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First century BCE historian Diodorus Siculus narrates a presumed 9th CE battle between a queen of Assyria (considered Shammuramat?) and an Indian polity in which the Indians used riverboats: 4000 river boats made out of reeds "for along its rivers and marshy places India produces a great abundance of reeds, so large in diameter that a man cannot easily put his arms about them; and it is said, furthermore, that ships built of these are exceedingly serviceable, since this wood does not rot."
[1]
Actually Diodorus Siculus in this passage suggests Kachi Plain/Indus river may have been possessed by the Assyrians or contested: "For the Indus river, by reason of its being the largest in that region and the boundary of her kingdom, required many boats, some for the passage across and others from which to defend the former from the Indians; and since there was no timber near the river the boats had to be brought from Bactriana by land."
[1]
Note: one military historian estimates that the Assyrian army had a strategic range of 2000 km
[2]
which places the Indus region in reach of Assyrian forces.
[1]: Diodorus Siculus. Delphi Complete Works of Diodorus Siculus. Delphi Classics. [2]: (Gabriel 2002, 9) Richard A Gabriel. 2002. The Great Armies of Antiquity. Praeger. Westport. |
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First century BCE historian Diodorus Siculus narrates a presumed 9th CE battle between a queen of Assyria (considered Shammuramat?) and an Indian polity in which the Indians used riverboats: 4000 river boats made out of reeds "for along its rivers and marshy places India produces a great abundance of reeds, so large in diameter that a man cannot easily put his arms about them; and it is said, furthermore, that ships built of these are exceedingly serviceable, since this wood does not rot."
[1]
Actually Diodorus Siculus in this passage suggests Kachi Plain/Indus river may have been possessed by the Assyrians or contested: "For the Indus river, by reason of its being the largest in that region and the boundary of her kingdom, required many boats, some for the passage across and others from which to defend the former from the Indians; and since there was no timber near the river the boats had to be brought from Bactriana by land."
[1]
Note: one military historian estimates that the Assyrian army had a strategic range of 2000 km
[2]
which places the Indus region in reach of Assyrian forces.
[1]: Diodorus Siculus. Delphi Complete Works of Diodorus Siculus. Delphi Classics. [2]: (Gabriel 2002, 9) Richard A Gabriel. 2002. The Great Armies of Antiquity. Praeger. Westport. |
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First century BCE historian Diodorus Siculus narrates a presumed 9th CE battle between a queen of Assyria (considered Shammuramat?) and an Indian polity in which the Indians used riverboats: 4000 river boats made out of reeds "for along its rivers and marshy places India produces a great abundance of reeds, so large in diameter that a man cannot easily put his arms about them; and it is said, furthermore, that ships built of these are exceedingly serviceable, since this wood does not rot."
[1]
Actually Diodorus Siculus in this passage suggests Kachi Plain/Indus river may have been possessed by the Assyrians or contested: "For the Indus river, by reason of its being the largest in that region and the boundary of her kingdom, required many boats, some for the passage across and others from which to defend the former from the Indians; and since there was no timber near the river the boats had to be brought from Bactriana by land."
[1]
Note: one military historian estimates that the Assyrian army had a strategic range of 2000 km
[2]
which places the Indus region in reach of Assyrian forces.
[1]: Diodorus Siculus. Delphi Complete Works of Diodorus Siculus. Delphi Classics. [2]: (Gabriel 2002, 9) Richard A Gabriel. 2002. The Great Armies of Antiquity. Praeger. Westport. |
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Extremely unlikely they would not use river boats.
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Extremely unlikely they would not use river boats.
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In use since the Shang dynasty
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Based on earlier polities. River boats etc.
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River boats etc.
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Ships were used for naval assaults in China for centuries
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Inferred from necessity of Nile river travel.
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Inferred from necessity of Nile travel.
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Inferred from necessity of Nile travel.
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Inferred from necessity of Nile travel.
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Not mentioned in the literature.
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"Roman vessels utilized the rivers and coastal waters to transport merchandise and military personnel. The early Franks developed fleets for use in trade and war. Their vessels were propelled by oars and probably a single square sail."
[1]
[1]: (Runyan 1995, 1246-1247) Timothy J Runyan. 1995. Naval Power. William W Kibler. Grover A Zinn. Lawrence Earp. John Bell Henneman Jr. Medieval France (1995): An Encyclopedia. Garland Publishing, Inc. New York. |
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Not mentioned in the literature.
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Not mentioned in the literature.
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Naval battle recorded
[1]
[1]: Porter, Venetia Ann (1992) The history and monuments of the Tahirid dynasty of the Yemen 858-923/1454-1517, Durham theses, Durham University, pp. 65-66 , Available at Durham E-Theses Online: http://etheses.dur.ac.uk/5867/ |
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Canoes were present at contact and being used for war and must have been present during earlier periods to reach Hawaii, so we can assume that they were at this time too.
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inland polity
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Used in the river systems of Bengal.
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There are known the model of boats from Eridu, Tell Awayli, H3 as well as fragment of ceramic with painted boat, but there are no information regarding the use of boat in war.
[1]
[2]
Moreover, the remains of boats were discovered as well.
[3]
[1]: Chavrat 2008, 86-87 [2]: Carter 2006, 53-54 [3]: Carter 2012, 348-9 |
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Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
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Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
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Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
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Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
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Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
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Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
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At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. |
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Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
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[Small vessels (fishing boats) certainly were used in military operations.]
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RA couldn’t find relevant information. Expert advice is needed
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naval war in Korea
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No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
[1]
[1]: Peter Bleed & Akira Matsui, ‘Why Didn’t Agriculture Develop in Japan? A Consideration of Jomon Ecological Style, Niche Construction, and the Origins of Domestication’, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2010, Volume 17, Issue 4, p. 360 |
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rivers are present, very likely the technology was in use
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rivers are present, likely to have had the technology.
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Given the Phoenicians’ use of large galleys in warfare, it is unlikely.
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The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
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The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
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The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
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The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
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We have found no indication of naval battles.
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The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
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Inferred as Mehrgarh is landlocked.
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Inferred as Mehrgarh is landlocked.
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Inferred as Mehrgarh is landlocked.
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Inferred. As a landlocked kingdom, naval forces were restricted to river craft.
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Pirak is landlocked.
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Given the importance of nomadism, it seems unlikely that naval technology was used in warfare.
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Given the importance of nomadism, it seems unlikely that naval technology was used in warfare.
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needs expert verification
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No references identified in the literature. RA.
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No references in the literature.
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Inferred, as Cappadocia is landlocked.
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No information in the archaeological evidence for this time
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boats had been in use for thousands of years in this NGA
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boats had been in use for thousands of years in this NGA
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No information in the archaeological evidence for this time
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No information in the archaeological evidence for this time
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boats had been in use in the region for thousands of years
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Possibly used for transport?
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extremely unlikely that river boats were not in use
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river boats likely to have been used
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The Durrani were a land based power, at most using river craft for logistical purposes.
[1]
As the Durrani were a land based power, coded absent.
[2]
[1]: Indian Warfare and Afghan Innovation During the Eighteenth Century Studies in History August 1995 11: 261-280 [2]: Roy, Kaushik. War, Culture and Society in Early Modern South Asia, 1740-1849. Taylor & Francis, 2011. pp. 30-35 |
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"The Delhi Sultanate had no navy and the Mughal Empire made sporadic attempts to construct a navy. The Mughals maintained a riverine fleet for coastal warfare but lacked a Blue Water Navy."
[1]
[1]: (Roy 2015, 9) Kaushik Roy. 2015. Warfare in Pre-British India - 1500 BCE to 1740 CE. Routledge. London. |
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’The boat used in the Miao area generally measures nine kung ch’ih in length, divided into seven holds, the middle hold being the widest, about one kung ch’ih in width (Illus. 18, 19). The oar, the paddle, the pole, the mast, and other attachments of the boat are not different from those seen elsewhere, except that at the bow there is a long paddle about six kung ch’ih long, which is used for coming down the sandbanks. Traveling upstream offers the greatest difficulty. Every time a sandbank is crossed, the boat has to be poled, lifted, towed, or pushed by several dozen men. Their chanting is as loud as the angry waves.’
[1]
[1]: Ling, Shun-sheng, Yifu Ruey, and Lien-en Tsao. 1947. “Report On An Investigation Of The Miao Of Western Hunan.", 70 |
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Ling et al describe Hmong boats: ’The boat used in the Miao area generally measures nine kung ch’ih in length, divided into seven holds, the middle hold being the widest, about one kung ch’ih in width (Illus. 18, 19). The oar, the paddle, the pole, the mast, and other attachments of the boat are not different from those seen elsewhere, except that at the bow there is a long paddle about six kung ch’ih long, which is used for coming down the sandbanks. Traveling upstream offers the greatest difficulty. Every time a sandbank is crossed, the boat has to be poled, lifted, towed, or pushed by several dozen men.’
[1]
We are unsure whether these were used in warfare. We have coded ’absent’ for the time being.
[1]: Ling, Shun-sheng, Yifu Ruey, and Lien-en Tsao. 1947. “Report On An Investigation Of The Miao Of Western Hunan.", 70 |
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Water Route: Modern scholar estimates that the total length of official land and water routes in the Ming amounted to 143,700 li (84,200 km or 52,300 miles).
[1]
Government barge: The size of the canal demanded labor and equipment on a scale equal to its requirements. By the mid-fifteenth century, 11,775 government grain barges were being hauled up and down the canal by 121,500 solders to keep the imperial storehouses in Beijing full.
[2]
Imperial barge: The imperial household also operated its own barge to supply the palace. These were said to number 161, of which fifteen were iceboats to transport fresh fish and fruit from the south. 600 skiffs call “fast-as-horse boats” that the Ministry of War were operated to protect imperial haul.
[2]
[1]: (Brook, 2010, p.30-31) [2]: (Brook, 2010, p.110) |
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May have been used on military expeditions to the south. However, use would not have been extensive or highly complex. In 450 CE Wei Emperor Taiwu vs Song: "The Wei ruler made noises about crossing the river, but this was surely bluff since his men had neither the vessels nor the skills they would need to overcome the Song fleet." "The Northern Wei attempted to use the river vessels, which had been captured when Wang retreated, to block a Song fleet of a hundred boats."
[1]
[1]: (Dien 2014, 35) Dien, Albert. 2014. The Disputation at Pengcheng: Accounts from the Wei Shu and Song Shu. in ed. Swartz, Wendy, Campany, Robert Ford, Lu, Yang and Jessey Choo. Early Medieval China: A Sourcebook. New York: Columbia University Press. 32-60. |
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There are written references to boats starting with the oracle bones of the Shang dynasty, which bear graphs interpreted as the original signs for a boat, a boat propelled by an oar, and the way to caulk the seams of a boat. Caulking suggests considerable sophistication in construction at such an early date.
[1]
[1]: Kidder Jr., J. Edward, 2007. Himiko and Japan’s Elusive Kingdom of Yamatai (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press). p. 40 |
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"In 598, to prevent water-borne rebellion, Wen-ti ordered the confiscation in the south of all boats which were thirty feet long and over."
[1]
The Sui shu says Yang-ti for a ceremonial procession along a canal "built dragon boats, phoenix vessels, war boats of the ’Yellow Dragon’ style, red battle cruisers, multi-decked transports, lesser vessels of bamboo slats."
[2]
[1]: (Wright 1979, 102) [2]: (Wright 1979, 137) |
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"The first recorded use of ships in a military operation occurred circa 1045 B.C.E when King Wu of Zhou ferried 300 chariots and 3,000 men of his personal guard across the Yellow River at Menjin in forty-seven ships to attack the Shang capital. These were not specialized warships but vessels commandeered for the operation."
[1]
[1]: (Lorge 2012, 82-83) |
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The Shuar also used canoes when travelling far on campaigns: ’The co-operation provided by such non-untsuri šuarä inviters has sometimes made it possible for the Jívaro to travel incredibly far to kill. In one fondly remembered case, the assistance given by a tsumu šuarä (Huambisa) inviter-guide made it possible for a Jívaro expedition to pass down the Río Santiago by canoe through the entire Huambisa tribe and to wipe out most of an Aguaruna household on the Río Marañon below the Pongo de Manseriche.’
[1]
[1]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls.”, 116 |
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"The co-operation provided by such non-untsuri šuarä inviters has sometimes made it possible for the Jívaro to travel incredibly far to kill. In one fondly remembered case, the assistance given by a tsumu šuarä (Huambisa) inviter-guide made it possible for a Jívaro expedition to pass down the Río Santiago by canoe through the entire Huambisa tribe and to wipe out most of an Aguaruna household on the Río Marañon below the Pongo de Manseriche."
[1]
[1]: Harner, Michael J. 1973. “Jívaro: People Of The Sacred Waterfalls.”, 116 |
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Canoes in Peru (transportation or military?)
[1]
[1]: (Bradley 2009, 197) Bradley, Peter T. 2009. Spain and the Defense of Peru: Royal Reluctance and Colonial Self-Reliance. Lulu.com. https://www.zotero.org/groups/seshat_databank/items/itemKey/VFMNE6JR |
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Canoes were present at contact and being used for war and must have been present during earlier periods to reach Hawaii, so we can assume that they were at this time too.
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Not mentioned by sources
[1]
.
[1]: Illinois State Museum, Illinois Society: Warfare (2000), http://www.museum.state.il.us/muslink/nat_amer/post/htmls/soc_war.html |
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Islanders engaged in canoe-fighting: ’Fighting skills in aboriginal times included knowledge of the manufacture as well [Page 54] as of the use of the various weapons: the club, spear, sling, knuckle-duster, and in more recent time the knife and rifle. Of great importance, too, was a knowledge of the various holds in a system of hand-to-hand encounter remotely reminiscent of Japanese jiujitsu. This system, known as jëëmmwënëëw, is highly developed, including ways to disarm opponents equipped with various weapons, ways of knocking them overboard in canoe fighting, etc. It appears to be completely native in origin.’
[1]
Bollig’s material on strategy and divinations also implies that canoes were used in warfare: ’The ida[unknown] spear, the ida[unknown] fire, and the ida[unknown] blow-shell are sacred. Woe to one who touches them; the ida[unknown] will bite him, and as a result his throat will swell. The shell rests on a bed consisting of sacred herbs. Nobody is allowed to pass the side of the house where it is found. If the ida[unknown] is to blow the shell, he strokes it beforehand, while murmuring his texts. Besides the ikenida[unknown], the ibar (a species of banana) and woubar (red sugar-cane) are also reserved for the ida[unknown]. Only he and, with his permission, his pupils are allowed to eat them. This is strictly forbidden for the atö. Besides this ibar there are still other ida[unknown] bananas, since each ida[unknown] movement has more or less its own food laws. The principal activity /49/ of the ida[unknown] takes place in wartime. Aside from the fact that for the most part their intrigues and mischief-making caused the war as soon as it broke out they became leaders and all. [Page 54] They made the war plans during the so-called otout (banana eating). That is, the ida[unknown] took his bananas and put the individual fruits on a mat. Then he explained the campaign plan to his pupils and the other warriors. One banana signified a reef, another one a canoe, and so on. By moving the bananas back and forth, he made the situation clear and indicated to them how the enemy might possibly be attacked or how his attack could be repulsed. At the end the töbou ate the bananas together, certainly an excellent staff-map, which has the advantage that one can eat it without difficulty.’
[2]
[1]: Goodenough, Ward Hunt 1951. “Property, Kin, And Community On Truk”, 53 [2]: Bollig, Laurentius 1927. “Inhabitants Of The Truk Islands: Religion, Life And A Short Grammar Of A Micronesian People”, 53p |
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Islanders engaged in canoe-fighting: ’Fighting skills in aboriginal times included knowledge of the manufacture as well [Page 54] as of the use of the various weapons: the club, spear, sling, knuckle-duster, and in more recent time the knife and rifle. Of great importance, too, was a knowledge of the various holds in a system of hand-to-hand encounter remotely reminiscent of Japanese jiujitsu. This system, known as jëëmmwënëëw, is highly developed, including ways to disarm opponents equipped with various weapons, ways of knocking them overboard in canoe fighting, etc. It appears to be completely native in origin.’
[1]
Bollig’s material on strategy and divinations also implies that canoes were used in warfare: ’The ida[unknown] spear, the ida[unknown] fire, and the ida[unknown] blow-shell are sacred. Woe to one who touches them; the ida[unknown] will bite him, and as a result his throat will swell. The shell rests on a bed consisting of sacred herbs. Nobody is allowed to pass the side of the house where it is found. If the ida[unknown] is to blow the shell, he strokes it beforehand, while murmuring his texts. Besides the ikenida[unknown], the ibar (a species of banana) and woubar (red sugar-cane) are also reserved for the ida[unknown]. Only he and, with his permission, his pupils are allowed to eat them. This is strictly forbidden for the atö. Besides this ibar there are still other ida[unknown] bananas, since each ida[unknown] movement has more or less its own food laws. The principal activity /49/ of the ida[unknown] takes place in wartime. Aside from the fact that for the most part their intrigues and mischief-making caused the war as soon as it broke out they became leaders and all. [Page 54] They made the war plans during the so-called otout (banana eating). That is, the ida[unknown] took his bananas and put the individual fruits on a mat. Then he explained the campaign plan to his pupils and the other warriors. One banana signified a reef, another one a canoe, and so on. By moving the bananas back and forth, he made the situation clear and indicated to them how the enemy might possibly be attacked or how his attack could be repulsed. At the end the töbou ate the bananas together, certainly an excellent staff-map, which has the advantage that one can eat it without difficulty.’
[2]
[1]: Goodenough, Ward Hunt 1951. “Property, Kin, And Community On Truk”, 53 [2]: Bollig, Laurentius 1927. “Inhabitants Of The Truk Islands: Religion, Life And A Short Grammar Of A Micronesian People”, 53p |
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"the Bronze Age is the period that saw the development of a new type of seafaring craft, the sewn-plank boat, which would have been suited to undertake the long-distance journeys required for maintaining exchange networks; and that evidence in the form of logboats indicates that rivers became increasingly important during this period as arteries for travel and transport"
[1]
[1]: (Fookens and Nicolis, 2012, 75) |
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"Roman vessels utilized the rivers and coastal waters to transport merchandise and military personnel. The early Franks developed fleets for use in trade and war. Their vessels were propelled by oars and probably a single square sail."
[1]
[1]: (Runyan 1995, 1246-1247) Timothy J Runyan. 1995. Naval Power. William W Kibler. Grover A Zinn. Lawrence Earp. John Bell Henneman Jr. Medieval France (1995): An Encyclopedia. Garland Publishing, Inc. New York. |
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"Similarities between the logboats and plank boats of the period 600 BC to AD 600 and those of earlier times suggest that the roots of Celtic boatbuilding lie in the second millennium BC or earlier."
[1]
However there is no geographical resolution, even if the term ’Celtic’ implies La Tène and Hallstatt.
[1]: (Green 1995, 271) |
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Mediterranean amphore close to Paris Bain shows long-distant trade.
[1]
[1]: (http://www.chronocarto.ens.fr/gcserver/atlas#) |
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"Similarities between the logboats and plank boats of the period 600 BC to AD 600 and those of earlier times suggest that the roots of Celtic boatbuilding lie in the second millennium BC or earlier."
[1]
However there is no geographical or temporal resolution in this statement, even if the term ’Celtic’ implies La Tène and Hallstatt.
[1]: (Green 1995, 271) |
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The sources available make no mention of naval warfare or technology.
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Iban war-boasts could hold a sizable force: "Shortly after he had this dream, Unggang built a large war boat, whose interior ( ruang ) was big enough for him to spread a large idas mat. He used this boat to lead his warriors to guard the mouth of the Saribas river to prevent the Illanuns and other pirates from entering, and to attack other strangers who came to sail in that part of the South China sea. After he had done this successfully, he led his warriors further overseas to look for trading ships... He did not like to be accompanied by other Iban boats, as his own could easily carry over 100 warriors. At this time no one dared to attack any boat commanded by Unggang."
[1]
Low seems to refer to the same model, even though the vessel described appears smaller: "It is a grand sight to see these canoes filled with dusky warriors whose naked arms and bodies are just visible beneath the awning, pulling away with a uniform and vigorous stroke... The canoes hold each from twenty to seventy men."
[2]
We have chosen to identify war boats as small vessels rather than military ships.
[1]: Sandin 1967, 64 [2]: Low & Ling Roth 1893, 56 |
||||||
|
We have decided to consider war boats to be small vessels rather than military ships: It is a grand sight to see these canoes filled with dusky warriors whose naked arms and bodies are just visible beneath the awning, pulling away with a uniform and vigorous stroke... The canoes hold each from twenty to seventy men.
[1]
Shortly after he had this dream, Unggang built a large war boat, whose interior ( ruang ) was big enough for him to spread a large idas mat. He used this boat to lead his warriors to guard the mouth of the Saribas river to prevent the Illanuns and other pirates from entering, and to attack other strangers who came to sail in that part of the South China sea. After he had done this successfully, he led his warriors further overseas to look for trading ships... He did not like to be accompanied by other Iban boats, as his own could easily carry over 100 warriors. At this time no one dared to attack any boat commanded by Unggang.
[2]
[1]: Low & Ling Roth 1893, 56 [2]: Sandin 1967, 64 |
||||||
|
"Gradually the entire region comprising the Middle Ganga Valley was colonized. Kashi (Varanasi) and Ayodhya emerged as two great cultural and political hubs situated as they are on navigable rivers like the Ganga and the Ghaghara respectively."
[1]
[1]: (? 1974, 4) ?. 1974. The National Geographical Journal of India. Volume 20. National Geographical Society of India. |
||||||
|
"The Delhi Sultanate had no navy and the Mughal Empire made sporadic attempts to construct a navy. The Mughals maintained a riverine fleet for coastal warfare but lacked a Blue Water Navy."
[1]
[1]: (Roy 2015, 9) Kaushik Roy. 2015. Warfare in Pre-British India - 1500 BCE to 1740 CE. Routledge. London. |
||||||
|
"In north India, Bengal and the Indus valley played important role in naval affairs. We are informed that Jivitagupta II of Magadha and Dahir and Jaismha of Sind had also powerful naval forces. Jaisimha was defeated and killed by the Arabs after a hard fought naval battle."
[1]
[1]: (Mishra 1977, 149) Shyam Manohar Mishra. 1977. Yaśovarman of Kanauj: A Study of Political History, Social, and Cultural Life of Northern India During the Reign of Yaśovarman. Abhinav Publications. |
||||||
|
Rouran were nomads who did not have permanent settlements so no reason to use boats to travel from point A-B when they have horses to do so.
|
||||||
|
There were some boats which were used to "control of the foreign maritime trade" in Persian Gulf during the Ur-Nammu’s reign, but there is no detailed information concerning type of ship or existence of any special naval military formation.
[1]
Late 3rd - early 2md millennium BCE text: "He hurried to battle on the boat Ma-kar-nunta-ea".
[2]
[1]: Hamblin 2006, 108 [2]: Ninurta’s exploits: a šir-sud (?) to Ninurta: c.1.6.2. The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature (ETCSL). etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk. |
||||||
|
"A perhaps unexpected role that fell to Turcomans who had risen to power in the mountains of Anatolia, far from the sea, was to garrison forts along the Arabian Gulf coast to protect the rich trading links with India. Aq Qoyunlu vessels plied such waters, but whether any could be regarded as warships to suppress the endemic piracy of the Gulf is again unknown."
[1]
"The weapons used in the military forces of the Anatolian Principalities ... Principalities with an outlet on the sea are believed to have had small naval forces."
[2]
[1]: (Nicolle 1990, 37) Nicolle, David. 1990. The Age of Tamerlane. Osprey Publishing. [2]: (1994, 365) Ibrahim Kafesoglu. Ahmet Edip Uysal. Erdogan Mercil. Hidayet Yavuz Nuhoglu. 1994. A short history of Turkish-Islamic states (excluding the Ottoman state). Turkish Historical Society Printing House. |
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. |
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. |
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. |
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. |
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. |
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. |
||||||
|
Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
|
||||||
|
The Xiongnu were land-based steppe nomads, unlikely to have had any sort of navy
|
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops. In earlier times rivers were used in military campaigns "to transport supplies and people".
[2]
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. [2]: Hamblin, W. J. 2006. Warfare in the Ancient Near East to 1600 BC. New York: Routledge. |
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops. In earlier times rivers were used in military campaigns "to transport supplies and people".
[2]
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. [2]: Hamblin, W. J. 2006. Warfare in the Ancient Near East to 1600 BC. New York: Routledge. |
||||||
|
In use: ’There was no Hittite fleet, and we do not know what ships were used for intercourse with the island of Cyprus, which the Hittites appear to have controlled. They used the services of the countries covered, especially Ugarit. However, the last king of Hatti, Suppiluliuma II actually boasts of victory in two sea battles (but does not describe them).’
[1]
[1]: Gurney, O. R. (1952) The Hittites, Penguin. pp. 103 |
||||||
|
At the time of Ur III c2000 BCE Gu’abba was a seaport on the Persian Gulf that built ships and had a textile manufacturing sector. A trade route from Guabba ran east to the Karun River and beyond (the region of Susiana). The route was also used for the transport of troops.
[1]
The Karun River runs inland into Khuzestan which was the Elamite heartland. It would be logical for there to have been boats that sailed down this river to the Persian Gulf in all periods. The boats on the Karun could also have ferried troops.
[1]: (? 2018) Author?. Title?. Javier Alvarez-Mon. Gian Pietro Basello. Yasmina Wicks. ed. 2018. The Elamite World. Routledge. Abingdon. |
||||||
|
Not mentioned by sources.
|
||||||
|
Not mentioned in the archaeological evidence
|
||||||
|
"Shortly before his death, Theodoric instructed his praetorian prefect, Abundantius, to initiate the building of a fleet of 1,000 light ships and gave orders for levying sailors."
[1]
"Theoderic’s initiative to build a fleet had tapped resources drawn from his personal estates."
[2]
[1]: (Burns 1991, 105) [2]: (Bjornlie 2016, 54) Bjornlie, Shane M. Governmental Administration. in Arnold, Jonathan J. Bjornlie, Shane M. Sessa, Kristina. eds. 2016. A Companion to Ostrogothic Italy. BRILL. Leiden. |
||||||
|
Present, because shipping was active on the Tiber and in the Tyrhennian throughout the period, and the papacy frequently used the fleets of allies such as the Angevins.
|
||||||
|
No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Kidder Jr., J. Edward, 2007. Himiko and Japan’s Elusive Kingdom of Yamatai (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press). p. 41 [2]: Peter Bleed & Akira Matsui, ‘Why Didn’t Agriculture Develop in Japan? A Consideration of Jomon Ecological Style, Niche Construction, and the Origins of Domestication’, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2010, Volume 17, Issue 4, p. 360 |
||||||
|
No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Kidder Jr., J. Edward, 2007. Himiko and Japan’s Elusive Kingdom of Yamatai (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press). p. 41 [2]: Peter Bleed & Akira Matsui, ‘Why Didn’t Agriculture Develop in Japan? A Consideration of Jomon Ecological Style, Niche Construction, and the Origins of Domestication’, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2010, Volume 17, Issue 4, p. 360 |
||||||
|
No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Kidder Jr., J. Edward, 2007. Himiko and Japan’s Elusive Kingdom of Yamatai (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press). p. 41 [2]: Peter Bleed & Akira Matsui, ‘Why Didn’t Agriculture Develop in Japan? A Consideration of Jomon Ecological Style, Niche Construction, and the Origins of Domestication’, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2010, Volume 17, Issue 4, p. 360 |
||||||
|
No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Kidder Jr., J. Edward, 2007. Himiko and Japan’s Elusive Kingdom of Yamatai (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press). p. 41 [2]: Peter Bleed & Akira Matsui, ‘Why Didn’t Agriculture Develop in Japan? A Consideration of Jomon Ecological Style, Niche Construction, and the Origins of Domestication’, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2010, Volume 17, Issue 4, p. 360 |
||||||
|
No archaeological evidence for this. Moreover, the scholarly consensus is that the Jomon were relatively peaceful.
[1]
[2]
[1]: Kidder Jr., J. Edward, 2007. Himiko and Japan’s Elusive Kingdom of Yamatai (Honolulu: Hawaii University Press). p. 41 [2]: Peter Bleed & Akira Matsui, ‘Why Didn’t Agriculture Develop in Japan? A Consideration of Jomon Ecological Style, Niche Construction, and the Origins of Domestication’, Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory, 2010, Volume 17, Issue 4, p. 360 |
||||||
|
Thomas Cressy: Small boats were still in use for transport, fishing, and diplomacy. No reason to believe this technology disappeared here.
|
||||||
|
’The Khmer sources for this Cham victory refer to a surprise naval attack, sending a fleet up the Tonle Sap to the Great Lake. This illustrates the importance of shipping, for naval warfare as well as commerce; the Khmers, long accustomed to navigation on the Lake and the great waterways that seamed their territory, were not backward when it came to war at sea, and in the twelfth-century war against the Vietnamese it was claimed that they sent a fleet of 700 vessels round the coast.’
[1]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.157) |
||||||
|
’The Khmer sources for this Cham victory refer to a surprise naval attack, sending a fleet up the Tonle Sap to the Great Lake. This illustrates the importance of shipping, for naval warfare as well as commerce; the Khmers, long accustomed to navigation on the Lake and the great waterways that seamed their territory, were not backward when it came to war at sea, and in the twelfth-century war against the Vietnamese it was claimed that they sent a fleet of 700 vessels round the coast.’
[1]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.157) |
||||||
|
No information in the archaeological evidence for this time
|
||||||
|
’The Khmer sources for this Cham victory refer to a surprise naval attack, sending a fleet up the Tonle Sap to the Great Lake. This illustrates the importance of shipping, for naval warfare as well as commerce; the Khmers, long accustomed to navigation on the Lake and the great waterways that seamed their territory, were not backward when it came to war at sea, and in the twelfth-century war against the Vietnamese it was claimed that they sent a fleet of 700 vessels round the coast.’
[1]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.157) |
||||||
|
’The Khmer sources for this Cham victory refer to a surprise naval attack, sending a fleet up the Tonle Sap to the Great Lake. This illustrates the importance of shipping, for naval warfare as well as commerce; the Khmers, long accustomed to navigation on the Lake and the great waterways that seamed their territory, were not backward when it came to war at sea, and in the twelfth-century war against the Vietnamese it was claimed that they sent a fleet of 700 vessels round the coast.’
[1]
[1]: (Mabbett and Chandler 1995, p.157) |
||||||
|
’One more text which is relevant, and probably belongs in [H] though possibly south of it in [K]-the exact provenance is unknown-is k.155, by a technical official, dhanyakarapati, "chief of the grain stocks", and one of only eight or nine such specialized functions mentioned in the pre-Angkor corpus, [Footnote 143: There are seven inscriptions by, or referring to, such technical or administrative specialists. The others are K.133 [I], a "chief ship pilot", mahanauvaha, in K.140 [K] a "master of all elephants," or "vassal king", samantagajapati; in K.765 [T] a mahanukrtavi-khyata, "celebrated for his great following"; in K725 three such titles or names of functions, samantanauvaha, "chief of the naval forces", mahasvaptai, "great chief of horse", sahasravargadhiptai, "chief of a group of a thousand"; in K726 yuddhapramukha, military officer; and the latest in date a certain mahavikrantakesari, a name meaning "great bold lion", probably indicating a military person, who is mentioned 4 times in K1029 [R].]’
[1]
’Khmer, political/cultural center [Chenla of Chinese sources?]; retreat from coast but still linked to it by over 90 km. of canals navigable by very small boats. Center of great cult of worship of Visnu with cylindrical crown, Phnom Da school.’
[2]
[1]: (Vickery 1998, 125) [2]: (Ooi 2004, 581) |
||||||
|
The use of boats is recorded in a Chinese text translated and published by Paul Pelliot in 1903. The text indicates that boats from Funan were made from a single log and that the head and the tail of a fish.
[1]
The use of canals as transport systems has been theorized by Higham who poses that "The way in which the canals link settlements also makes it likely that they were used to convey goods between the centres of population".
[2]
This Chinese text mentions that the Funan people were aggressive toward their neighbors, whom they sometimes captured and enslaved, but they were also expert smiths of gold rings and bracelets, silver plates, and bronze statues, as well as shipbuilders.’
[3]
[1]: (Pelliot 1903, p. 261) [2]: (Higham 2002, p. 238) [3]: (Miksic 2007, p.123) |
||||||
|
The use of boats is recorded in a Chinese text translated and published by Paul Pelliot in 1903. The text indicates that boats from Funan were made from a single log and that the head and the tail of a fish.
[1]
The use of canals as transport systems has been theorized by Higham who poses that "The way in which the canals link settlements also makes it likely that they were used to convey goods between the centres of population".
[2]
This Chinese text mentions that the Funan people were aggressive toward their neighbors, whom they sometimes captured and enslaved, but they were also expert smiths of gold rings and bracelets, silver plates, and bronze statues, as well as shipbuilders.’
[3]
[1]: (Pelliot 1903, p. 261) [2]: (Higham 2002, p. 238) [3]: (Miksic 2007, p.123) |
||||||
|
Founder of the Bambara Empire, Mamary Coulibaly, used war canoes to fight and patrol the Niger River.
[1]
Reference for pre-colonial West African warfare: "Mobility was provided by the horse and other animals and by the canoe".
[2]
Reference for pre-colonial West Africa: The largest dug-out canoes could carry 100 men as well as their provisions. Others carried a few men, or a couple of dozen.
[3]
[1]: (Blauer and Lauré 2008, 29) Ettagale Blauer. Jason Lauré. 2008. Cultures of the World Mali. Marshall Cavendish. New York. [2]: (Smith 1989, 64) Robert Sydney Smith. 1989. Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa. Second Edition. The University of Wisconsin Press. Madison. [3]: (Smith 1989, 91) Robert Sydney Smith. 1989. Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa. Second Edition. The University of Wisconsin Press. Madison. |
||||||
|
Founder of the successor state, the Bambara Empire, Mamary Coulibaly used war canoes to fight and patrol the Niger River.
[1]
Reference for pre-colonial West African warfare: "Mobility was provided by the horse and other animals and by the canoe".
[2]
Reference for pre-colonial West Africa: The largest dug-out canoes could carry 100 men as well as their provisions. Others carried a few men, or a couple of dozen.
[3]
[1]: (Blauer and Lauré 2008, 29) Ettagale Blauer. Jason Lauré. 2008. Cultures of the World Mali. Marshall Cavendish. New York. [2]: (Smith 1989, 64) Robert Sydney Smith. 1989. Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa. Second Edition. The University of Wisconsin Press. Madison. [3]: (Smith 1989, 91) Robert Sydney Smith. 1989. Warfare & Diplomacy in Pre-colonial West Africa. Second Edition. The University of Wisconsin Press. Madison. |
||||||
|
The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
|
||||||
|
The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
|
||||||
|
Canoes were used for multiple purposes: ’With few exceptions the trees are soft-woods, and these supply easy material for canoes and much of the house-building.’
[1]
’The Binandere “built canoes and explored the river, extending their settlement wherever land was suitable” (Chinnery and Beaver 1917:160).’
[2]
[1]: Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar), and Hubert Murray. 1930. “Orokaiva Society.”, 16 [2]: Newton, Janice. 1983. “Orokaiva Warfare And Production.” Journal Of The Polynesian Society 92 (4): 487-507 |
||||||
|
boats had been in use for thousands of years in this NGA
|
||||||
|
Lakeshore residency, woodcarving expertise, and extensive exploitation of lacustrine resources dates to c.5000-2000 BCE in the region,
[1]
and the prehisoric use of canoes has often been suggested,
[2]
[3]
[4]
but there is no direct evidence of canoes (made of wood) in the archaeological record.
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1979) "Early Sedentary Economy in the Basin of Mexico" Science 203(4376):131-142. [2]: Drennan, R. D. (1984). Long‐distance transport costs in pre‐Hispanic Mesoamerica. American Anthropologist, 86(1), 105-112. [3]: Parsons, Jeffrey R. (2006) The Last “Pescadores” of Chimalhuacán, Mexico: An Archaeological Ethnography. Anthropological Papers, No. 96. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. [4]: Hassig, Ross. (1985) Trade, tribute, and transportation: The sixteenth-century political economy of the Valley of Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, pg.56-66. |
||||||
|
Lakeshore/island residency, woodcarving expertise, and extensive exploitation of lacustrine resources all suggest that canoes similar to those known from the Late Postclassic were probably used,
[1]
and the prehisoric use of canoes has often been suggested,
[2]
[3]
[4]
[2]
and archaeologists believe that warfare was widespread in the Basin of Mexico among polities that shared lakes, but there is no direct evidence of canoes (made of wood) or canoe warfare in the archaeological record.
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1979) "Early Sedentary Economy in the Basin of Mexico" Science 203(4376):131-142. [2]: Drennan, R. D. (1984). Long‐distance transport costs in pre‐Hispanic Mesoamerica. American Anthropologist, 86(1), 105-112. [3]: Parsons, Jeffrey R. (2006) The Last “Pescadores” of Chimalhuacán, Mexico: An Archaeological Ethnography. Anthropological Papers, No. 96. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. [4]: Hassig, Ross. (1985) Trade, tribute, and transportation: The sixteenth-century political economy of the Valley of Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, pg.56-66. |
||||||
|
Lakeshore/island residency, woodcarving expertise, and extensive exploitation of lacustrine resources all suggest that canoes similar to those known from the Late Postclassic were probably used,
[1]
and the prehisoric use of canoes has often been suggested,
[2]
[3]
[4]
[2]
and archaeologists believe that warfare was widespread in the Basin of Mexico among polities that shared lakes, but there is no direct evidence of canoes (made of wood) or canoe warfare in the archaeological record.
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1979) "Early Sedentary Economy in the Basin of Mexico" Science 203(4376):131-142. [2]: Drennan, R. D. (1984). Long‐distance transport costs in pre‐Hispanic Mesoamerica. American Anthropologist, 86(1), 105-112. [3]: Parsons, Jeffrey R. (2006) The Last “Pescadores” of Chimalhuacán, Mexico: An Archaeological Ethnography. Anthropological Papers, No. 96. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. [4]: Hassig, Ross. (1985) Trade, tribute, and transportation: The sixteenth-century political economy of the Valley of Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, pg.56-66. |
||||||
|
Lakeshore residency, woodcarving expertise, and extensive exploitation of lacustrine resources dates to c.5000-2000 BCE in the region,
[1]
and the prehisoric use of canoes has often been suggested,
[2]
[3]
[4]
but there is no direct evidence of canoes (made of wood) in the archaeological record.
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1979) "Early Sedentary Economy in the Basin of Mexico" Science 203(4376):131-142. [2]: Drennan, R. D. (1984). Long‐distance transport costs in pre‐Hispanic Mesoamerica. American Anthropologist, 86(1), 105-112. [3]: Parsons, Jeffrey R. (2006) The Last “Pescadores” of Chimalhuacán, Mexico: An Archaeological Ethnography. Anthropological Papers, No. 96. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. [4]: Hassig, Ross. (1985) Trade, tribute, and transportation: The sixteenth-century political economy of the Valley of Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, pg.56-66. |
||||||
|
Lakeshore/island residency, woodcarving expertise, and extensive exploitation of lacustrine resources all suggest that canoes similar to those known from the Late Postclassic were probably used,
[1]
and the prehisoric use of canoes has often been suggested,
[2]
[3]
[4]
[2]
and archaeologists believe that warfare was widespread in the Basin of Mexico among polities that shared lakes, but there is no direct evidence of canoes (made of wood) or canoe warfare in the archaeological record.
[1]: Niederberger, Christine. (1979) "Early Sedentary Economy in the Basin of Mexico" Science 203(4376):131-142. [2]: Drennan, R. D. (1984). Long‐distance transport costs in pre‐Hispanic Mesoamerica. American Anthropologist, 86(1), 105-112. [3]: Parsons, Jeffrey R. (2006) The Last “Pescadores” of Chimalhuacán, Mexico: An Archaeological Ethnography. Anthropological Papers, No. 96. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. [4]: Hassig, Ross. (1985) Trade, tribute, and transportation: The sixteenth-century political economy of the Valley of Mexico. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, pg.56-66. |
||||||
|
The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
|
||||||
|
The Valley of Oaxaca is landlocked.
|
||||||
|
[Small vessels (fishing boats) certainly were used in military operations.]
|
||||||
|
"During that endeavor, one of the more fabled events of Inca history is said to have taken place - a voyage by Thupa Inka Yupanki to the Pacific islands of Anachumbi and Niñachumbi. Sarmiento wrote that some 20,000 soldiers sailed with him on balsa rafts."
[1]
This is a story, but could have an inkling of truth.
[1]: (D’Altroy 2014, 99) |
||||||
|
"The notion that there were mobile Wari warriors is also supported by iconographic evidence depicting warriors carrying weapons while kneeling on reed boats... a mode of transport that was common on the north coast of Peru and the Lake Titicaca Basin in the south, and apparently uncommon in the Ayacucho Basin of the Wari empire."
[1]
[1]: (Tung 2007, 954 cite: Ochatoma and Cabrera 2002) |
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With few exceptions the trees are soft-woods, and these supply easy material for canoes and much of the house-building.
[1]
The Binandere “built canoes and explored the river, extending their settlement wherever land was suitable” (Chinnery and Beaver 1917:160).
[2]
[1]: Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar), and Hubert Murray. 1930. “Orokaiva Society.”, 16 [2]: Newton, Janice. 1983. “Orokaiva Warfare And Production.” Journal Of The Polynesian Society 92 (4): 487-507 |
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In the broader Mature Harappan context, although small vessels would potentially have been present and used at the (contested) dockyard at Lothal, there is no evidence to suggest that the vessels would have been used for military purposes.
[1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.p132,138 |
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In the broader Mature Harappan context, although small vessels would potentially have been present and used at the (contested) dockyard at Lothal, there is no evidence to suggest that the vessels would have been used for military purposes.
[1]
[1]: Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.p132,138 |
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"There was no Hittite fleet, and we do not know what ships were used for intercourse with the island of Cyprus, which the Hittites appear to have controlled. They used the services of the countries covered, especially Ugarit. However, the last king of Hatti, Suppiluliuma II actually boasts of victory in two sea battles (but does not describe them)."
[1]
[1]: Gurney, O. R. (1952) The Hittites, Penguin. pp. 103 |
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No information in the archaeological evidence for this time
|
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"There was no Hittite fleet, and we do not know what ships were used for intercourse with the island of Cyprus, which the Hittites appear to have controlled. They used the services of the countries covered, especially Ugarit. However, the last king of Hatti, Suppiluliuma II actually boasts of victory in two sea battles (but does not describe them)."
[1]
[1]: Gurney, O. R. (1952) The Hittites, Penguin. pp. 103 |
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The following quotes do not suggest that canoes were used in warfare, simply as vehicles to escape conflict. "The Indians withdrew to the fort and the French forces remained on the river overnight to keep the Iroquois from escaping in their canoes."
[1]
"Some more Indians from the other side tried to cross the river to save their fellows; these were shot down in their canoes."
[2]
Overall, because Iroquois warfare is relatively well documented, it seems reasonable to infer that the use of canoes for warfare would be known and mentioned in the literature.
[1]: Selden, Sherman Ward. 1994. “Legend, Myth And Code Of Deganawidah And Their Significance To Iroquois Cultural History.”, 65 [2]: Wallace, Anthony F. C., and Sheila K. Steen. 1969. “Death And Rebirth Of The Seneca.”, 123 |
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The following quotes do not suggest that canoes were used in warfare, simply as vehicles to escape conflict. "The Indians withdrew to the fort and the French forces remained on the river overnight to keep the Iroquois from escaping in their canoes."
[1]
"Some more Indians from the other side tried to cross the river to save their fellows; these were shot down in their canoes."
[2]
Overall, because Iroquois warfare is relatively well documented, it seems reasonable to infer that the use of canoes for warfare would be known and mentioned in the literature.
[1]: Selden, Sherman Ward. 1994. “Legend, Myth And Code Of Deganawidah And Their Significance To Iroquois Cultural History.”, 65 [2]: Wallace, Anthony F. C., and Sheila K. Steen. 1969. “Death And Rebirth Of The Seneca.”, 123 |
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups."
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups."
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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|
Inferred from the following. "About two millennia ago, during the Middle Woodland period, which spanned several hundred years, intergroup conflict ending in violence was largely absent from eastern North America. Compared to both earlier Archaic hunter-gatherers and later village agriculturalists, few Middle Woodland skeletons have projectile points lodged in bones, distinctive stone-axe injuries, or signs of mutilation such as decapitation and scalping. [...] The scarcity of such injuries is not a result of inadequate sampling, since there are large and well-preserved skeletal collections dating to this period, especially from the Midwest. A rather sudden adoption of food-procurement practices that shifted the balance between resources and consumers to a time of relative plenty presumably played a big part in establishing conditions conducive to openness among otherwise separate groups." The situation only changed "[l]ate in the first millennium AD".
[1]
[1]: (Milner, Chaplin and Zavodny 2013, 96-97) Milner, George, George Chaplin, and Emily Zavodny. 2013. “Conflict and Societal Change in Late Prehistoric Eastern North America.” Evolutionary Anthropology 22: 96-102. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/collectionKey/PAF8KM8K/itemKey/QR77EGA6 |
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"As distinct from the other steppe cultures, Khorezm’s economy was based on irrigation farming. The 150-200m long canals would irrigate small rectangular fields."
[1]
Navigation for rivers and some canals?
[1]: (Kuzʹmina 2007, 238) J P Mallory ed. Elena Efimovna Kuzʹmina. 2007. The Origin of the Indo-Iranians. BRILL. Leiden. |
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At the Battle of Omdurman of the Second Sudan War 1898 CE General Kitchener "had at his disposal 44 guns and 20 machine-guns on land, and another 36 guns and 24 machine-guns on gunboats".
[1]
[1]: (Spiers 1996, 206) Edward Spiers. The Late Victorian Army 1868-1914. David G Chandler. Ian Beckett. eds. 1996. The Oxford History of the British Army. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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