFAVID DYNASTY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids. [2]: (Melville 1998) Melville, Charles. 1998. From the Saljuqs to the Aq Qoyunlu (ca. 1000-1500 C.E.). Iranian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3/4 (Summer-Autumn), A Review of the "Encyclopaedia Iranica", Taylor & Francis Ltd. pp.473-482 [3]: Rudi Matthee ‘SAFAVID DYNASTY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids; E Eshraghi, ‘PERSIA DURING THE PERIOD OF THE SAFAVIDS, THE AFSHARS AND THE EARLY QAJARS’, in Chahryar Adle and Irfan Habib (eds), History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Vol. V The Sixteenth to the Mid-Nineteenth Centuries (Paris: Unesco, 1992)pp. 250-75. |
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The Safavids drove out the Āq Qoyunlu from Persia with the help of Qezelbāš tribal forces. They installed themselves as Shahs, princes etc and Qezelbāš were given regional governorships. They declared the new regime to be Shi’i and the existing Sunni population was "persecuted, driven out, or killed".
[1]
Evidence for this is material cultural e.g. new coins minted and texts such as chronologies.
[1]
"the Safavids were themselves the posterity of the Aq Qoyunlu, not only in a genealogical sense, but also as heirs to a tribally constituted military elite".
[2]
Ismail began from a power base in the Caspian region, before moving into western Persia and Azerbaijan after defeating the the Āq Qoyunlu.
[3]
[1]: Rudi Matthee ‘SAFAVID DYNASTY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids. [2]: (Melville 1998) Melville, Charles. 1998. From the Saljuqs to the Aq Qoyunlu (ca. 1000-1500 C.E.). Iranian Studies, Vol. 31, No. 3/4 (Summer-Autumn), A Review of the "Encyclopaedia Iranica", Taylor & Francis Ltd. pp.473-482 [3]: Rudi Matthee ‘SAFAVID DYNASTY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/safavids; E Eshraghi, ‘PERSIA DURING THE PERIOD OF THE SAFAVIDS, THE AFSHARS AND THE EARLY QAJARS’, in Chahryar Adle and Irfan Habib (eds), History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Vol. V The Sixteenth to the Mid-Nineteenth Centuries (Paris: Unesco, 1992)pp. 250-75. |
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"Thus, when I say, for example, that the Yangshao tradition was followed by the Longshan tradition, it should not be taken to imply that the break between the two is clear and discrete, or that all people changed in exactly the same ways at precisely the same time. Nor should such a statement imply that there was a population replacement between the two traditions. More important, such a statement should not be taken to imply that the peoples of either tradition knew they were living in any sort of unity with other people who we, from our perspective today, suggest they shared a common archaeological tradition."
[1]
[1]: (Peregrine and Ember 2001, xx) |
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"More certain is the continuity with later developments. The foundations, tombs, and artifacts just described all come from the third and fourth levels at the site. Radiocarbon determinations put those levels near the middle of the second millennium, and their contents, the pottery vessels in particular, suggest a close relationship with the Erligang culture defined at the Zhengzhou site 85 km to the east. On present evidence the Erlitou culture is the immediate ancestor of the Erligang culture, the first great civilization of East Asia."
[1]
"The transition between the Erlitou and Erligang pe- riods, moreover, appears to have been culturally seamless. Already, in Erlitou IV and increasingly toward the end of the phase, Erligang-type ceramics were found in the Erlitou assemblage. Six kilometers away and roughly contemporary with the second half of Erlitou IV, the large Shang walled site of Yanshi was built, and, in the Zhengzhou area, an even larger walled site was being constructed. The “Erlitou expansion” was not followed by a retraction of Central Plains material culture, but rather it was incorporated into an even larger “Erligang expansion.” "
[2]
[1]: (Bagley 1999, 165) [2]: (Campbell 2014, 99) |
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former Zhou noble lineages became independent rulers of Wei territory
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"In the ninth century, two noticeable changes occur (Pl. 5) : tauf house foundations are replaced by cylindrical brick architecture, and painted pottery is replaced by pottery with impressed and stamped decoration. The source of these novelties is unknown, although we can say that they did not involve any fundamental shift in the form or general layout of either houses or pottery. So it is unlikely that any major change in the ethnic composition of Jenne-jeno was associated with the changes. Change with continuity was the prevailing pattern."
[1]
[1]: (Susan Keech McIntosh and Roderick J. McIntosh "Jenne-jeno, an ancient African city" http://anthropology.rice.edu/Content.aspx?id=500) |
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In core region, Morocco, preceding polity was the Principality of Saadi.
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Biton Coulibaly, founder of the Bamana kingdom, is traditionally believed to have descended from the Segu kingdom’s rulers, and, even if this were not true, he belonged to their same ethnic group, the Bamana or Bambara
[1]
.
[1]: M. Izard and J. Ki-Zerbo, From the Niger to the Volta, in B.A. Ogot (ed), General History of Africa, vol. 5: Africa from the Sixteenth to the Eighteenth Centuries (1992), pp. 327-367 |
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"Further research made it possible to identify a period which was probably older than Neguanje, in Papare, along the coast adjacent to Ciénaga. In some of the small test pits there, Malambo ceramics, identical to those excavated by Angulo (1962) in the Malambo site (Departamento del Atlántico), were found. In Papare the following chronology was proposed: first the Malambo occupation, probably taking place between the year 1000 B.C. and the first years A.D.; a second occupation, called Neguanje to maintain Bischof’s nomenclature, which would last until the 10th Century A.D."
[1]
[1]: (Langebaek 2005, 11) |
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"Ironically but unsurprisingly, while we were carrying out the architectural and topographic survey of Pueblito near the coast we were able to locate Neguanje period structures buried deep below Tairona terraces and structures on view to visitors and archaeologists alike. They had been, so to speak, underneath our noses all this time but had gone unnoticed by previous projects. Two overlapping Neguanje period dwellings, for example, were found almost 9 feet below the surface of a Tairona period terrace at Pueblito. In subsequent excavations at Teyuna-Ciudad Perdida we found the same pattern: earlier occupations and structures buried below structures that had been on view to everyone. When I discussed these findings in 2010 with Alicia Dussán, she indicated that it was quite clear that they had not been found because of the clean and very thick layers of fill separating the occupation levels. This had led them to assume only sterile layers of fill were to be found below Tairona household floors. This finding has allowed us to better understand the construction sequence of these places in a more nuanced and subtle fashion. Radiocarbon dates from buried occupations at both sites suggest that they were initially settled some time between A.D. 500 and A.D. 700, and grew relatively slowly up until A.D. 1100, reaching a size of about 30 acres. Core area plazas, terracing, and structures were then rapidly built some time between A.D. 1100 and A.D. 1200 and remained unchanged until A.D. 1600. That is, these areas were used and reused continuously but saw no major changes in their architectural layout. Yet both towns continued to expand after this time period, with growth concentrating mainly in residential areas. It is now clear that the Neguanje period peoples were directly related to the Tairona, and that there is a deeper time frame to the inhabitation and transformation of the northern and western side of the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta."
[1]
[1]: (Giraldo 2014) |
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The Xianbei is one part of what used to be the Donghu polity. "When Hsiung-nu power in the steppe declined, due partly to natural internal change and partly to Chinese attacks and political machinations, among other factors, the steppe peoples who had been subjugated by the Hsiung-nu increasingly took the opportunity to establish themselves as rulers in their own right. By far the most important of these revolutions was that of the Hsien-pei, a Proto-Mongolic-speaking people who had lived in the eastern part of the Hsiung-nu realm, in what is now western Manchuria, and had been subjugated already by Mo-tun (r. 209-174 bc), the second great ruler of the Hsiung-nu."
[1]
"After the decisive Han dynasty defeat of the Northern Xiongnu, and the Xiongnu leadership’s abandonment of all of what is now Mongolia by 91 CE, the Xianbei occupied the old Xiongnu pastures in Mongolia. The residual Xiongnu people who lingered in the area reportedly now began to call themselves Xianbei: ‘there were still over a hundred-thousand camps of remaining Xiongnu descendants, and they all proclaimed themselves Xianbei. After this, the Xianbei gradually flourished’ (匈奴餘種留者尚有十餘萬落,皆自號鮮卑,鮮卑由此漸盛)."
[2]
[1]: (Beckwith 2009, 89-90) [2]: (Holcombe 2013, 7) |
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The Xianbei is one part of what used to be the Donghu polity. "When Hsiung-nu power in the steppe declined, due partly to natural internal change and partly to Chinese attacks and political machinations, among other factors, the steppe peoples who had been subjugated by the Hsiung-nu increasingly took the opportunity to establish themselves as rulers in their own right. By far the most important of these revolutions was that of the Hsien-pei, a Proto-Mongolic-speaking people who had lived in the eastern part of the Hsiung-nu realm, in what is now western Manchuria, and had been subjugated already by Mo-tun (r. 209-174 bc), the second great ruler of the Hsiung-nu."
[1]
"After the decisive Han dynasty defeat of the Northern Xiongnu, and the Xiongnu leadership’s abandonment of all of what is now Mongolia by 91 CE, the Xianbei occupied the old Xiongnu pastures in Mongolia. The residual Xiongnu people who lingered in the area reportedly now began to call themselves Xianbei: ‘there were still over a hundred-thousand camps of remaining Xiongnu descendants, and they all proclaimed themselves Xianbei. After this, the Xianbei gradually flourished’ (匈奴餘種留者尚有十餘萬落,皆自號鮮卑,鮮卑由此漸盛)."
[2]
[1]: (Beckwith 2009, 89-90) [2]: (Holcombe 2013, 7) |
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"The Türk uprising in 679-681 was at first unsuccessful, although it led, in 682, to the withdrawal of Kutlug-chor, one of the Türk leaders of the kaghan tribe of the A-shih-na, into the Gobi desert. Once they had established themselves in the Yin Shan mountains (Cˇug ̆ay quzï in ancient Turkic), Kutlugchor and his closest comrade-in-arms, Tonyuquq, succeeded in winning the support of most of the Türks and conducted successful military operations against the imperial forces in Shansi between 682 and 687. Kutlug-chor proclaimed himself Ilterish kaghan, and in so doing ushered in the resurgent Türk Empire. In 687 Ilterish kaghan left the Yin Shan mountains and turned his united and battle- hardened army to the conquest of the Türk heartlands in central and northern Mongolia. Between 687 and 691 the Tokuz-Oghuz tribes and the Uighurs, who had occupied these territories, were routed and subjugated; their chief, Abuz kaghan, fell in battle."
[1]
[1]: (Klyashtorny 1996, 331) |
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“In 1688, on the pretext of supporting the Khalkha right wing, Galdan marched eastward, leading 30,000 Oirat troops over the Khangai into the Khalkha pastures. The Khalkha left-wing army commanded by Tüshiyetü Khan fought valiantly for three days but was routed. The khan and his younger brother, the first Jebzundamba Khutughtu, followed by hundreds of thousands of the Khalkha multitude, fled in panic across the Gobi into present-day Inner Mongolia to seek protection under the Manchu ( Qing) emperor Kang Xi."
[1]
[1]: (Miyawaki et al 2003, 149) |
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Prior to colonial annexation, the Orokaiva were a group of autonomous tribes without central political organization: ’Political organization incorporates no central authority or hereditary leadership. Instead, it is characterized by big-men(EMBO DAMBO) and an ascendancy of elders who have proved themselves equal to the task. Such men command the respect of the village, based upon observed qualities of generosity, diligence, wealth, ability to make wise decisions, and skill in arranging ceremonial activities. This status confers no sanctioning authority, however. The Orokaiva tribes, around twelve in number, are very loose units politically and recognize no single leader. The largest unit is the tribe, which has a common territory usually demarcated from neighboring tribal territories by a belt of uninhabited land.’
[1]
’The social system is characterized by flexibility in arrangements for group membership and for transmission of rights to land. A village normally contains more than one clan branch and consequently is not necessarily a landholding unit. Residents may have closer kinship ties to residents of other villages than with some of their coresidents. Nevertheless, common residence implies some community of interest and a degree of group solidarity that is reinforced by government policy, which recognizes villages rather than descent groups as functional entities. Marriages between members of different clan branches within the village also reinforce this solidarity, which is expressed in ways such as daily food gifts, cooperation in certain tasks, and joint ceremonial activities. On the average, a lineage comprises three households. Usually, several clans are represented in a village, with members of a single clan (clan branches) being scattered among a number of neighboring villages. Lineages are more localized in cha racter, frequently being confined to a single village and tending to occupy one section of it.’
[1]
[1]: Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva |
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’The first European attempt at colonization was made in 1793 by Lieut. John Hayes, a British naval officer, near Manokwari, now in Papua province, Indonesia. It was the Dutch, however, who claimed the western half of the island as part of the Dutch East Indies in 1828; their control remained nominal until 1898, when their first permanent administrative posts were set up at Fakfak and Manokwari.’
[1]
Papua was later annexed by the British: ’In response to Australian pressure, the British government annexed Papua in 1888. Gold was discovered shortly thereafter, resulting in a major movement of prospectors and miners to what was then the Northern District. Relations with the Papuans were bad from the start, and there were numerous killings on both sides. The Protectorate of British New Guinea became Australian territory by the passing of the Papua Act of 1905 by the Commonwealth Government of Australia. The new administration adopted a policy of peaceful penetration, and many measures of social and economic national development were introduced. Local control was in the hands of village constables, paid servants of the Crown. Chosen by European officers, they were intermediaries between the government and the people.’
[2]
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Papua-New-Guinea/History [2]: Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva |
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"Some scholars believe that the Beaker package was spread by actual immigrants or by traders in search of desired materials, while others argue that they represent an ideology and set of status symbols that were readily taken up by the emerging leaders of increasingly hierarchical communities. [...] In some regions Beaker practices were adopted wholesale and marked a sharp break with earlier traditions. In others there was some continuity: For example, final burials in some megalithic tombs contained Beaker material. Settlements belonging to the makers of Beaker pottery are elusive, and it has been suggested that they led a relatively mobile way of life, probably associated with pastoralism, though probably, like Corded Ware, Beaker material was used by communities practicing many economic strategies."
[1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2006, 61) |
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"Some scholars believe that the Beaker package was spread by actual immigrants or by traders in search of desired materials, while others argue that they represent an ideology and set of status symbols that were readily taken up by the emerging leaders of increasingly hierarchical communities. [...] In some regions Beaker practices were adopted wholesale and marked a sharp break with earlier traditions. In others there was some continuity: For example, final burials in some megalithic tombs contained Beaker material. Settlements belonging to the makers of Beaker pottery are elusive, and it has been suggested that they led a relatively mobile way of life, probably associated with pastoralism, though probably, like Corded Ware, Beaker material was used by communities practicing many economic strategies."
[1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2006, 61) |
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"Two major changes take place in the earlier Bronze Age to differentiate it from the preceding Bell Beaker and earlier traditions is (I) the use of bronze, primarily for weapons and ornaments; (2) the burial in single graves (i.e., noncom- munal), and in many areas under a small mound of earth; and (3) the construction of fortified settlements, particularly in central Europe."
[1]
[1]: (Peregrine 2001, 412) |
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"Pre-Achaemenid period. Before the arrival of Iranian peoples in Central Asia, Sogdiana had already experienced at least two urban phases. The first was at Sarazm (4th-3rd m. BCE), a town of some 100 hectares has been excavated, where both irrigation agriculture and metallurgy were practiced (Isakov). It has been possible to demonstrate the magnitude of links with the civilization of the Oxus as well as with more distant regions, such as Baluchistan. The second phase began in at least the 15th century BCE at Kok Tepe, on the Bulungur canal north of the Zarafsan River, where the earliest archeological material appears to go back to the Bronze Age, and which persisted throughout the Iron Age, until the arrival from the north of the Iranian-speaking populations that were to become the Sogdian group. It declined with the rise of Samarkand (Rapin, 2007). Pre-Achaemenid Sogdiana is recalled in the Younger Avesta (chap. 1 of the Vidēvdād, q.v.) under the name Gava and said to be inhabited by the Sogdians.
[1]
[1]: (De la Vaissière, Encyclopedia Iranica online, http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/sogdiana-iii-history-and-archeology) |
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"The Yueh-chih, as the ancestors of the Kushans were known, were settled in the Tarim Basin in the 3rd century BCE."
[1]
"After being driven out of the Tarim Basin the Yueh-chih settled on either side of the Amu Darya, in a region called collectively in ancient times Bactria."
[2]
[1]: (Samad 2011, 77) Samad, R. U. 2011. The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys. Angora Publishing. [2]: (Samad 2011, 78) Samad, R. U. 2011. The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys. Angora Publishing. |
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"What Abdallah did not do, however, was to eliminate his brother-in-law Jani Muhammad, whose father Yar Muhammad had taken refuge with the Shaybanids of Bukhara after the conquest of the khanate of Astrakhan by the Russians in 1556. Jani Muhammad married the Uzbek khan’s sister, and he acceded to the vacated throne in Bukhara as the first ruler of a dynasty called Janid or Ashtarkhanid; the Janids too were Juchids, but not through Shiban but through Tuqay Timur, one of Juchi’s other sons (in fact, his thirteenth son), so that some historians prefer the name “Tuqay-Timurids” to the genealogically less revealing appellations Janids or Ashtarkhanids."
[1]
[1]: (Soucek 2000, 177) |
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The Chinese republican period was preceded by the late Qing dynasty: ’From Song on, in periods of relative peace, government control was exercised through the tusi system of indirect rule by appointed native headmen who collected taxes, organized corvée, and kept the peace. Miao filled this role in Hunan and eastern Guizhou, but farther west the rulers were often drawn from a hereditary Yi nobility, a system that lasted into the twentieth century. In Guizhou, some tusi claimed Han ancestry, but were probably drawn from the ranks of assimilated Bouyei, Dong, and Miao. Government documents refer to the "Sheng Miao" (raw Miao), meaning those living in areas beyond government control and not paying taxes or labor service to the state. In the sixteenth century, in the more pacified areas, the implementation of the policy of gaitu guiliu began the replacement of native rulers with regular civilian and military officials, a few of whom were drawn from assimilated minority families. Land became a commodity, creating both landlords and some freeholding peasants in the areas affected. In the Yunnan-Guizhou border area, the tusi system continued and Miao purchase of land and participation in local markets was restricted by law until the Republican period (1911-1949).’
[1]
’During the Qing, uprisings and military encounters escalated. There were major disturbances in western Hunan (1795-1806) and a continuous series of rebellions in Guizhou (1854-1872). Chinese policies toward the Miao shifted among assimilation, containment in "stockaded villages," dispersal, removal, and extermination. The frequent threat of "Miao rebellion" caused considerable anxiety to the state; in actuality, many of these uprisings included Bouyei, Dong, Hui, and other ethnic groups, including Han settlers and demobilized soldiers. At issue were heavy taxation, rising landlordism, rivalries over local resources, and official corruption. One of the last Miao uprisings occurred in 1936 in western Hunan in opposition to Guomindang (Republican) continuation of the tuntian system, which forced the peasants to open up new lands and grow crops for the state.’
[1]
[The A-Hmao group doesn’t appear to have been directly involved in the more eastern Hmong rebellions, but it appears to have been increasingly subsumed by the Late Qing/Early Chinese in the aftermath of these rebellions.]
[1]: Diamond, Norma: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Miao |
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The relationship between the Ubaid and the Halaf and the Samarra is difficult to establish and characterized. There are some conceptions which suggest that the important impact of forming the Ubaid in Mesopotamia had processes of acculturation and peaceful migration of small Ubaid group from north to south Mesopotamia. However, the researchers based mainly on ceramic and architectural evidences trying to reconstruct the origin of the Ubaid. Recently, new type of records have been included - aDNA analysis from site - Tell Kurdu (SE Anatolia) which showed that there is a clear genetic connections of these two Ubaid and Halaf populations (the examined individuals from both communities came from the same matriline).
[1]
[2]
[1]: Özbal 2010b, 49 [2]: Campbell & Fletcher 2010, 69-84 |
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There are no traces of any dramatic cultural interruption between these two periods.
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"We know now that Semitic people were already present in Mesopotamia in the Early Dynastic period. Therefore, they did not settle in the region after a mass immigration."
[1]
The relation to preceding polity is complicated. Sargon, was an Akkadian and he was probably cup-bear in the palace of Ur-Zababa, king of Kish. The Akaddians were earlier present component of cultural and ethic map of Sumer and the region of Babilon, but they did not play any important political role. Sargon was a person who united the Akkadian people and provided the privilege when he conquered Sumer.
[2]
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 139) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. [2]: Postgate 2007, 36 |
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"We know now that Semitic people were already present in Mesopotamia in the Early Dynastic period. Therefore, they did not settle in the region after a mass immigration."
[1]
The relation to preceding polity is complicated. Sargon, was an Akkadian and he was probably cup-bear in the palace of Ur-Zababa, king of Kish. The Akaddians were earlier present component of cultural and ethic map of Sumer and the region of Babilon, but they did not play any important political role. Sargon was a person who united the Akkadian people and provided the privilege when he conquered Sumer.
[2]
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 139) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. [2]: Postgate 2007, 36 |
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"The Ur III Empire broke up into a number of autonomous smaller states, controlling and fighting over other ancient cities."
[1]
[1]: (McIntosh 2005: 84) McIntosh, J. 2005. Ancient Mesopotamia: New Perspective. Santa Barbara: ABC Clio. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/KK2E3KMD. |
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"After the end of the dynasty of Isin, a sequence of shortlived dynasties of different and often foreign origins came to power, but their authority was not well established in the land. Firstly, three kings of the ‘Second Dynasty of the Sealand’ re-emerged from the far south to control Babylonia. They ruled for around twenty years (ca. 1025-1005 bc). Then there were three kings of the dynasty of Bazi, originally from somewhere along the Tigris."
[1]
[1]: (Liverani 2014, 469) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/7DRZQS5Q/q/liverani. |
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"After the end of the dynasty of Isin, a sequence of shortlived dynasties of different and often foreign origins came to power, but their authority was not well established in the land."
[1]
[1]: (Liverani 2014, 469) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East: History, Society and Economy. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/7DRZQS5Q/q/liverani. |
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"it is evident that ’Ubaid developed out of Hajji Muhammad just as the latter is derived from Eridu. This continuity of cultural evolution has led certain scholars to simplify the sequence into ’ Ubaid 1-4, Eridu being ’ Ubaid I, Hajji Muhammad ’Ubaid 2, etc., against the better judgement of the excavators. As it tends to obscure the links of these two early cultures with Susiana and favours the theory of autochthonous development (which can no longer be maintained, in view of the recent discoveries at Ali-Kush and Tepe Sabz), the alternative system may have to be rejected."
[1]
[1]: (Mellaart 1970, 287-288) Mellaart, J. in Edwards, I E S. Gadd, C J. Hammond, N G L. eds. 1970. The Cambridge Ancient History. Volumes 1-2. Cambridge University Press. |
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"It has been suggested that the original stock of the Susian population came from many of the surrounding villages which were abandoned as a prelude to Susa’s foundation (Pollock 1989: 283), and that the burning of at least a portion (see also Kantor and Delougaz 1996) of the site of Choga Mish may have had something to do with the foundation of Susa (Hole 1983: 321), possibly, as Hole has suggested, ‘a deliberate attempt to reestablish some kind of a center and vacate the area of the previous one’ (apud Pollock 1989: 292). Whatever the raison d’être behind Susa’s foundation, and it may have been very mundane indeed, the site’s subsequent development was soon distinguished by a number of architectural developments which would seem to exceed the scope of activities normally associated with village life (Dollfus 1985: 18-19)."
[1]
[1]: (Potts 1999, 46) |
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: "In the kingdom of Elam during this time (about 1700 B.C.), the people of the southeastern plateau, whose princes had controlled Susiana, fell back into a semi-nomadic state. The trans-Elamite culture that extended across the plateau similarly collapsed, and India too was overwhelmed in a general crisis about which little is known."
[1]
[1]: (Amiet, Chevalier and Carter 1992, 8) Amiet, Pierre. Chevalier, Nicole. Carter, Elizabeth. in Harper, Prudence O. Aruz, Joan. Tallon, Francoise. eds. 1992. The Royal City of Susa: Ancient Near Eastern Treasures in the Louvre. Metropolitan Museum of Art. |
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The Middle Elamite kingdom defeated the Kassite Dynasty and set their own king on the throne. This kingship did not last for long and it is unlikely there was substantial migration of people towards Babylonia.
[1]
[1]: Potts, D.T. 1999. The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p.233 |
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The Middle Elamite kingdom defeated the Kassite Dynasty and set their own king on the throne. This kingship did not last for long and it is unlikely there was substantial migration of people towards Babylonia.
[1]
[1]: Potts, D.T. 1999. The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p.233 |
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The Middle Elamite kingdom defeated the Kassite Dynasty and set their own king on the throne. This kingship did not last for long and it is unlikely there was substantial migration of people towards Babylonia.
[1]
[1]: Potts, D.T. 1999. The Archaeology of Elam: Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p.233 |
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"Elamite documentation reveals that the Sutrukid dynasty (the last dynasty of the 2nd mil- lennium b.c.) continued beyond the reign of Hutelutus-Insusinak with kings Silhina-hamru- Lagamar, Humban-numena II, Sutruk-Nahhunte II, and Sutur-Nahhunte I. Texts excavated at Ansan indicate the existence of kings, but no titles are given: Aksir-nahunte and Aksir- simut (both contemporaries of Sutruk-Nahhunte II). There are contextual, paleographic, and onomastic reasons to believe that Hutran-Tepti, Att-hamiti-Insusinak, and Humban-nikas I, son of Humban-tarah, ought to be dated in the period 1000-750 b.c. Finally, after a break of a few years, the name Hallutas-Insusinak appears during the mid-8th century b.c. (paleo- graphic and filiation arguments). These royal names partially fill a gap of some 300 years in the Mesopotamian documentation for the kings of Elam. The royal titulature of these indi- viduals does not, therefore, speak in opposition to an independent Ansan."
[1]
[1]: (Quintana 2011, 187) |
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"Even so and despite their isolation from the aggressive Mesopotamians, the inhabitants of Fars were eventually to suffer new pressures from Iranian migrants moving down from the north. Whether or not the coming of the Iranians caused the divided provinces of Elam to support the rise of a new centralized authority in south-west Iran is a question which cannot be answered on present evidence. Whatever the reason, by c.742 BC Humbannikash I had become king of an apparently reconstituted Elamite federation."
[1]
[1]: (Hansman 1985, 30-31) |
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"Amplifying the earlier view of Minorsky, Sümer notes the eastward reflux from Anatolia of the Mongol Oirot, Jalayir, and Süldüz after 1335/736 in addition to the three Turkmen "waves" composed of the Qaraquyunlu, the Aqquyunlu, and the Safavid Qizilbash that swept out of Anatolia over Iran in the fifteenth/ninth and sixteenth/ tenth centuries. In any case, these later demographic changes differed from the earlier Turkic and Mongol invasions of the Islamic lands from Central Asia in that they essentially involved the relocation or reshuffling of existing elements into new political configurations as distinct from the overlaying of an indigenous population by entirely new peoples."
[1]
[1]: (Woods 1998, 3) |
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"From a Turkic tribe in north-east Iran, the great body of them had settled at Astarabad (present day Gorgan) near the south-eastern corner of the Caspian Sea. When Nader Shah Afshar died in 1747 with no living heirs, the Qajar tribal leaders were among the contenders for the throne."
[1]
[1]: (Ghani 2000, 1) Cyrus Ghani. 2000. Iran and the Rise of Reza Shah. From Qaja Collapse to Pahlavi Power. I B Tauris. London. |
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The population of the largest settlement, San José Mogote, grew substantially to over 1000 people during this period,
[1]
but there are few other settlements where this population could have migrated from.
[1]: Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11 |
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The highest density of population continued to be in the Etla arm, with San José Mogote as the central settlement. The other arms of the valley, which were previously occupied, increased in population density and formed chiefdoms.
[1]
[1]: Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p125-6 |
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People migrated to occupy the new settlement, Monte Alban, during this period, although material culture (including ceramic and architectural styles) suggest cultural continuity from the previous period.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). "Primary state formation in Mesoamerica." Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p177 [2]: Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p144 |
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The Zapotec polity continued to be centred at Monte Albán, but began to extend its territory at the beginning of this phase.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). "Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico." Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70, p29-30 [2]: Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p86 |
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The Zapotec state had developed into a state by the beginning of this period. The capital remained at Monte Albán, but the territory expanded even further, both within and outside of the Valley of Oaxaca. New conquered territories included: Miahuatlán, Cuicatlán, Tututepec, Ocelotepec, Chiltepec and Sosola.
[1]
[1]: Balkansky, A. K. (1998). "Origin and collapse of complex societies in Oaxaca, Mexico: Evaluating the era from 1965 to the present." Journal of World Prehistory 12(4): 451-493, p462 |
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The centre at Monte Albán continued to grow during this period, but the territorial extent of the Zapotec state outside of the Valley of Oaxaca declined.
[1]
[1]: Balkansky, A. K. (1998). "Origin and collapse of complex societies in Oaxaca, Mexico: Evaluating the era from 1965 to the present." Journal of World Prehistory 12(4): 451-493, 473 |
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The Zapotec polity went into gradual decline during this period, with population dispersal across the valley.The Zapotec state began to fragment at the end of the IIIA period, and eventually formed numerous smaller competing "kingdoms", each politically independent of the others.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p183 [2]: Caso, et al, 1967 and Acosta, 1965, cited in Balkansky, A. K. (1998). "Origin and collapse of complex societies in Oaxaca, Mexico: Evaluating the era from 1965 to the present." Journal of World Prehistory 12(4): 451-493. |
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The process of political balkanisation which started at the end of the MA IIIA period continued into this period until the Spanish invasion. Separate kingdoms formed, with Monte Alban still occupied but with a much reduced population.
[1]
[1]: Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. |
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Zaydi imams expelled Ottoman forces with tribal support: ’In response to growing Portuguese strength in the Indian <?cean, a Circassian Mameluke army was sent to Yemen from Egypt In 15I 5· The Mamelukes destroyed the Tahirid state that ruled Lower Yemen at the time but were prevented from tackling the Zaydi Imam in his turn by the Ottoman invasion of Egypt (1517), and, when they withdrew, the Imam Sharaf al-Din extended his own influence down to Aden; but in 1538 the Ottomans themselves dispatched an army and within ten years conquered ~pper Ye~~n, beginning a century of often fiercely resisted occupation.’
[1]
[1]: Dresch, Paul 1989. "Tribes, Government and History in Yemen", 198 |
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"In addition to the African Americans who were motivated by an ideological conviction of liberty to fight against their plantation owners in the American Revolutionary War, thereby earning the moniker of “Black Loyalists,” and the Maroons from Jamaica (via Nova Scotia), the settlement was comprised of a culturally diverse group of people whose ancestral origins can be traced to societies from the Senegambia Valley to central and southern Africa."
[1]
[1]: (Cole 2021) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WBFJ8QU5/collection. |
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"Research into the first millennium A.D. shows that iron-bearing settlement mounds, representing villages, rapidly increased in the valleys of River Niger and its tributaries (e.g., Yelwa and Wushishi), southern Hausaland, and the plains of the Chad Basin after the sixth century A.D. (Connah, 1981, pp. 201–213; Shaw, 1976; Sutton, 1976). [...] How these site hierarchies culminated in the rise of Kanem, the oldest known state in the central sudan and well referenced in the Arabic writings, is not yet understood."
[1]
[1]: (Ogundiran 2005: 144) |
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"Shortly after the start of Red II a drastic and rapid egalitarian revolution took place, a turning point in Kirikongo’s developmental trajectory. Social inequalities were rejected in a process of nonvertical social differentiation of houses coupled with increasing interhouse communalism."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2012: 30) |
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"At the end of Red III, several mounds at Kirikongo were abandoned and for the first time in its history the site declined in size. The spatial patterns of Red IV ceramics presented in this paper indicate that the shrinking of formerly large communities may have been part of regional trends, as several nearby settlements also experienced a loss of population or were abandoned starting in the early fifteenth century CE. These population decreases could result from outmigration or perhaps from plague epidemics, which have been invoked for abandonments of other settlements inWest Africa in the fourteenth-fifteenth centuries (Chouin 2013; Huysecom et al. 2015). At the same time, it could also reflect a regional reorganization into smaller communities. This corresponds to patterns in oral histories described by ethnographers, who have argued that prior to the nineteenth century, societies in the Mouhoun Bend and neighboring parts of western Burkina Faso lived in dispersed hamlets rather than large villages, and that the aggregated communities (métropoles) observed in the twentieth century developed in response to political instability during the late precolonial and early colonial periods (Capron 1973; Cremer 1924; see also Rémy 1981)."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2016: 133) |
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"Over the course ofYellow II and Red I, the founding house began to centralize control over ancestry (materialized in a cemetery monument), iron production, livestock wealth and even spatial syntax, with a shift in the location of new houses towards Mound 4. They may have restricted access to spatio-cosmic origins in their role as village founders (from a spatially distant locale) and exercised a privileged social role derived from initial pacts with the local divinities. By Red I the founding house controlled iron production, itself an extension of spatio-cosmic origins as the divinities of the deep earth are conceptually distant and primordial (and dangerous), and need to be maintained properly."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 22) |
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"In addition to illustrating the penetration of the Mossi from the Dagomba kingdom of northern Ghana upstream along the White Volta all the way to Ouahigouya, this account serves as an ideological foundation of the Mossi state system and its blend of conquest and assimilation, where marriages with autochthonous people play a crucial role and where power is transmitted from father to son. Yet the story is idyllic in its portrayal of indigenous populations. [...] [N]ot all gladly married or warmly welcomed Mossi warriors."
[1]
[1]: (Englebert 2018: 11) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/52JWRCUI/collection. |
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"A true village emerged with the establishment of a second house (Mound 1) c. ad 450, and by the end of the first millennium ad the community had expanded to six houses. At first, these were economically generalized houses (potting, iron metallurgy, farming and herding) settled distantly apart with direct access to farming land that appear to have exercised some autonomy.Over the course ofYellow II and Red I, the founding house began to centralize control over ancestry (materialized in a cemetery monument), iron production, livestock wealth and even spatial syntax, with a shift in the location of new houses towards Mound 4."
[1]
[1]: (Dueppen 2015: 22) |
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It seems most likely that environmental change, diminishing the agricultural and pastoral utility of the territory around Mapungubwe, and the loss of wealth from the Arab gold trade being taken over by the nearer Great Zimbabwe resulted in Mapungubwe’s power declining into insignificance. While the decline of Mapungubwe seems to have already been underway at the time of Great Zimbabwe’s rise, Zimbabwe’s co-opting of the gold trade routes and their wealth seems to have accelerated Mapungubwe’s economic decline. “Its environment became too dry to sustain both human and animal populations leading to segmentation and migrations towards ecologically more sustainable places. Great Zimbabwe only became important during/after the demise ofMapungubwe, taking a greater share in control of long-distance trade.”
[1]
“By the thirteenth century, the Mapungubwe state was in decline, probably as a result of its loss of control of the gold trade. Arab traders were locating themselves further north along the east coast and trading directly with a newly emergent state on the Zimbabwean plateau. This state became known as Great Zimbabwe.”
[2]
[1]: (Pikirayi 2006; 31) Innocent Pikirayi, “The Demise of Great Zimbabwe, AD 1420-1550: An Environmental Re-Appraisal,” in Cities in the World, 1500-2000 (Routledge, 2006): 31-47. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/6Z64MQH4/collection [2]: (Erlank 2005, 703) Natasha Erlank, “Iron Age (Later): Southern Africa: Leopard’s Kopje, Bambandyanalo, and Mapungubwe,” in Encyclopedia of African History Vol. 2, ed. Kevin Shillington (Fitzroy Dearborn, 2005): 702-703. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AWA9ZT5B/collection |
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Exact process of succession is somewhat unclear, and evidence is admittedly scarce, but a direct dynastic connection with the rulers of Great Zimbabwe, and a migration away from that state as it declined seem to be mostly agreed upon as the main factors leading to the creation of Mutapa as a large polity. The exact manner in which this happened appears to be a subject of debate, and a variety of slightly different interpretations can be found in the sources. “The occupation [of this region] overlapped with the 15th-century shift of Great Zimbabwe states sites into northern Zimbabwe. The Mutapa state was led by one of the dynasties that moved into the region…. Beach argued that the Mutapa state did not develop out of Great Zimbabwe… Pwiti suggested that the economic and ideological changes in the region led to the rise of the Mutapa state and that… the leadership originated at Great Zimbabwe…. Pikirayi contended that the Mutapa state was the direct successor to Great Zimbabwe.”
[1]
“The historical Mutapa state is believed to be a direct off-shoot of the state based at Great Zimbabwe…. According to oral traditions, Nyatsimba Mutota is the last ruler of Great Zimbabwe and the first Mutapa king.”
[2]
“Soper (1990) quite rightly concludes that we do not yet have adequate evidence on how this process took place… // …if the founders of the Mutapa state were expanding from Great Zimbabwe, they were familiar with the potential of two of the state’s several branches of production and how they could be used as sources of power. These are external trade and large-scale cattle herding. If they had possessed large herds of cattle during their expansion, or alternatively had built up herds in the north, then it may have been possible for them to use these as a useful power base among the locals…. Indeed for the Mutapa state, the Portuguese refer to their importance in this regard….cattle rich immigrant communities settled among a people who were not so rich, but who were very keen to use cattle products or own more cattle herds.”
[3]
[1]: (Schoeman 2017) Maria Schoeman, “Political Complexity North and South of the Zambezi River,” in Oxford Research Encyclopedias Online (2017). Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4UBRHU5H/item-details [2]: (Chirikure et al. 2012, 368) Shadreck Chirikure et al., “When Science Alone is Not Enough: Radiocarbon Timescales, History, Ethnography and Elite Settlements in Southern Africa,” in Journal of Social Archaeology Vol. 12, No. 3 (2012): 356-379. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U4GGB55J/item-details [3]: (Pwiti 1996, 46) Gilbert Pwiti, “Peasants, Chiefs and Kings: A Model of the Development of Cultural Complexity in Northern Zimbabwe,” in Zambezia Vol. 23, No. 1 (1996): 31-52. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/I4AA8N73/item-details |
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Exact process of succession is somewhat unclear, and evidence is admittedly scarce, but a direct dynastic connection with the rulers of Great Zimbabwe, and a migration away from that state as it declined seem to be mostly agreed upon as the main factors leading to the creation of Mutapa as a large polity. The exact manner in which this happened appears to be a subject of debate, and a variety of slightly different interpretations can be found in the sources. “The occupation [of this region] overlapped with the 15th-century shift of Great Zimbabwe states sites into northern Zimbabwe. The Mutapa state was led by one of the dynasties that moved into the region…. Beach argued that the Mutapa state did not develop out of Great Zimbabwe… Pwiti suggested that the economic and ideological changes in the region led to the rise of the Mutapa state and that… the leadership originated at Great Zimbabwe…. Pikirayi contended that the Mutapa state was the direct successor to Great Zimbabwe.”
[1]
“The historical Mutapa state is believed to be a direct off-shoot of the state based at Great Zimbabwe…. According to oral traditions, Nyatsimba Mutota is the last ruler of Great Zimbabwe and the first Mutapa king.”
[2]
“Soper (1990) quite rightly concludes that we do not yet have adequate evidence on how this process took place… // …if the founders of the Mutapa state were expanding from Great Zimbabwe, they were familiar with the potential of two of the state’s several branches of production and how they could be used as sources of power. These are external trade and large-scale cattle herding. If they had possessed large herds of cattle during their expansion, or alternatively had built up herds in the north, then it may have been possible for them to use these as a useful power base among the locals…. Indeed for the Mutapa state, the Portuguese refer to their importance in this regard….cattle rich immigrant communities settled among a people who were not so rich, but who were very keen to use cattle products or own more cattle herds.”
[3]
[1]: (Schoeman 2017) Maria Schoeman, “Political Complexity North and South of the Zambezi River,” in Oxford Research Encyclopedias Online (2017). Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/4UBRHU5H/item-details [2]: (Chirikure et al. 2012, 368) Shadreck Chirikure et al., “When Science Alone is Not Enough: Radiocarbon Timescales, History, Ethnography and Elite Settlements in Southern Africa,” in Journal of Social Archaeology Vol. 12, No. 3 (2012): 356-379. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/U4GGB55J/item-details [3]: (Pwiti 1996, 46) Gilbert Pwiti, “Peasants, Chiefs and Kings: A Model of the Development of Cultural Complexity in Northern Zimbabwe,” in Zambezia Vol. 23, No. 1 (1996): 31-52. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/I4AA8N73/item-details |
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“Polonnaruva was abandoned after Māgha’s rule, and the next three kings ruled from Dambadeṇiya. One ruler made Yāpahuva his royal residence.”
[1]
[1]: (De Silva 1981, 82) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/4R6DQVHZ/collection |
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“Polonnaruva was abandoned after Māgha’s rule, and the next three kings ruled from Dambadeṇiya. One ruler made Yāpahuva his royal residence.”
[1]
[1]: (De Silva 1981, 82) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/4R6DQVHZ/collection |
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“The conquest by the Galla, however, has not involved any ethnic or social separation between the first settlers and the new commers. In contrast to areas of Fulani conquest, or to Ankole, for example, there are, in Jimma, no major group distinctions on the basis of ethnic origin.”
[1]
[1]: (Lewis 2001, 38) Lewis, Herbert S. 2001. Jimma Abba Jifar, an Oromo Monarchy: Ethiopia, 1830-1932. Lawrenceville, New Jersey: The Red Sea Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NRZVWSCD/collection |
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“It seems from this that when Haqedin and Se’adedin abandoned Ifat, they established themselves in an area which had formerly been called Adal. As militant leaders of a new anti-Christian movement in the whole area, the two Walasma princes probably overshadowed in importance the descendants of the original ’king of Adal’, who may have abandoned the title in favour of their more successful Muslim brethren either by agreement or even by force. But there is no doubt that a new Walasma dynasty was then established in Adal by the great-great-grandsons of ’Umar Walasma of Ifat.”
[1]
[1]: (Tamrat 2008, 149) Tamrat, Taddesse. 2008. ‘Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the Horn’ In the Cambridge History of Africa: c. 1050 – c.1600 vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp 98-182. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/Tamrat/titleCreatorYear/items/A68FCWWI/item-list |
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“By the beginning of the eighteenth century, the Ajuuraan state had broken apart under constant Portuguese harassment. Part of the problems that brought about its fall were the tyrannical inclinations of its later rulers, whose style of leadership eroded internal unity and destroyed trust among its supporters. The result was the fragmentation of the kingdom into several smaller kingdoms and states such as the Gobroon Dynasty, the Warsangali Sultanate, and the Bari Dynasty.
[1]
[1]: (Njoku 2013, 41) Njoku, Raphael C. 2013. The History of Somalia. Santa Barbara: Greenwood Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/U9FHBPZF/library |
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“The marriage alliance did not last for long, and Ifat and Shoa plunged into a series of armed conflicts which resulted in the complete annexation of the sultanate of Shoa by ‘Umar Walasma in 1285. Thus, the old sultanate was no longer in existence, and its leading position as the Muslim vanguard was taken by the more viable kingdom of Ifat.”
[1]
[1]: (Tamrat 2008, 140) Tamrat, Taddesse. 2008. ‘Ethiopia, the Red Sea and the Horn’ In the Cambridge History of Africa: c. 1050 – c.1600 vol. 3. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Pp 98-182. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/Tamrat/titleCreatorYear/items/A68FCWWI/item-list |
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“The first historically known Funj ruler, Amara Dunqas, defeated the Christian kingdom of Alwa in 1504, and founded Sinnar as the capital of a Funj kingdom which reached north to the third cataract, south to the foothills of Ethiopia, and east to the desert of Kordofan.”
[1]
[1]: (Lapidus 2002, 429) Lapidus, Ira M. 2002. A History of Islamic Societies. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/QW9XHCIW/collection |
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Sometime in the fourteenth century the Minjo kings of Kafa took over the throne of the Mato Dynasty. “The most often repeated legend in Kafa has to do with the Minjo’s usurpation of the throne from the Mato clan, an event which Bieber dates to the fourteenth century.”
[1]
[1]: (Orent 1970, 268) Orent, Amnon. 1970. ‘Refocusing on the History of Kafa Prior to 1897: A Discussion of Political Processes’. African Historical Studies. Vol. 3:2. Pp 263-293. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2A389XGK/collection |
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“Farther north, the imamate of Awsa passed by the middle of the seventeenth century into the hands of immigrant Sharifs of the Ba-Alawu family of the Hadhramaut. This dynasty, however was unable to protect Awsa from Galla and Dankali raids. Finally, in the first decades of the eighteenth century, Awsa was overrun by the Mudaito tribe of the Asaimara branch of the Danakil, who formed a new Mudaito dynasty of Awsa.”
[1]
[1]: (Abir 2008, 554) Abir, M. 2008. ‘Ethiopia and the Horn of Africa’ In The Cambridge History of Africa c. 1600 – c. 1790. Edited by Richard Gray. Vol 4. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JHH9VH96/library |
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"The archaeological sequence of Ile-Ife has been broadly delineated into three major cultural-historical periods (Eyo, 1974a, p. 409; Willett, 1967a). These are: "pre-Classic" (pre-twelfth century), "Classic" (twelfth-sixteenth century), and "post-Classic" (sixteenth-nineteenth century) periods. Historical investigations indicate that the period began about the fifth century AD with the fusion of scattered independent villages into multivillage polities, each characterized by a central agency of coordination but without powerful royal dynasties, centralized governments, or urban centers (Obayemi, 1985, p. 261). A formal kingship institution and an urban center were forged from these loose sociopolitical unions between the tenth and eleventh centuries to herald what has been described as the Oduduwa or Classical period (Adediran, 1992; Olomola, 1992, pp. 51-61 Willett, 1967a)."
[1]
[1]: <(Ogundiran 2002: 41) |
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“Oral traditions indicate that the first settlers in the region were Aja speakers who arrived sometime in the 12th and 13th centuries from the area of Tado, which lay along the banks of the Mono River to the west. By the mid-15th century, the population of Allada had reached approximately 30,000 people.”
[1]
[1]: Aderinto, Saheed. African Kingdoms: An Encyclopedia of Empires and Civilizations. ABC-CLIO, 2017: 8. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/EB5TWDG7/collection |
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"The adjustment to and consequences of the ecological crisis of the Archaic period also instigated other processes of cultural change that launched the proto-Yoruboid people on the path of sociopolitical and demographic differentiation from several of their proto-Benue-Kwa peers in the confluence area. Until the beginning of the first millennium AD, the proto-Yoruboid were undifferentiated from the other confluence language communities in group size, modes of subsistence, and technology. But as the nine-month dry season became the new normal in the guinea savanna and as several water sources dried up, it became more frequent for communities, households, and individuals to branch off from the older units in search of greener pastures.”
[1]
[1]: (Ogundiran 2020: 42) |
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“The Aro, variously known as Aro Okeigbo, Igbo ukwu, etc is one of important tribes of Igbo in Nigeria. The Aro ancestral land is found in the present Abia state. It borders with Obotenmi community of the present Akwa Ibom state, formerly Cross River on the western side; Ututu Ezema covers their Northern and Eastern sides; while another ancient Igbo community –Ihechiowa stays by the south. It is recalled that both Ututu and Ihechiowa migrated from Ibeku somewhere in Umuahia, Abia State many years before the 15th century.”
[1]
[1]: Innocent, Rev. (2020). A Critical Study on the Ibini Ukpabi (Arochukwu Long Juju) Oracle and its Implications on the International Relations During the 20th Century. London Journal of Research in Humanities and Social Sciences, 20(10): 5. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ZXZGZSM3/collection |
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“In 1804, Usman dan Fodio, a Fulani, led a series of jihads that subsumed the Hausa Kingdoms in the Sokoto Caliphate. During this period, the Hausa established a literary tradition of recording royal history, praising leaders through poetry, cataloging commercial activity, and celebrating Islam. In 1903, the British and French dismantled the caliphate.”
[1]
“The Sokoto Caliphate system was based squarely on the strength of its ideals and programmes, which the mujahhidun articulated within an Islamic religious framework. In the course of their attacks on the Hausa kingdoms, the leaders of the jihad offered an alternative set of political, economic and social principles which they called the "structures of Muslim government" as opposed to what they termed the "structures of non-Muslim government".”
[2]
“The course which the Jihad took is beyond the scope of this paper. It suffices to say that Birnin Kebbi, the new capital of Kebbi, was the first to fall to the Jihadists in 1805. In 1807 Katsina, Daura and Kano were all taken over by the Jihadists, while in 1808 Alkalawa, the capital of Gobir was sacked and Sarkin Gobir Yunfa slain. With this, the centuries old Hausa dynasties were destroyed and in their places new ones came into being. The various Hausa states metamorphosed into emirates paying allegiance to Sokoto, the new capital of the Sokoto Caliphate.”
[3]
“With the initial military action over, the various emirates were knitted together into the Sokoto Caliphate.”
[4]
[1]: Falola, Toyin, and Ann Genova. Historical Dictionary of Nigeria. The Scarecrow Press, Inc., 2009: 148. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/SJAIVKDW/collection [2]: Chafe, Kabiru Sulaiman. “Challenges to the Hegemony of the Sokoto Caliphate: A Preliminary Examination.” Paideuma, vol. 40, 1994, pp. 99–109: 100–101. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ZANHCUFH/collection [3]: Maishanu, H. M., & Maishanu, I. M. (1999). The Jihād and the Formation of the Sokoto Caliphate. Islamic Studies, 38(1), 119–131: 128. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FS9AKXPF/collection [4]: Maishanu, H. M., & Maishanu, I. M. (1999). The Jihād and the Formation of the Sokoto Caliphate. Islamic Studies, 38(1), 119–131: 129. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FS9AKXPF/collection |
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“There is every indication of the existence of a quite extensive settlement on the Niger in the vicinity of Idah, long before the advent of the Atas which at some early date came under the influence of, and paid tribute to, the Jukun king of Wukari.”
[1]
“[T]here is little reason to doubt that it had its origins in the migratory movement from Wukari led, initially, by Abutu Eje, which covered a period of several generations in its gradual westerly percolation through the Agatu country to the vicinity of Amagedde on the Benue. Again, it is reasonable to assume that throughout this period the movement was reinforced by contingents of kinsmen, friends and malcontents from Wukari and by local adherents following inter-marriage. Its actual motive is obscure; by some it is said that Abutu was an unsuccessful candidate for the kingship and took himself off in disgust; by others, that he was banished from the Court for misconduct (a common penalty) or, yet again, that he was sent to Idah as Governor by the Jukun King, the Aku Uka. // “Whichever of these may have been the true reason it is generally conceded that the migration was attended by continuous armed friction with the Jukun state which, it is said, disapproved strongly of Abutu’s secession and his ideas of setting up an independent kingdom in what was regarded by the former as one of its spheres of influence.”
[2]
“So began the regime of the Atas at Idah. It is not possible to fix any reliable date for this event, but we shall not be very far wrong in assigning the colonisation of the Agatu-Ocheku-Amara area to the early part of the 17th century, and Ayagba’s arrival at Idah towards its close.”
[3]
[1]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 395. zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection [2]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 396. zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection [3]: Clifford, Miles, and Richmond Palmer. “A Nigerian Chiefdom.” The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland, vol. 66, 1936, pp. 393–435: 397. zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/TF7MM698/collection |
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Depends on the specific kingdom, but broadly speaking this should be coded as continuity. “The territory which later formed the Kano kingdom was initially ruled by small chiefdoms, each headed by individuals whose authority over the rest of the people was based on ritual jurisdiction. The most important of these chiefdoms were Sheme, Dala and Santolo. At Dala, there were six generations of rulers before the coming of Bagauda. The entry of Bagauda into the Kano area took place, according to Palmer, in the year + 999; that dating has not yet been revised, although Palmer’s chronology is plainly arbitrary and very approximate.21 Bagauda lived and died at Sheme after compelling the local people to recognize his political rule.”
[1]
“In the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries the territory which later came to be known as Katsina consisted of independent chiefdoms, all of them Hausa-speaking; that at Durbi-ta-Kusheyi was the most important. It was from Durbi that the centralized city-state of Katsina eventually developed.”
[2]
“According to Abdullahi Smith, the Hausa people ’had lived in Zazzau for more than a millennium before a central government emerged in the area, based initially at Turunku’.30 […] Not long before the fifteenth century, on the plain of Zazzau in the extreme south of Hausaland, several urban centres arose, which evolved a city-state type of administration. In the course of political development, two towns, Turunku and Kufena, came to exercise authority over the others. These two towns were initially independent of each other and remained so until the end of the fifteenth century, when a Turunku ruler, Bakwa, seized power also at Kufena. […] With the merger of Turunku and Kufena, the Zazzau kingdom had really come into being.”
[3]
“Murray Last has drawn attention to the fact that, if the Kano Chronicle is examined carefully, no evidence can be found for the existence of a kingdom of Rano before the fifteenth century.35 There was, in fact, a Hausa chiefdom called Zamnagaba (or Zamnakogi) which was independent of Kano. According to the Kano Chronicle, it was Sarkiri Kano Yaji (1349-85) who drove its chief from his capital and then went on to Rano and Babu, where he lived for two years.”
[4]
“It was only at the beginning of the sixteenth century that the Zamfara kingdom can be said to have clearly emerged as a state. Before that time, the main chiefdoms in its territory were Dutsi, Togai, Kiyawa (or Kiawa) and Jata […] The centralization process started with the rulers of Dutsi, who had brought the other chiefdoms under their control.”
[5]
“Among the Hausa-speaking peoples of northern Nigeria, there is a popular myth that has helped establish some facts about their origin. The myth states that in the remote times a certain Baya Jidda fled from the east to Kanem-Borno, which was already an important state in the Chad basin. There the mai of Bornu gave him his daughter in marriage, but deprived him of his followers. This and subse quent events caused Bayajidda to flee the country. Traveling westward, Baya Jidda left his wife at Biramta-Gabas to bear him a son. At Gaya he met some blacksmiths, who made him a knife according to specifications. As he continued his journey, he came to a town whose inhabitants were deprived of water from a well by a sacred snake called sarki or king. Bayajidda killed the snake and in gratitude Daura, the queen of the town, married him and also gave him a Gwari concubine. By Daura Bayajidda had a son, Bawo. Various accounts exist as to what happened after this, but one of them states that Bawo had seven children, who became 8Lloyd, "Yoruba Myths," 22. 9lbid. 10King, African Cosmos, 27-28. 11G.T. Strides and C. Ifeka, Peoples and Empires of West Africa: West Africa in History, 1000-1800 (New York, 1971), 311; J.U. Egharevba, A Short History of Benin (Ibadan, 1968), 6. This content downloaded from 31.124.120.43 on Mon, 04 Oct 2021 16:40:34 UTC All use subject to htt Myth in the Context of African Traditional Histories 489 founders of the seven Hausa states referred to as Hausa Bakwai or legiti mate Hausa states.12 From this legend three basic inferences can be made: that the Hausa speaking people had existed long before the formation of states like the celebrated Hausa Bakwai; that successive infiltration of newcomers into Hausaland took place; or that there was an invasion of the area from Kanem-Borno.”
[6]
[1]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann; University of California Press: 271. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection [2]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann; University of California Press: 273. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection [3]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann; University of California Press: 274–275. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection [4]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann; University of California Press: 276. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection [5]: Niane, D. T., & Unesco (Eds.). (1984). Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century. Heinemann; University of California Press: 276–277. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ERZKPETN/collection [6]: Shokpeka, S. A. (2005). Myth in the Context of African Traditional Histories: Can It Be Called “Applied History”? History in Africa, 32, 485–49: 488–489. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FQI8PQU2/collection |
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“Kanem was a state to the north-east of Lake Chad whose ruling dynasty, the Seyfawa, abandoned their homeland for ‘Kaga’, the clay plains of Borno, in the fourteenth century. Ancient Ghana, Mali and Songhai have long since disappeared, but Kanem’s successor state, Borno, survived until the beginning of colonial rule. The Seyfawa ruled until the early nineteenth century, one of the longest surviving dynasties in world history.”
[1]
[1]: Isichei, E. (1997). A History of African Societies to 1870. Cambridge University Press: 230. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z4GK27CI/collection |
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“Kanem was a state to the north-east of Lake Chad whose ruling dynasty, the Seyfawa, abandoned their homeland for ‘Kaga’, the clay plains of Borno, in the fourteenth century. Ancient Ghana, Mali and Songhai have long since disappeared, but Kanem’s successor state, Borno, survived until the beginning of colonial rule. The Seyfawa ruled until the early nineteenth century, one of the longest surviving dynasties in world history.”
[1]
[1]: Isichei, E. (1997). A History of African Societies to 1870. Cambridge University Press: 230. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z4GK27CI/collection |
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Most texts refer to the first Oba’s origins in Ile Ife. But some suggest Oranmiyan was a native Bini, who spent time away but returned to assume the kingship. “The Ɔghɛnɛ (Ɔmi,to give him his Yoruba title) was the ruler of Ile Ife, the cosmic metropolis of the Yoruba people to the west and, for most of the states of the Bight of Benin, the cradle of divine kingship. He sent his son Oranmiyan, who, however, found Benin uncongenial, so after a short stay he departed for home, but not before he had impregnated the daughter of an Edo village chief. She bore a son, who in the course of time was enthroned under the name Eweka.”
[1]
Eisenhofer refers to the views of Edebiri, Air Iyare, Edun Akenzua and Omoregie: “In these four, newer, versions of the ’origins’ of Benin kingship, Egharevba’s foreign prince Oranmiyan has been changed into a native Bini and the founder of the Oba dynasty identified as either Ogiso Ekaladerhan himself or one of his sons. These dramatically different descriptions of the founding of the dynasty as a result of Oranmiyan’s return home to Benin City result in, among other things, constructing an unbroken dynastic succession of rulers from the early Ogiso.”
[2]
[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 2. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection [2]: Eisenhofer, S. (1995). The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba. History in Africa, 22, 141–163: 152. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WR8MRZAW/collection |
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Most texts refer to the first Oba’s origins in Ile Ife. But some suggest Oranmiyan was a native Bini, who spent time away but returned to assume the kingship. “The Ɔghɛnɛ (Ɔmi,to give him his Yoruba title) was the ruler of Ile Ife, the cosmic metropolis of the Yoruba people to the west and, for most of the states of the Bight of Benin, the cradle of divine kingship. He sent his son Oranmiyan, who, however, found Benin uncongenial, so after a short stay he departed for home, but not before he had impregnated the daughter of an Edo village chief. She bore a son, who in the course of time was enthroned under the name Eweka.”
[1]
Eisenhofer refers to the views of Edebiri, Air Iyare, Edun Akenzua and Omoregie: “In these four, newer, versions of the ’origins’ of Benin kingship, Egharevba’s foreign prince Oranmiyan has been changed into a native Bini and the founder of the Oba dynasty identified as either Ogiso Ekaladerhan himself or one of his sons. These dramatically different descriptions of the founding of the dynasty as a result of Oranmiyan’s return home to Benin City result in, among other things, constructing an unbroken dynastic succession of rulers from the early Ogiso.”
[2]
[1]: Bradbury, R. E. (1967). The Kingdom of Benin. In West African Kingdoms in the Nineteenth Century (Repr, pp. 1–35). Published for the International African Institute by Oxford University Press: 2. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/Z8DJIKP8/collection [2]: Eisenhofer, S. (1995). The Origins of the Benin Kingship in the Works of Jacob Egharevba. History in Africa, 22, 141–163: 152. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/WR8MRZAW/collection |
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“In the 19th century the Jukun were the rulers of the most prominent successor state - the Kingdom of Wukari - which claimed continuity with the town Kororofa (remark the difference between the town Kororofa and the kingdom or empire Kwararafa).”
[1]
“Strange to say, no tradition exists to-day as to the fall of this city and empire; even the name Kororofa has disappeared, though it seems to have persisted down to about 1860. The truth is that the state crumbled away before the insidious advance of the Fulani helped, as is always the case, by treachery from within. // “About 1815, frightened at the defection of one of their notables, Anju of Dampar, the Jukuns melted away before Buba Yero of Gombe and Abu Bakr, Alkali Dagara. They fled westward and settled in Kasan Chiki, the salt district round Awe, and amongst the Munshis to the south of the river. Later a remnant returned and founded or rebuilt Wukari, their present capital, 23 miles south of Ibi. Burba of Bakundi finally destroyed what remained of the city of Kororofa.”
[2]
[1]: Dinslage, S., & Leger, R. (1996). Language and Migration the Impact of the Jukun on Chadic Speaking Groups in the Benue-Gongola Basin. Berichte Des Sonderforschungsbereichs – Universität Frankfurt Am Main., 268(8), 67–75: 68. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/8TZKHY4E/collection [2]: Ruxton, F. H. (1908). Notes on the Tribes of the Muri Province. Journal of the Royal African Society, 7(28), 374–386: 379. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/2AXUQGFB/collection |
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"Despite its reputation, Bunyoro seems to have lacked powerful organization. [...] But its political administration was decentralized, with autonomous peripheral principalities in Bwera, Koki, Buddu, and even Kiziba to the south and Busoga to the east. A series of succession crises foretold dynastic breaks and secessions to come. Neighboring countries proceeded to exploit the difficulties in this undoubtedly too-vast cluster, which was managed very loosely. Buganda occupied Koki and Buddu in the late eighteenth century, cutting off Bunyoro’s access to Lake Victoria. Then, around 1830, Toro, in the southwest, seized its independence under Prince Kaboyo’s leadership : this new kingdom controlled the key saltworks in Katwe and Kasenyi, north of Lake Edward."
[1]
[1]: (Chrétien 2006: 148) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/FXCVWDRI/collection. |
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"It was during the reign of Nono that the hitherto Bantu-ruled Nyambo chiefdom was usurped by Nilotic Bahima. Specifically, Nono, whose capital was at Mugutu, near Rukole (northeast of Bweranyange), was ousted by Ruhinda, the son of Wamara and Njunaki—a slave girl. Ruhinda shifted the capital to Bweranyange."
[1]
[1]: (Mapunda 2009: 94) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/9GV5C5NF/collection. |
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"This brief overview of the archeological data indicates that after the Early Iron Age there may perhaps have been a certain migration at the time the W ceramic appeared, but not since then. What is in fact most striking is the astonishing stability of settlement for at least the last two thousand years. One only has to look at the small region east of Butare to be convinced of it, for all the periods are represented here on numerous sites and on the same hills. This wealth of known sites clearly is the fruit of intensive research in the region over a long time period, but that does not alter the conclusion. No doubt equally intensive research in other sectors of central Rwanda will uncover a similar pattern."
[1]
[1]: (Vansina 2004: 21) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5J4MRHUB/collection. |
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"Individual settlements were governed by clan chiefs, but around the middle of the 1400s, one of these, Ruhinda, rose to dominance and established himself as mugabe , or paramount ruler over all the Ankole clans."
[1]
"Prior to the Hinda invasion, Nkore had been a remote district on the marches of the ’empire’ of the Bacwezi. The Bacwezi are so fully legendary that their existence as real men has been seriously doubted by some scholars (Wrighley 1958)."
[2]
[1]: (Middleton 2015: 45) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM. [2]: (Steinhart 1978: 133) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/D3FV7SKV/collection. |
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"Individual settlements were governed by clan chiefs, but around the middle of the 1400s, one of these, Ruhinda, rose to dominance and established himself as mugabe , or paramount ruler over all the Ankole clans."
[1]
"Prior to the Hinda invasion, Nkore had been a remote district on the marches of the ’empire’ of the Bacwezi. The Bacwezi are so fully legendary that their existence as real men has been seriously doubted by some scholars (Wrighley 1958)."
[2]
[1]: (Middleton 2015: 45) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM. [2]: (Steinhart 1978: 133) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/D3FV7SKV/collection. |
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"Today no dates can be proposed at all for the kingdoms to the south and southeast of central Rwanda, to wit, Mubari, Gisaka, and Bugesera, for lack of archaeological research or even reliable dynastic lists. Their chronology before the middle of the eighteenth century derives from references in Rwandan historical narratives, references that are probably mere anachronisms."
[1]
[1]: (Vansina 2004: 45) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5J4MRHUB/collection. |
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"Today no dates can be proposed at all for the kingdoms to the south and southeast of central Rwanda, to wit, Mubari, Gisaka, and Bugesera, for lack of archaeological research or even reliable dynastic lists. Their chronology before the middle of the eighteenth century derives from references in Rwandan historical narratives, references that are probably mere anachronisms."
[1]
[1]: (Vansina 2004: 45) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5J4MRHUB/collection. |
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"Today no dates can be proposed at all for the kingdoms to the south and southeast of central Rwanda, to wit, Mubari, Gisaka, and Bugesera, for lack of archaeological research or even reliable dynastic lists. Their chronology before the middle of the eighteenth century derives from references in Rwandan historical narratives, references that are probably mere anachronisms."
[1]
[1]: (Vansina 2004: 45) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/5J4MRHUB/collection. |
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“The first two rulers of the early medieval line were Kadungon (560-90) and his son Maravarman Avanishulamani (590-620). The latter is credited with ending Kalabhra rule in the area and reviving Pandya power.”
[1]
[1]: (Singh 2008, 558) Singh, Upinder. 2008. A History of Ancient and Early Medieval India: From the Stone Age to the 12th Century. Delhi: Pearson Longman. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/UJG2G6MJ/collection |
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The Nayaks already ruled over Tamil Nadu during the Vijayanagara period.
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“Finally, there is a reference in John Neiuhoff, which confirms the chronology re-adjustment elaborated in this investigation. With, regard to the events of 1533, he says: ‘After all, the Nayk of Madure, having found means to get into possession of the country, left the Portuguese in the full possession of their jurisdiction over the Parvas, and of the free exercise of their religion.’ This discussion leans to the conclusion that Visvanatha Nayaka, the founder of the Nayak dynasty of Madura, was established in authority there not long before the death of the Vijayanagar emperor, Krishnadeva Raya, in 1530, i.e., about 1529.”
[1]
[1]: (Sathyanatha Aiyar 1991, 24) Sathyanatha Aiyar, R. 1991. History of the Nayaks of Madura. New Delhi: Asian Educational Services. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databak/collections/7F5SEVNA/items/E2S7TSI5/collection |
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