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Central Highland Mesoamerican Early-Middle Formative .
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Central Highland Mesoamerican Late-Terminal Formative. Including the rest of the Basin of Mexico, the Puebla-Tlaxcalla Valley, Morelos, the Toluca Valley, and parts of Southern Puebla.
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| 5 | Terminal Formative Basin of Mexico | Central Highland Mesoamerican Late-Terminal Formative | Confident Expert | - | ||
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Including the rest of the Basin of Mexico, the Puebla-Tlaxcalla Valley, Morelos, the Toluca Valley, and parts of Southern Puebla.
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| 6 | Kingdom of Hawaii - Kamehameha Period | Kingdom of Hawaii - Post-Kamehameha Period | Confident Expert | - | ||
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Note: during the Merrell-Edlehardt the name of the supracultural entity is known as Emergent Mississippian.
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’ANNAM. A Chinese term literally meaning “pacified south,” first ap- plied in the Six Dynasties period (third to sixth centuries CE) as part of titles given to Chinese officials in north Vietnam and to kings of Champa and Funan who declared themselves to be Chinese vassals.’
[1]
The cultural material found in the region and the adoption of Indian script link the Funanese with India. This connection was over-emphasized by early researchers, but now it is thought to have been a symbiotic process where Indian traits were selectively adopted as it was required by the local population.
[2]
[1]: (Miksic 2007, p. 26) [2]: (Vickery 1998) |
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’ANNAM. A Chinese term literally meaning “pacified south,” first ap- plied in the Six Dynasties period (third to sixth centuries CE) as part of titles given to Chinese officials in north Vietnam and to kings of Champa and Funan who declared themselves to be Chinese vassals.’
[1]
The cultural material found in the region and the adoption of Indian script link the Funanese with India. This connection was over-emphasized by early researchers, but now it is thought to have been a symbiotic process where Indian traits were selectively adopted as it was required by the local population.
[2]
[1]: (Miksic 2007, p. 26) [2]: (Vickery 1998) |
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’ANNAM. A Chinese term literally meaning “pacified south,” first applied in the Six Dynasties period (third to sixth centuries CE) as part of titles given to Chinese officials in north Vietnam and to kings of Champa and Funan who declared themselves to be Chinese vassals.’
[1]
[1]: (Miksic 2007, p. 26) |
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’In contrast, the Hindu religion and its trappings offered the benefits of royal ideology tailor-made for nascent Southeast Asian kings, no political strings attached [as in Chinese-style imperial bureaucracy]. Here is what Indianization eventually brought to the region: the rich and complex Hindu religion, its mythology and cosmology, and its ritual (see p. 80); in particular, the cults of the gods Shiva and Vishnu, with whom local kings could identify. The Sanskrit language, the vehicle of Hinduism and one sect of Buddhism, and the source of many loan-works in early Khmer. The Indic (Brahmi) writing system, stone inscriptions and palm-leaf books. The Hindu temple complex, and an architectural tradition of brick and/or stone based upon Gupta prototypes. Statuary representing gods, kings and the Buddha. Cremation burial, at least of the upper stratum of society. Rectilineal town and city plans. Artificial water systems, including rectangular reservoirs (the srah and bray of Classic Khmer culture), as well as canals. Wheel-made pottery, which supplemented but did not supplant the local paddle-and-anvil ceramic tradition.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, p. 63) |
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’In contrast, the Hindu religion and its trappings offered the benefits of royal ideology tailor-made for nascent Southeast Asian kings, no political strings attached [as in Chinese-style imperial bureaucracy]. Here is what Indianization eventually brought to the region: the rich and complex Hindu religion, its mythology and cosmology, and its ritual (see p. 80); in particular, the cults of the gods Shiva and Vishnu, with whom local kings could identify. The Sanskrit language, the vehicle of Hinduism and one sect of Buddhism, and the source of many loan-works in early Khmer. The Indic (Brahmi) writing system, stone inscriptions and palm-leaf books. The Hindu temple complex, and an architectural tradition of brick and/or stone based upon Gupta prototypes. Statuary representing gods, kings and the Buddha. Cremation burial, at least of the upper stratum of society. Rectilineal town and city plans. Artificial water systems, including rectangular reservoirs (the srah and bray of Classic Khmer culture), as well as canals. Wheel-made pottery, which supplemented but did not supplant the local paddle-and-anvil ceramic tradition.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, p. 63) |
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’In contrast, the Hindu religion and its trappings offered the benefits of royal ideology tailor-made for nascent Southeast Asian kings, no political strings attached [as in Chinese-style imperial bureaucracy]. Here is what Indianization eventually brought to the region: the rich and complex Hindu religion, its mythology and cosmology, and its ritual (see p. 80); in particular, the cults of the gods Shiva and Vishnu, with whom local kings could identify. The Sanskrit language, the vehicle of Hinduism and one sect of Buddhism, and the source of many loan-works in early Khmer. The Indic (Brahmi) writing system, stone inscriptions and palm-leaf books. The Hindu temple complex, and an architectural tradition of brick and/or stone based upon Gupta prototypes. Statuary representing gods, kings and the Buddha. Cremation burial, at least of the upper stratum of society. Rectilineal town and city plans. Artificial water systems, including rectangular reservoirs (the srah and bray of Classic Khmer culture), as well as canals. Wheel-made pottery, which supplemented but did not supplant the local paddle-and-anvil ceramic tradition.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, p. 63) |
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’In contrast, the Hindu religion and its trappings offered the benefits of royal ideology tailor-made for nascent Southeast Asian kings, no political strings attached [as in Chinese-style imperial bureaucracy]. Here is what Indianization eventually brought to the region: the rich and complex Hindu religion, its mythology and cosmology, and its ritual (see p. 80); in particular, the cults of the gods Shiva and Vishnu, with whom local kings could identify. The Sanskrit language, the vehicle of Hinduism and one sect of Buddhism, and the source of many loan-works in early Khmer. The Indic (Brahmi) writing system, stone inscriptions and palm-leaf books. The Hindu temple complex, and an architectural tradition of brick and/or stone based upon Gupta prototypes. Statuary representing gods, kings and the Buddha. Cremation burial, at least of the upper stratum of society. Rectilineal town and city plans. Artificial water systems, including rectangular reservoirs (the srah and bray of Classic Khmer culture), as well as canals. Wheel-made pottery, which supplemented but did not supplant the local paddle-and-anvil ceramic tradition.’
[1]
[1]: (Coe 2003, p. 63) |
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No supracultural entity as such, but definitely interaction with other cultures, not least trade with Chinese, Indian, and Arab-speaking peoples.
[1]
Also evidence of cultural exchange with the Philippines - Laguna copperplate inscriptions from around 900 C.E. discovered in Manila suggests that officials of the Medang Kingdom had connections in regions as far away as the Philippines.
[2]
[1]: Much of what is known about historical Javanese culture is drawn from the reports and chronicles of foreign diplomats, traders, and travelers, mainly from Chinese, Indian, and Arab sources. [2]: (Antoon 1990, 200) |
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The Chuuk islands form part of Micronesia: ’Micronesian culture, the beliefs and practices of the indigenous peoples of the ethnogeographic group of Pacific Islands known as Micronesia. The region of Micronesia lies between the Philippines and Hawaii and encompasses more than 2,000 islands, most of which are small and many of which are found in clusters. The region includes, from west to east, Palau (also known as Belau), Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands (which include Saipan), the Federated States of Micronesia (which include Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae), the Marshall Islands (which include Enewetak, Bikini, Rongelap, Kwajalein, and Majuro), Nauru, and Kiribati (formerly the Gilbert Islands, and which includes Banaba, formerly Ocean Island). Located for the most part north of the Equator, Micronesia (from Greek mikros ‘small’ and nēsoi ‘islands’) includes the westernmost of the Pacific Islands.’
[1]
[1]: (Kahn, Fischer and Kiste 2017) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/XHZTEDKE. |
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The Chuuk islands form part of Micronesia: ’Micronesian culture, the beliefs and practices of the indigenous peoples of the ethnogeographic group of Pacific Islands known as Micronesia. The region of Micronesia lies between the Philippines and Hawaii and encompasses more than 2,000 islands, most of which are small and many of which are found in clusters. The region includes, from west to east, Palau (also known as Belau), Guam, the Northern Mariana Islands (which include Saipan), the Federated States of Micronesia (which include Yap, Chuuk, Pohnpei, and Kosrae), the Marshall Islands (which include Enewetak, Bikini, Rongelap, Kwajalein, and Majuro), Nauru, and Kiribati (formerly the Gilbert Islands, and which includes Banaba, formerly Ocean Island). Located for the most part north of the Equator, Micronesia (from Greek mikros ‘small’ and nēsoi ‘islands’) includes the westernmost of the Pacific Islands.’
[1]
[1]: (Kahn, Fischer and Kiste 2017) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/XHZTEDKE. |
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covers entire area of Roman Empire, plus much territory in Britain, northern Europe, central and western Africa, and the Near East and Central Asia
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The entire area of Roman Empire, plus much territory in Britain, northern Europe, central and western Africa, and the Near East and Central Asia.
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"The Byzantine Empire recognized neither the western Frankish Empire nor the Bulgarian Emperor. It spoke of the archontes Boulgaron, the princes of the Bulgars, and the reges Francias, the kings of Francia. The Byzantine Empire never gave up its claims to universal rule. It claimed to be at the apex of the family of kings; it was the father, they were the sons. ... It was only with the Arab rulers that there had long been some recognition of equality, and also with the Persian kings, which was reflected in the title of ’brother’ used in official documents."
[1]
[1]: (Haussig 1971, 201) Haussig, H W.trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. |
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"The Byzantine Empire recognized neither the western Frankish Empire nor the Bulgarian Emperor. It spoke of the archontes Boulgaron, the princes of the Bulgars, and the reges Francias, the kings of Francia. The Byzantine Empire never gave up its claims to universal rule. It claimed to be at the apex of the family of kings; it was the father, they were the sons. ... It was only with the Arab rulers that there had long been some recognition of equality, and also with the Persian kings, which was reflected in the title of ’brother’ used in official documents."
[1]
[1]: (Haussig 1971, 201) Haussig, H W.trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. |
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Christianity (Byzantine) for the local population of Crete and Islam for the Arabs conquerors.
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"The Byzantine Empire recognized neither the western Frankish Empire nor the Bulgarian Emperor. It spoke of the archontes Boulgaron, the princes of the Bulgars, and the reges Francias, the kings of Francia. The Byzantine Empire never gave up its claims to universal rule. It claimed to be at the apex of the family of kings; it was the father, they were the sons. ... It was only with the Arab rulers that there had long been some recognition of equality, and also with the Persian kings, which was reflected in the title of ’brother’ used in official documents."
[1]
[1]: (Haussig 1971, 201) Haussig, H W.trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. |
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"The Byzantine Empire recognized neither the western Frankish Empire nor the Bulgarian Emperor. It spoke of the archontes Boulgaron, the princes of the Bulgars, and the reges Francias, the kings of Francia. The Byzantine Empire never gave up its claims to universal rule. It claimed to be at the apex of the family of kings; it was the father, they were the sons. ... It was only with the Arab rulers that there had long been some recognition of equality, and also with the Persian kings, which was reflected in the title of ’brother’ used in official documents."
[1]
[1]: (Haussig 1971, 201) Haussig, H W.trans Hussey, J M. 1971. History of Byzantine Civilization. Thames and Hudson. |
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"“Middle Horizon” is a period in Peruvian prehistory (Figure 37.1), but cultural dynamics embraced an area much larger than Peru [...]. The Middle Horizon was the time when leadership in complexity within the Central Andes shifted from northern Peru and the Pacific coast - especially the spectacular Moche culture [...] - to south central Peru, northwestern Bolivia and the Andean highlands [...]. A new religious art spread through the Andes, composed of three primary supernatural images."
[1]
[1]: (Isbell in Silverman and Isbell 2008, 731-73) |
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The polity in the Lucre Basin (Pinagua) seems to have been in the Wari cultural sphere: "A few centuries later, circa AD 1300, a second building phase was initiated at Choquepukio, resulting in the construction of additional niched halls. Up to this point, the predominant postcollapse cultural influence had been derived from the Wari. The second building phase seems to represent the arrival of an elite group from the old Tiwanaku sphere of influence."
[1]
[1]: (McEwan 2006b, 95) |
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At least for the Lucre Basin polity. "Up to this point, the predominant postcollapse cultural influence had been derived from the Wari. The second building phase seems to represent the arrival of an elite group from the old Tiwanaku sphere of influence."
[1]
The Killke polity could also be linked to Lake Titicaca, since they appear to have been linguistically and genetically related.
[2]
[1]: (McEwan 2006b, 95) [2]: (D’Altroy 2014, 85) |
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Note on Asoka’s Buddhism: "the distinction between Hinduism and Buddhism in India was purely sectarian and never more than the difference between saivism and vaishnavism. The exclusiveness of religious doctrines is a Semitic conception, which was unknown to India for a long time. Buddha himself was looked upon in his lifetime and afterwards as a Hindu saint and avatar and his followers were but another sect in the great Aryan tradition. Ashoka was a Buddhist in the same way as Harsha was a Budhist, or Kumarapala was a Jain. But in the view of the people of the day he was a Hindu monarch following one of the recognized sects. His own inscriptions bear ample withness to the fact. While his doctrines follow the middle path, his gifts are to the brahmibns, sramansa (Buddhist priests) and others equally. His own name of adoption is Devanam Priya, the beloved of the gods. Which gods? Surely the gods of the Aryan religion. Buddhism had no gods of its own. The idea that Ashoka was a kind of Buddhist Constantine declearing himself against paganism is a complete misreading of India conditions. Asoka was a kind or Buddhist Constantine declearing himself against paganism is a complete misreading of India conditions. Asoka was essentially a Hindu, as indeed was the founder of the sect to which he belonged."
[1]
[1]: http://uhami.com/maurya_empire30802.htm |
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’The languages of the 6 tribes are classified in the Northern Iroquoian branch of the Iroquoian language family.’
[1]
The Iroquois Peoples include the Iroquois Confederacy, but also other independent nations: ’Iroquois, any member of the North American Indian tribes speaking a language of the Iroquoian family-notably the Cayuga, Cherokee, Huron, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca, and Tuscarora. The peoples who spoke Iroquoian languages occupied a continuous territory around Lakes Ontario, Huron, and Erie, in present-day New York state and Pennsylvania (U.S.) and southern Ontario and Quebec (Canada). That larger group should be differentiated from the Five Nations (later Six Nations) better known as the Iroquois Confederacy (self name Haudenosaunee Confederacy).’
[2]
’Between the Hudson and lake Erie, our broad territory was occupied by the Ho-de[unknown] -no-sau-nee, or Iroquois, scattered far and wide, in small encampments, or in disconnected villages. Their council-fires, emblematical of civil jurisdiction, burned continuously from the Hudson to Niagara. At the era of Dutch discovery (1609), they had pushed their permanent possession as far west as the Genesee; and shortly after, about 1650, they extended it to the Niagara. They then occupied the entire territory of our State west of the Hudson, with the exception of certain tracts upon that river below the junction of the Mohawk, in the possession of the River Indians, and the country of the Delawares, upon the Delaware river. But both these had been subdued by the conquering Iroquois, and had become tributary nations.’
[3]
Iroquois expansionism enabled cross-cultural exchange with defeated enemies: ’The Iroquois were not nomadic hunters like many of their neighbors to the north and west. Instead they settled in more or less permanent villages and depended mainly upon their crops of corn, beans and squash for food. The settled life gave them greater political and social unity and this fact was largely responsible for their success as conquerors and governors. Their conquests brought them in contact with many tribes with cultures varying in greater and lesser degrees from their own and from each they absorbed elements that modified or enhanced it.’
[4]
The wider sphere of cultural interaction also includes the early colonial powers: ’Thus the League of the Iroquois was an alliance conceived among aboriginal nations which, though culturally related and speaking languages fundamentally similar but differing in vocabulary and idiom, had recurrently been in conflict. The league brought them out of conflict into peace. Then came the French, the Dutch, and the English, and the doom of the league was sealed, its desired results nullified. Here was an alliance binding together five distinct nations, based upon an orally transmitted constitution. It had no inscribed statutes, no taxes or levies, no gendarmerie, no hireling politicians. We hear, however, of tribute exacted of subjugated tribes. Tribute, as the Iroquois took it, consisted of stipulated sums of wampum demanded of the Algonkian tribes on the Atlantic Coast who produced it; and wampum was not an item of money, cash, or currency in native economy before the coming of Europeans to the Hudson Valley. Its function was that of a symbol, valuable in a spiritual sense and capable of serving the purposes of mnemonic record making. Thus the wampum tribute we read so much about would seem to be a measure pressed upon subjugated smaller tribes in the shell-bearing coastal regions, requiring them to furnish the wampum the Iroquois needed in the score of ceremonial uses they had developed for it.’
[5]
eHRAF groups the Iroquois with other indigenous communities of the ’Eastern Woodlands’
[6]
.
[1]: Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois [2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Iroquois-people [3]: Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 36 [4]: Lismer, Marjorie 1941. “Seneca Splint Basketry”, 8 [5]: Speck, Frank Gouldsmith 1945. “Iroquois: A Study In Cultural Evolution”, 36p [6]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/regionsCultures.do#region=5 |
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’The languages of the 6 tribes are classified in the Northern Iroquoian branch of the Iroquoian language family.’
[1]
The Iroquois Peoples include the Iroquois Confederacy, but also other independent nations: ’Iroquois, any member of the North American Indian tribes speaking a language of the Iroquoian family-notably the Cayuga, Cherokee, Huron, Mohawk, Oneida, Onondaga, Seneca, and Tuscarora. The peoples who spoke Iroquoian languages occupied a continuous territory around Lakes Ontario, Huron, and Erie, in present-day New York state and Pennsylvania (U.S.) and southern Ontario and Quebec (Canada). That larger group should be differentiated from the Five Nations (later Six Nations) better known as the Iroquois Confederacy (self name Haudenosaunee Confederacy).’
[2]
’Between the Hudson and lake Erie, our broad territory was occupied by the Ho-de[unknown] -no-sau-nee, or Iroquois, scattered far and wide, in small encampments, or in disconnected villages. Their council-fires, emblematical of civil jurisdiction, burned continuously from the Hudson to Niagara. At the era of Dutch discovery (1609), they had pushed their permanent possession as far west as the Genesee; and shortly after, about 1650, they extended it to the Niagara. They then occupied the entire territory of our State west of the Hudson, with the exception of certain tracts upon that river below the junction of the Mohawk, in the possession of the River Indians, and the country of the Delawares, upon the Delaware river. But both these had been subdued by the conquering Iroquois, and had become tributary nations.’
[3]
Iroquois expansionism enabled cross-cultural exchange with defeated enemies: ’The Iroquois were not nomadic hunters like many of their neighbors to the north and west. Instead they settled in more or less permanent villages and depended mainly upon their crops of corn, beans and squash for food. The settled life gave them greater political and social unity and this fact was largely responsible for their success as conquerors and governors. Their conquests brought them in contact with many tribes with cultures varying in greater and lesser degrees from their own and from each they absorbed elements that modified or enhanced it.’
[4]
The wider sphere of cultural interaction also includes the colonial powers: ’Thus the League of the Iroquois was an alliance conceived among aboriginal nations which, though culturally related and speaking languages fundamentally similar but differing in vocabulary and idiom, had recurrently been in conflict. The league brought them out of conflict into peace. Then came the French, the Dutch, and the English, and the doom of the league was sealed, its desired results nullified. Here was an alliance binding together five distinct nations, based upon an orally transmitted constitution. It had no inscribed statutes, no taxes or levies, no gendarmerie, no hireling politicians. We hear, however, of tribute exacted of subjugated tribes. Tribute, as the Iroquois took it, consisted of stipulated sums of wampum demanded of the Algonkian tribes on the Atlantic Coast who produced it; and wampum was not an item of money, cash, or currency in native economy before the coming of Europeans to the Hudson Valley. Its function was that of a symbol, valuable in a spiritual sense and capable of serving the purposes of mnemonic record making. Thus the wampum tribute we read so much about would seem to be a measure pressed upon subjugated smaller tribes in the shell-bearing coastal regions, requiring them to furnish the wampum the Iroquois needed in the score of ceremonial uses they had developed for it.’
[5]
eHRAF groups the Iroquois with other indigenous communities of the ’Eastern Woodlands’
[6]
.
[1]: Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois [2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Iroquois-people [3]: Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 36 [4]: Lismer, Marjorie 1941. “Seneca Splint Basketry”, 8 [5]: Speck, Frank Gouldsmith 1945. “Iroquois: A Study In Cultural Evolution”, 36p [6]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/regionsCultures.do#region=5 |
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Canaanites were part of the larger Amorite family of peoples, which included the founders of the first Babylonian Empire. Canaanite city-states had significant cultural links with other societies in the Northern Levant and Mesopotamia, and had thriving trade contacts with them. Canaanite architecture often shows influence from the Northern Levant, i.e. Syria. Religious artifacts are similar enough that it is customary to infer details of Canaanite religion from that of Ugarit, which is outside of Canaan proper.
[1]
[1]: Noll (2007). |
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Also called Punic/Phoenician, it encompassed independent colonies across the Mediterranean—the most famous of which was the city of Carthage.
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Here in the broader sense of the peoples descended from the early tribal confederation, in both the Northern and Southern Kingdoms.
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The A’chik are usually classed with the Bodo Peoples: ‘According to Sir George Grierson’s classification in the LINGUISTIC SURVEY OF INDIA, Garo belongs to the Bodo subsection of the Bodo-Naga Section, under the Assam-Burma Group of the Sino-Tibetan or Tibeto-Burman Language Family.’
[1]
‘The Garos living in the East and West Garo Hills districts of Meghalaya in northeastern India speak the Garo dialect. They are one of the best known matrilineal groups in India. Here the Garos are not the only aboriginal tribe--they are the MAJOR aboriginal tribe. Others are the Hajong, the Koch, the Rabha, the Dalau, and the Banais who reside on the adjacent plains of the neighboring district. There remains an obscurity about the origin of the word ’Garo.’ They are known as ’Garos’ to outsiders; but the Garos always designate themselves as ’Achik’ (’hill man’). The Garos are divided into nine subtribes: the Awe, Chisak, Matchi-Dual, Matabeng, Ambeng, Ruga-Chibox, Gara-Ganching, Atong, and the Megam. These are geographic subtribes, but are also dialectal and subcultural groups.’
[1]
‘Linguistic affinities and personal traits clearly show that the Garos are only a division of the great Bodo race of Assam. The Bodos were spread, as at present, throughout the whole of the Brahmaputra valley as well as in North Bengal. Aryans are now generally believed to have entered into Assam by two routes, one leading from the west through the Gangetic valley and the other through the Himalayas along the courses of the rivers entering Assam. The Bodos who were the earlier inhabitants of the province also came here in different hordes and following different routes from the north-west as well as from the north-east. It may be supposed that the Bodos, before entering into Assam and North Bengal which might have been then a part of Assam (Kamrupa of Old), divided themselves into groups somewhere in the Himalayan kingdom of Tibet. I think the ancestors of the Garos of Assam came down from Tibet to Bhutan and thence by following the course of the river Sonkos and her tributaries to Dhubri (now headquarters of the district of Goalpara) and this might be the latest migration of the people of the Bodo race into Assam and North Bengal. These people then crossed the Brahmaputra at different points and populated the southern parts of Goalpara, the northern and the western parts of the Garo Hills and then gradually they spread in the entire Garo Hills and some parts of the Kamrup district.’
[2]
’Linguistically and ethnologically, the Garos belong to the Bodo family, who were one-time occupants of a large part of the Brahmaputra valley but were probably pushed into the hills by later invaders. The Garos strongly believe that their ancestors came from Tibet and settled in Cooch Behar for about 400 years.’
[3]
‘The denomination of these linguistic speakers was subsequently driven away by the Tibeto- Burman hordes into Khasi Hills and the Jaintia Hills. This is the only part of the North East India in which this sub-family exists now. The three groups of the Tibeto-Burman family like Kuki-Chin and Naga were driven to the North-Eastern Hills. The Bodo dominated in the plains of Garo Hills and the North Cachar Hills. They were later subdivided into Garo, Kachari, Mech, Dimasa, Tippera, Lalung, Chutiya and Rabha groups (Barkakati 1969). Playfair ( c.f. Barkakati, 1969) writes that the Garo and the Kachari originally belonged to one group before splitting into two groups-one group over the Southern bank of Brahmaputra and the other Kachar, spreading over the North Garo Hills. The latter was occupied by the British in the year 1872. Prior to this the area was administered as a part of Bengal. The area became a part of Assam in 1874, when it was carved out as a separate province.’
[4]
‘The non-Garo settled population of the district consists of the Hajong, Koch, Dalu and Rabha (All excepting the Hajong are Bodo speaking tribes). The Hajong have adopted the Jharua dialect of Assamese and have been greatly Hinduized. The Dalu are closely akin to the Hajong but they are recent migrants from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). These people inhabit the outer fringes of the district extending to the adjacent areas of the neighbouring plains districts. They are in occupation of the fertile agricultural lands suitable for wet paddy cultivation. There is also a small number of settled Muslim population (nearly 5% of the total population of the district according to 1961 census) in the north-eastern tip of the district adjacent to the Dhubri subdivision of the Goalpara district and to the district of Rongpur of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh).’
[5]
We have followed eHRAF in the grouping of Bodo Peoples with South Asia
[6]
. We have used the figures provided in this non-academic source
[7]
.
[1]: Roy, Sankar Kumar: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Garo [2]: Choudhury, Bhupendranath 1958. “Some Cultural And Linguistic Aspects Of The Garos”, 6 [3]: Thomas, M. C. 1995. “Religious Beliefs And Customs Among The Garo”, 200 [4]: Marak, Kumie R. 1997. “Traditions And Modernity In Matrilineal Tribal Society”, 38 [5]: Majumdar, Dhirendra Narayan 1978. “Culture Change In Two Garo Villages”, 17 [6]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=1 [7]: http://www.tradingeconomics.com/south-asia/land-area-sq-km-wb-data.html |
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The A’chik are usually classed with the Bodo Peoples: ‘According to Sir George Grierson’s classification in the LINGUISTIC SURVEY OF INDIA, Garo belongs to the Bodo subsection of the Bodo-Naga Section, under the Assam-Burma Group of the Sino-Tibetan or Tibeto-Burman Language Family.’
[1]
‘The Garos living in the East and West Garo Hills districts of Meghalaya in northeastern India speak the Garo dialect. They are one of the best known matrilineal groups in India. Here the Garos are not the only aboriginal tribe--they are the MAJOR aboriginal tribe. Others are the Hajong, the Koch, the Rabha, the Dalau, and the Banais who reside on the adjacent plains of the neighboring district. There remains an obscurity about the origin of the word ’Garo.’ They are known as ’Garos’ to outsiders; but the Garos always designate themselves as ’Achik’ (’hill man’). The Garos are divided into nine subtribes: the Awe, Chisak, Matchi-Dual, Matabeng, Ambeng, Ruga-Chibox, Gara-Ganching, Atong, and the Megam. These are geographic subtribes, but are also dialectal and subcultural groups.’
[1]
‘Linguistic affinities and personal traits clearly show that the Garos are only a division of the great Bodo race of Assam. The Bodos were spread, as at present, throughout the whole of the Brahmaputra valley as well as in North Bengal. Aryans are now generally believed to have entered into Assam by two routes, one leading from the west through the Gangetic valley and the other through the Himalayas along the courses of the rivers entering Assam. The Bodos who were the earlier inhabitants of the province also came here in different hordes and following different routes from the north-west as well as from the north-east. It may be supposed that the Bodos, before entering into Assam and North Bengal which might have been then a part of Assam (Kamrupa of Old), divided themselves into groups somewhere in the Himalayan kingdom of Tibet. I think the ancestors of the Garos of Assam came down from Tibet to Bhutan and thence by following the course of the river Sonkos and her tributaries to Dhubri (now headquarters of the district of Goalpara) and this might be the latest migration of the people of the Bodo race into Assam and North Bengal. These people then crossed the Brahmaputra at different points and populated the southern parts of Goalpara, the northern and the western parts of the Garo Hills and then gradually they spread in the entire Garo Hills and some parts of the Kamrup district.’
[2]
’Linguistically and ethnologically, the Garos belong to the Bodo family, who were one-time occupants of a large part of the Brahmaputra valley but were probably pushed into the hills by later invaders. The Garos strongly believe that their ancestors came from Tibet and settled in Cooch Behar for about 400 years.’
[3]
‘The denomination of these linguistic speakers was subsequently driven away by the Tibeto- Burman hordes into Khasi Hills and the Jaintia Hills. This is the only part of the North East India in which this sub-family exists now. The three groups of the Tibeto-Burman family like Kuki-Chin and Naga were driven to the North-Eastern Hills. The Bodo dominated in the plains of Garo Hills and the North Cachar Hills. They were later subdivided into Garo, Kachari, Mech, Dimasa, Tippera, Lalung, Chutiya and Rabha groups (Barkakati 1969). Playfair ( c.f. Barkakati, 1969) writes that the Garo and the Kachari originally belonged to one group before splitting into two groups-one group over the Southern bank of Brahmaputra and the other Kachar, spreading over the North Garo Hills. The latter was occupied by the British in the year 1872. Prior to this the area was administered as a part of Bengal. The area became a part of Assam in 1874, when it was carved out as a separate province.’
[4]
‘The non-Garo settled population of the district consists of the Hajong, Koch, Dalu and Rabha (All excepting the Hajong are Bodo speaking tribes). The Hajong have adopted the Jharua dialect of Assamese and have been greatly Hinduized. The Dalu are closely akin to the Hajong but they are recent migrants from East Pakistan (now Bangladesh). These people inhabit the outer fringes of the district extending to the adjacent areas of the neighbouring plains districts. They are in occupation of the fertile agricultural lands suitable for wet paddy cultivation. There is also a small number of settled Muslim population (nearly 5% of the total population of the district according to 1961 census) in the north-eastern tip of the district adjacent to the Dhubri subdivision of the Goalpara district and to the district of Rongpur of East Pakistan (now Bangladesh).’
[5]
We have followed eHRAF in the grouping of Bodo Peoples with South Asia
[6]
. We have used the figures provided in this non-academic source
[7]
.
[1]: Roy, Sankar Kumar: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Garo [2]: Choudhury, Bhupendranath 1958. “Some Cultural And Linguistic Aspects Of The Garos”, 6 [3]: Thomas, M. C. 1995. “Religious Beliefs And Customs Among The Garo”, 200 [4]: Marak, Kumie R. 1997. “Traditions And Modernity In Matrilineal Tribal Society”, 38 [5]: Majumdar, Dhirendra Narayan 1978. “Culture Change In Two Garo Villages”, 17 [6]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=1 [7]: http://www.tradingeconomics.com/south-asia/land-area-sq-km-wb-data.html |
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The different polities controlling the coastal area shared many cultural traits: ’Akan states, historical complex of gold-producing forest states in western Africa lying between the Comoé and Volta rivers (in an area roughly corresponding to the coastal lands of the modern republics of Togo, Ghana, and, in part, Côte d’Ivoire). Their economic, political, and social systems were transformed from the 16th to the 18th century by trade with Europeans on the coast. Of the northern Akan (or Brong) states the earliest (established c. 1450) was Bono; of the southern the most important were Denkyera, Akwamu, Fante (Fanti), and Asante.’
[1]
’The Asante, however, are only the most successful of a number of people in southern Ghana, with offshoots in the Ivory Coast, who are closely related and probably have a single origin. To the south are groups like the Fante, Akwamu and Akyem, speaking virtually identical tonal languages (sometimes called Twi, or Akan) of the Kwa family and with whom the Asante share many elements of culture. Among these groups, for example, there are traces of the great matrilineal clans [...] formerly recognised in Asante, the practice of naming children according to the day of birth (for example, Kofi, a Friday-born male; Abena, a Tuesday-born girl), and many closely similar religious ideas and rituals. Some of these groups also retain traditions of a move to the south from the open areas north of the forest.’
[2]
’The common origin of the inhabitants of the Fanti districts, Asanti, and wherever the Akan language is spoken, has been already shown. The Customary Laws of the inhabitants of these places are in the main identical, and the national constitutions resemble each other in many points, although Asanti military organization had been developed in a greater degree.’
[3]
Hayford comments on cultural and linguistic similiarities between the Ashanti and Fante peoples: ’They speak the same language with only a difference of accent, such difference being a refinement upon whichever form of speech was the original type. It is probable the Ashanti type is the original, since it is reasonable to suppose that the coast tribes were detached from the Ashantis, and not vice versa. There is no tradition showing that the Fantis were ever a distinct and separate people from the Ashantis. On the other hand, there is historical evidence that, at the dawn of European intercourse with the Gold Coast, the Ashanti Union fully recognised the existence and independence of the Fanti Union; and the current of immigration southwards from the north of tribes now dwelling between Ashanti proper and Fanti proper, all of whom have in common the same language with the Ashantis and Fantis, lends weight to this striking fact.’
[4]
During the colonial period, contact with Europeans intensified: ’The sole reason for the presence of Europeans in West Africa was, and is even now, principally trade, and for the purposes of trade only were forts constructed and settlements founded, and the power and jurisditction of the local rulers subsequently undermined. The trade consisted mostly in barter or exchange, nor was the sale of slaves inconsiderable.’
[5]
Given trading relations and other cross-cultural interactions among different West African societies, we have chosen to follow the eHRAF categorization of Akan societies as ’West Africans’
[6]
. Wikipedia gives the size of West Africa as 5,112,903 km2
[7]
.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Akan-states [2]: McLeod, M. D. (Malcolm D.) 1981. “Asante”, 14 [3]: Sarbah, John Mensah 1968. “Fanti National Constitution: A Short Treatise On The Constitution And Government Of The Fanti, Asanti, And Other Akan Tribes Of West Africa”, 2 [4]: Hayford, J. E. Casely (Joseph Ephraim Casely) 1970. “Gold Coast Native Institutions With Thoughts Upon A Healthy Imperial Policy For The Gold Coast And Ashanti”, 24 [5]: Sarbah, John Mensah 1968. "Fanti National Constitution [...]", 74 [6]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=0 [7]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_Africa |
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’The Asante, however, are only the most successful of a number of people in southern Ghana, with offshoots in the Ivory Coast, who are closely related and probably have a single origin. To the south are groups like the Fante, Akwamu and Akyem, speaking virtually identical tonal languages (sometimes called Twi, or Akan) of the Kwa family and with whom the Asante share many elements of culture. Among these groups, for example, there are traces of the great matrilineal clans [...] formerly recognised in Asante, the practice of naming children according to the day of birth (for example, Kofi, a Friday-born male; Abena, a Tuesday-born girl), and many closely similar religious ideas and rituals. Some of these groups also retain traditions of a move to the south from the open areas north of the forest.’
[1]
Sarbah agrees with this view: ’The common origin of the inhabitants of the Fanti districts, Asanti, and wherever the Akan language is spoken, has been already shown. The Customary Laws of the inhabitants of these places are in the main identical, and the national constitutions resemble each other in many points, although Asanti military organization had been developed in a greater degree.’
[2]
Hayford comments on cultural and linguistic similiarities between the Ashanti and Fante peoples: ’They speak the same language with only a difference of accent, such difference being a refinement upon whichever form of speech was the original type. It is probable the Ashanti type is the original, since it is reasonable to suppose that the coast tribes were detached from the Ashantis, and not vice versa. There is no tradition showing that the Fantis were ever a distinct and separate people from the Ashantis. On the other hand, there is historical evidence that, at the dawn of European intercourse with the Gold Coast, the Ashanti Union fully recognised the existence and independence of the Fanti Union; and the current of immigration southwards from the north of tribes now dwelling between Ashanti proper and Fanti proper, all of whom have in common the same language with the Ashantis and Fantis, lends weight to this striking fact.’
[3]
The scale of supracultural interaction was amplified with the intensification of colonial penetration: ’But in the mid-nineteenth century, and for the economic and political reasons outlined above, Asante society became much less confined, and much more permeable and accessible. I think that it would be missing the point to see this matter in the short term, and to interpret it from the viewpoint of - for example - formal conversion to Christianity or numbers of political or economic refugees. What, I think, is of paramount importance is that it was in this period that Asante became massively exposed to novel options, to different (and even contradictory) ways of looking at the world. These influences would take a long time to germinate and to bear fruit, but in retrospect we can see that this period represented a watershed in the understanding of values and beliefs. In cognitive terms - and we can see this prosopographically - the ‘generation’ of 1880 was further removed from that of 1830 than that ‘generation’ had been from any of its predecessors throughout Asante history (Wilks and McCaskie, 1973-79).’
[4]
The Columbian Exchange and contact with European traders, missionaries, and colonizers had lasting effects on culture change in Southern Ghana and were probably more important than Asanteman’s interactions with fellow Akan peoples. But given trading relations and other cross-cultural interactions among different West African societies, we have chosen to follow the eHRAF categorization of Akan societies as ’West Africans’
[5]
. Given trading relations and other cross-cultural interactions among different West African societies, we have chosen to follow the eHRAF categorization of Akan societies as ’West Africans’
[5]
. Wikipedia gives the size of West Africa as 5,112,903 km2
[6]
.
[1]: McLeod, M. D. (Malcolm D.) 1981. “Asante”, 14 [2]: Sarbah, John Mensah 1968. “Fanti National Constitution: A Short Treatise On The Constitution And Government Of The Fanti, Asanti, And Other Akan Tribes Of West Africa”, 2 [3]: Hayford, J. E. Casely (Joseph Ephraim Casely) 1970. “Gold Coast Native Institutions With Thoughts Upon A Healthy Imperial Policy For The Gold Coast And Ashanti”, 24 [4]: McCaskie, T. C. 1983. “Accumulation, Wealth And Belief In Asante History: I. To The Close Of The Ninteenth Century”, 36 [5]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=0 [6]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/West_Africa |
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The settlers maintained cultural ties with Scandinavia and the British Isles: ’Iceland was a new society, however Icelandic culture perpetuated many of the cultural standards from Scandinavia, especially Norway. While both Norse and Celtic peoples contributed to the founding population they had unequal impacts on the culture of Iceland. Celts appear to have been incorporated into Norse households and appear to have little lasting impact on the cultural and institutional developments that were predominantly Scandinavian in origin. The first settlers claimed lands and established dispersed farmsteads. Many of the economic practices were unsuitable to the fragile Icelandic environment and resulted in deforestation and land erosion, especially in the uplands. As population grew, settlement expanded, and new farmsteads were divided from previous land claims. In 930 A.D. the General Assembly (ALÞINGI) was founded, providing an institution integrating the entire island. The same assembly accepted Christianity as the religion of the land in 1000 A.D. The thirteenth century was a period of escalating conflict (STURLUNGAÖLD) chieftains attempted to exert control beyond their local regions. The system of autonomous chieftains ended after 1262 A.D. when Iceland came under Norwegian rule. The Viking Age expansion into the North Atlantic did not end at Iceland. In the late tenth century Eirík the Red led a major venture to colonize Greenland and his son, Leifur Eiríksson, has been credited with the European discovery of North America. Early Icelanders maintained close ties with Scandinavia and the British Isles. Continental trading and raiding expeditions were common activities for those with the means to take a share in a boat. Their travels sometimes took them as far as Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean.’
[1]
Icelanders also maintained trading relations with Europe: ’The early Icelanders maintained commercial contacts with Europe and obtained goods from Scandinavia, England, the Norse Orkneys, and the Netherlands. The majority of trade, however, was with Norway, both for Norwegian goods and for foreign goods obtained by Norwegian merchants. The limited resources, especially in terms of raw materials for manufactured goods, made Iceland highly dependent on imported goods. Even before the decline and cessation of grain production in Iceland it is unlikely that Iceland ever produced enough cereals to meet its own needs. Of special significance in a feasting economy, grain and malt were essential to ale production. After Christianization imported wine also become essential for the celebration of communion. Many higher quality iron products, for example weapons and armor, could not be produced from local sources and were imported, mostly in finished forms. Other metals - brass, tin, lead, gold, silver, and bronze - were unavailable locally as well as steatite for utensils and stone suitable for making whetstones. Iceland had a limited number of exportable resources and goods. Homespun woolen cloth was the principal export and was a common standard of value in local exchanges. Sulfur, unavailable from any continental source, was a valuable commodity. Falcons and various animal skins - sheep, fox, and cat - were marketable as were cheese and possibly butter. Fish, the current mainstay of the Icelandic economy was not a significant export item in early Iceland.’
[1]
After the conversion to Christianity, Iceland and Scandinavia became part of the greater cultural sphere of Latin Christendom.
[2]
[1]: Bolender, Douglas James and Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders [2]: Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins |
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The settlers maintained cultural ties with Scandinavia and the British Isles: ’Iceland was a new society, however Icelandic culture perpetuated many of the cultural standards from Scandinavia, especially Norway. While both Norse and Celtic peoples contributed to the founding population they had unequal impacts on the culture of Iceland. Celts appear to have been incorporated into Norse households and appear to have little lasting impact on the cultural and institutional developments that were predominantly Scandinavian in origin. The first settlers claimed lands and established dispersed farmsteads. Many of the economic practices were unsuitable to the fragile Icelandic environment and resulted in deforestation and land erosion, especially in the uplands. As population grew, settlement expanded, and new farmsteads were divided from previous land claims. In 930 A.D. the General Assembly (ALÞINGI) was founded, providing an institution integrating the entire island. The same assembly accepted Christianity as the religion of the land in 1000 A.D. The thirteenth century was a period of escalating conflict (STURLUNGAÖLD) chieftains attempted to exert control beyond their local regions. The system of autonomous chieftains ended after 1262 A.D. when Iceland came under Norwegian rule. The Viking Age expansion into the North Atlantic did not end at Iceland. In the late tenth century Eirík the Red led a major venture to colonize Greenland and his son, Leifur Eiríksson, has been credited with the European discovery of North America. Early Icelanders maintained close ties with Scandinavia and the British Isles. Continental trading and raiding expeditions were common activities for those with the means to take a share in a boat. Their travels sometimes took them as far as Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean.’
[1]
Icelanders also maintained trading relations with Europe: ’The early Icelanders maintained commercial contacts with Europe and obtained goods from Scandinavia, England, the Norse Orkneys, and the Netherlands. The majority of trade, however, was with Norway, both for Norwegian goods and for foreign goods obtained by Norwegian merchants. The limited resources, especially in terms of raw materials for manufactured goods, made Iceland highly dependent on imported goods. Even before the decline and cessation of grain production in Iceland it is unlikely that Iceland ever produced enough cereals to meet its own needs. Of special significance in a feasting economy, grain and malt were essential to ale production. After Christianization imported wine also become essential for the celebration of communion. Many higher quality iron products, for example weapons and armor, could not be produced from local sources and were imported, mostly in finished forms. Other metals - brass, tin, lead, gold, silver, and bronze - were unavailable locally as well as steatite for utensils and stone suitable for making whetstones. Iceland had a limited number of exportable resources and goods. Homespun woolen cloth was the principal export and was a common standard of value in local exchanges. Sulfur, unavailable from any continental source, was a valuable commodity. Falcons and various animal skins - sheep, fox, and cat - were marketable as were cheese and possibly butter. Fish, the current mainstay of the Icelandic economy was not a significant export item in early Iceland.’
[1]
After the conversion to Christianity, Iceland and Scandinavia became part of the greater cultural sphere of Latin Christendom.
[2]
[1]: Bolender, Douglas James and Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders [2]: Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins |
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The settlers maintained cultural ties with Scandinavia and the British Isles: ’Iceland was a new society, however Icelandic culture perpetuated many of the cultural standards from Scandinavia, especially Norway. While both Norse and Celtic peoples contributed to the founding population they had unequal impacts on the culture of Iceland. Celts appear to have been incorporated into Norse households and appear to have little lasting impact on the cultural and institutional developments that were predominantly Scandinavian in origin. The first settlers claimed lands and established dispersed farmsteads. Many of the economic practices were unsuitable to the fragile Icelandic environment and resulted in deforestation and land erosion, especially in the uplands. As population grew, settlement expanded, and new farmsteads were divided from previous land claims. In 930 A.D. the General Assembly (ALÞINGI) was founded, providing an institution integrating the entire island. The same assembly accepted Christianity as the religion of the land in 1000 A.D. The thirteenth century was a period of escalating conflict (STURLUNGAÖLD) chieftains attempted to exert control beyond their local regions. The system of autonomous chieftains ended after 1262 A.D. when Iceland came under Norwegian rule. The Viking Age expansion into the North Atlantic did not end at Iceland. In the late tenth century Eirík the Red led a major venture to colonize Greenland and his son, Leifur Eiríksson, has been credited with the European discovery of North America. Early Icelanders maintained close ties with Scandinavia and the British Isles. Continental trading and raiding expeditions were common activities for those with the means to take a share in a boat. Their travels sometimes took them as far as Eastern Europe and the Mediterranean.’
[1]
Icelanders also maintained trading relations with Europe: ’The early Icelanders maintained commercial contacts with Europe and obtained goods from Scandinavia, England, the Norse Orkneys, and the Netherlands. The majority of trade, however, was with Norway, both for Norwegian goods and for foreign goods obtained by Norwegian merchants. The limited resources, especially in terms of raw materials for manufactured goods, made Iceland highly dependent on imported goods. Even before the decline and cessation of grain production in Iceland it is unlikely that Iceland ever produced enough cereals to meet its own needs. Of special significance in a feasting economy, grain and malt were essential to ale production. After Christianization imported wine also become essential for the celebration of communion. Many higher quality iron products, for example weapons and armor, could not be produced from local sources and were imported, mostly in finished forms. Other metals - brass, tin, lead, gold, silver, and bronze - were unavailable locally as well as steatite for utensils and stone suitable for making whetstones. Iceland had a limited number of exportable resources and goods. Homespun woolen cloth was the principal export and was a common standard of value in local exchanges. Sulfur, unavailable from any continental source, was a valuable commodity. Falcons and various animal skins - sheep, fox, and cat - were marketable as were cheese and possibly butter. Fish, the current mainstay of the Icelandic economy was not a significant export item in early Iceland.’
[1]
After the conversion to Christianity, Iceland and Scandinavia became part of the greater cultural sphere of Latin Christendom.
[2]
[1]: Bolender, Douglas James and Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for Early Icelanders [2]: Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins |
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Icelandic cultural forms were derived from and now became politically part of the greater Scandinavian realm in the North Atlantic controlled by the Norwegian kings: ’The realm of the king of Norway, when Iceland became a part of it, was centred on the North Atlantic. It stretched from the west coast of Greenland to the Barents Sea in the north, and south to Göteborg and the Orkneys [...]. Purely in terms of distance, Iceland was not far from the middle of this domain; it was within a week’s travel of the main centres, the royal court at Bergen and the archiepiscoal sea at Trondheim. Just over two centuries later, the capital of the state was the city of Copenhagen on the Sound, and Iceland was at the westernmost point of the kingdom. It was King Haakon (1299-1319), son of Magnus, who turned the thrust of the state to the south and east. He moved his court from Bergen to Oslo, and arranged a marriage between his daughter Ingeborg and the brother of the Swedish king, when she was one year old. Their son, Magnus, inherited the thrones of Sweden and Norway in 1319, at the age of three. Norway as an autonomous kingdom had thus practically ceased to exist. The mid-14th century also saw the Balck Death sweep through Scandinavia. The disease was especially virulent in Norway, where as many as two-third of the population may have died in successive epidemics. In the period 1376-80 the boy king Olaf, son of Hakon, inherited the crowns of Denmark and Norway. Thus Iceland became subject to the Danish throne, a relationship that was not finally broken off until 1944. Olaf was also of the Swedish royal house (which ruled Finland too). It is easy to imagne the idea of a unified Nordic realm forming in the mind of Queen Margarethe, mother of the child king. But in 1387 Olaf suddenly died, aged 17. But Margarethe did not give up her plans. She contrived to have herself elected regent in all the Nordic kingdoms, and to have her six-year-old foster-son nominaated heir to all the thrones. In 1397 an attempt was made in the Swesih city of Karlmar to establish a permanent union of the states.’
[1]
Norway monopolized trade with Iceland due to competition from the Hansa in other regions: ’During years of suffering resulting from these recurring calamities some aid was derived from Norwegian trade with Iceland which was plied quite energetically, especially during the first half of the fourteenth century, since the Hanseatic League had closed all other avenues to Norwegian merchants. It had already been noted that King Haakon Magnusson made trade with Iceland a Norwegian monopoly. [...] In 1302 King Haakon made the regulation that the Hansa merchants should not trade north of Bergen, or carry on commerce with Iceland or any of the Norwegian dependencies, a stipulation which was repeated in 1306. This trade was retained by the government for the benefit of the crown.’
[2]
These cultural and commercial contacts suffered under the impact of the plague in mainland Scandinavia: ’This development of a new important line of export proved a valuable stimulus for commerce, and must have increased also the volume of Icelandic imports, as is shown by the lively intercourse between Norway and Iceland at that time. [...] But this very encouraging outlook in commercial affairs was suddenly destroyed by the Black Death, which in 1349 appeared in Norway and in a short time carried away one-third of the entire population of the kingdom. [...] the expeditions ot Greenland ceased almost completely, and the trade with Iceland and other dependencies was greatly reduced. [...] During the second half of the fourteenth century it appears from the annals fewer ships came to Iceland than formerly. Not till in 1387 is it again recorded that as many as eleven ships arrived in a single year. For Iceland, which was suffering from the effects of the great calamities which had lately befallen the country, this falling off of commerce was a serious misfortune.’
[3]
But the adoption of Christianity in the Commonwealth period also made Iceland part of the greater cultural sphere of Latin Christendom.
[4]
[1]: Karlsson, Gunnar 2000. "A Brief History of Iceland", 22p [2]: Gjerset, Knut [1924]. "History of Iceland", 243 [3]: Gjerset, Knut [1924]. "History of Iceland", 244p [4]: Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins |
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Unclear. It is seems very likely that Pirak was once part of a larger assemblage of culturally similar settlements, but, perhaps due to the erosive effects of nearby rivers, only Pirak remains
[1]
[1]: (Jarrige & Enault 1976, 45-46) Jean-Francois Jarrige and Jean-Francois Enault. 1976. Fouilles de Pirak. Arts Asiatiques 32: 29-70. |
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"The Chinese records revealed that the Parthians shared many cultural characteristics with the petty kingdoms in the Sogdiana, Bactria, and Ferghana regions."
[1]
The records "suggests that the oases between the Pamirs and the Amu-darya were occupied by people who were culturally related to each other, probably all of Iranian stock." "For example, the Tochari kingdom in the Amu-darya was closely associated with the Parthians in terms of products, customs, trade and currency; the Samarkand was similar to the Tochari, the Bactria to the Sogdiana, the Ferghana to both the Tochari and the Parthians."
[1]
[1]: (Tao 2007) Tao, Wang in Josef in Curtis, Vesta Sarkhosh and Stewart, Sarah eds. 2007. The Age of the Parthians. I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd. London. |
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"Kujala’s early upbringing had been in an environment, in which the basic Hellenistic culture was tempered through Mesopotamian and Persian influences."
[1]
Use of the title "King-of-Kings" on coins by Huvishka (155-190 CE) "is yet another indication of the tendency among Kushan rulers to emulate the emperors of the Persian Dynasties."
[2]
[1]: (Samad 2011, 80-81) Samad, R. U. 2011. The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys. Angora Publishing. [2]: (Samad 2011, 85) Samad, R. U. 2011. The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys. Angora Publishing. |
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"Abbasid architecture was influenced by three architectural traditions: Sassanian, Central Asian (Sogdian) and later, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Seljuk."
[1]
Abbasid military was dominated by the Persian technology and tradition.
[1]: (Petersen 2002, 1)Petersen, Andrew. 2002. Dictionary of Islamic Architecture. Routledge. |
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Mizoguchi (2013) characterize three different broad regional cultural units: the Kyushu,the western and eastern horizons. These units developed different sets of material culture (pottery, metal object) burial practice and settlement hierarchy. The western horizon comprises the regions of Kansai (Kinki), Chugoku and Shikoku
[1]
.
[1]: K. Mizoguchi, 2013. The Archaeology of Japan. From the Earliest Rice Farming Villages to the Rise of the State. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 104-124. |
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Mizoguchi (2013) characterizes one broad regional cultural horizon: the Initial Kofun package, which spread from northern Kyushu to Kanto (see Figure 1 below)
[1]
.This homogeneous cultural horizon is characterised by the prevalence of keyhole-shaped tumulus containing a set of grave goods such as bronze mirrors, bronze and iron tools and weapons
[2]
.
[1]: Mizohuchi, K., 2009. Nodes and edges: A network approach to hierarchisation and state formation in Japan. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 28, pp. 15, 18-19. [2]: Mizoguchi, k., 2009.Nodes and edges: A network approach to hierarchisation and state formation in Japan. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 28, pp. 15. |
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Some architectural structures and mural paintings show strong influence from T’ang China and the Korean kingdom of Koguryo
[1]
. In addition, a wave of Korean migrants to Japan occurred after the T’ang invasion of Korea in the 660’s. As a consequence, the substatntial influx of Korean artisans, builders, administrators,elites members and various specialists favoured the spread of Korean culture
[2]
.
[1]: Farris, William Wayne (1998). Sacred Texts and Buried Treasures: Issues on the Historical Archaeology of Ancient Japan. University of Hawaii Press. p. 95. [2]: Brown, D., 1993.The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 2.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 210-213. |
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Some architectural structures and mural paintings show strong influence from T’ang China and the Korean kingdom of Koguryo
[1]
. In addition, a wave of Korean migrants to Japan occurred after the T’ang invasion of Korea in the 660’s. As a consequence, the substatntial influx of Korean artisans, builders, administrators,elites members and various specialists favoured the spread of Korean culture
[2]
.
[1]: Farris, William Wayne (1998). Sacred Texts and Buried Treasures: Issues on the Historical Archaeology of Ancient Japan. University of Hawaii Press. p. 95. [2]: Brown, D., 1993.The Cambridge History of Japan, vol. 2.Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 210-213. |
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’By the beginning of the Heian period, the chief remaining reason for maintaining state relations with the T’ang court seems to have been trade. The earlier quest for knowledge of Chinese culture and institutions and the desire to keep abreast of the developments in the East Asian international world, and to participate as a leading member in the Chinese diplomatic order, had been largely fulfilled.’
[1]
[1]: Shively, Donald H. and McCullough, William H. 2008. The Cambridge History of Japan Volume 2: Heian Japan. Cambridge Histories Online © Cambridge University Press.p.84 |
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The Iban form part of the non-Muslim population of Borneo: ’Dayak, also spelled Dyak, Dutch Dajak, the non-Muslim indigenous peoples of the island of Borneo, most of whom traditionally lived along the banks of the larger rivers. Their languages all belong to the Indonesian branch of the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) language family. Dayak is a generic term that has no precise ethnic or tribal significance. Especially in Indonesian Borneo (Kalimantan), it is applied to any of the (non-Muslim) indigenous peoples of the interior of the island (as opposed to the largely Malay population of the coastal areas). In Malaysian Borneo (Sarawak and Sabah), it is used somewhat less extensively and is often understood locally to refer specifically to Iban (formerly called Sea Dayak) and Bidayuh (formerly called Land Dayak) peoples. [...] Although lines of demarcation are often difficult to establish, the most prominent of the numerous Dayak subgroups are the Kayan (in Kalimantan usually called Bahau) and Kenyah, primarily of southeastern Sarawak and eastern Kalimantan; the Ngaju of central and southern Kalimantan; the Bidayuh of southwestern Sarawak and western Kalimantan; and the Iban of Sarawak.’
[1]
The Iban claim to originate in the Kapuas Basin, but migration was common: ’The Iban trace their origins to the Kapuas Lake region of Kalimantan. With a growing population creating pressures on limited amounts of productive land, the Iban fought members of other tribes aggressively, practicing headhunting and slavery. Enslavement of captives contributed to the necessity to move into new areas. By the middle of the 19th century, they were well established in the First and Second Divisions, and a few had pioneered the vast Rejang River valley. Reacting to the establishment of the Brooke Raj in Sarawak in 1841, thousands of Iban migrated to the middle and upper regions of the Rejang, and by the last quarter of the century had entered all remaining Divisions.’
[2]
But during the age of imperialism, contact with Europeans and Chinese traders and pirates became more common in Borneo: ’Modern European knowledge of Borneo dates from travelers who passed through Southeast Asia in the 14th century. The first recorded European visitor was the Franciscan friar Odoric of Pordenone, who visited Talamasim on his way from India to China in 1330. The Portuguese, followed by the Spanish, established trading relations on the island early in the 16th century. At the beginning of the 17th century the Portuguese and Spanish trade monopoly was broken by the Dutch, who, intervening in the affairs of the Muslim kingdoms, succeeded in replacing Mataram influence with their own. The coastal strip along the South China and Sulu seas was long oriented toward the Philippines to the northeast and was often raided by Sulu pirates. British interests, particularly in the north and west, diminished that of the Dutch. The Brunei sultanate was an Islamic kingdom that at one time had controlled the whole island but by the 19th century ruled only in the north and northwest. In 1841 Sarawak was split away on the southwest, becoming an independent kingdom ruled by the Brooke Raj. North Borneo (later Sabah) to the northeast was obtained by a British company to promote trade and suppress piracy, but it was not demarcated until 1912. Those losses left a much-reduced Brunei, which became a British protectorate in 1888.’
[3]
The island of Borneo also has a long history of interethnic mingling, extending supracultural interaction to non-Dayak communities on the island: ’Iban have lived near other ethnic groups with whom they have interacted. The most important of these societies have been the Malays, Chinese, Kayan, and during the Brooke Raj and the period of British colonialism, Europeans. The dynamic relations between Iban and these societies have produced profound changes in Iban society and culture.’
[2]
We follow eHRAF in grouping the island of Borneo with South-East Asia
[4]
. Wikipedia gives the geographical size of South-East Asia as 4,500,000 km2
[4]
.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Dayak [2]: Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr. and John Beierle: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iban [3]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Borneo-island-Pacific-Ocean [4]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southeast_Asia |
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The Iban belong to the non-Muslim ’tribal’ population of Borneo: ’Dayak, also spelled Dyak, Dutch Dajak, the non-Muslim indigenous peoples of the island of Borneo, most of whom traditionally lived along the banks of the larger rivers. Their languages all belong to the Indonesian branch of the Austronesian (Malayo-Polynesian) language family. Dayak is a generic term that has no precise ethnic or tribal significance. Especially in Indonesian Borneo (Kalimantan), it is applied to any of the (non-Muslim) indigenous peoples of the interior of the island (as opposed to the largely Malay population of the coastal areas). In Malaysian Borneo (Sarawak and Sabah), it is used somewhat less extensively and is often understood locally to refer specifically to Iban (formerly called Sea Dayak) and Bidayuh (formerly called Land Dayak) peoples. [...] Although lines of demarcation are often difficult to establish, the most prominent of the numerous Dayak subgroups are the Kayan (in Kalimantan usually called Bahau) and Kenyah, primarily of southeastern Sarawak and eastern Kalimantan; the Ngaju of central and southern Kalimantan; the Bidayuh of southwestern Sarawak and western Kalimantan; and the Iban of Sarawak.’
[1]
’The Iban trace their origins to the Kapuas Lake region of Kalimantan. With a growing population creating pressures on limited amounts of productive land, the Iban fought members of other tribes aggressively, practicing headhunting and slavery. Enslavement of captives contributed to the necessity to move into new areas. By the middle of the 19th century, they were well established in the First and Second Divisions, and a few had pioneered the vast Rejang River valley. Reacting to the establishment of the Brooke Raj in Sarawak in 1841, thousands of Iban migrated to the middle and upper regions of the Rejang, and by the last quarter of the century had entered all remaining Divisions.’
[2]
During the colonial period, cross-cultural interactions intensified, but the island of Borneo has a long history of interethnic mingling, extending supracultural interaction to non-Dayak communities on the island: ’Iban have lived near other ethnic groups with whom they have interacted. The most important of these societies have been the Malays, Chinese, Kayan, and during the Brooke Raj and the period of British colonialism, Europeans. The dynamic relations between Iban and these societies have produced profound changes in Iban society and culture.’
[2]
We have followed eHRAF in grouping Borneo with South-East Asia
[3]
. Wikipedia gives the total size of South-East Asia as 4,500,000 km2
[4]
.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Dayak [2]: Vinson H. Sutlive, Jr. and John Beierle: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iban [3]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=1 [4]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Southeast_Asia |
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The Sultanate of Rum was part of the wider Medieval Islamic World, a primary religious supercultural entity, with artistic and symbolic elements as well.
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The Il-Khans and their armies were Mongolian and the Il-Khanid dynasty continued to recognise the authority of the Great Khan.
[1]
[1]: REUVEN AMITAI, ’IL-KHANIDS i. DYNASTIC HISTORY’ http://www.iranicaonline.org/articles/il-khanids-i-dynastic-history |
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Area of Latin Christendom needs to be defined - do we include the Eastern Orthodox world, even though this distinction did not exist then, or the maximum reach of Christianity in Latin language?
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This ended: "during the period 1300-1450 CE "the idea of Christendom as a supranational entity toward which all Christians felt supreme loyalty and affection slowly collapsed. With the evolution of independent political and physical territories, soon to be called national monarchies or states, Christians began to choose between allegiance to state and devotion to church, and many chose the former. By the fifteenth century, the papacy ceased to function as a universal power and more and more like another regional Italian prince jealously guarding his fiefdom."
[1]
The term Christendom (Christianitas) reflects the supranational scope of the Papacy, which being also an international religion, had a degree of control beyond the territorial borders of the Papal State, particularly in the period from the Papacy of Innocent III.
[2]
[1]: (Madigan 2015, 369) K Madigan. 2015. Medieval Christianity: A New History. Yale University Press. New Haven. [2]: (Madigan 2015) K Madigan. 2015. Medieval Christianity: A New History. Yale University Press. New Haven. |
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However, during the period 1300-1450 CE "the idea of Christendom as a supranational entity toward which all Christians felt supreme loyalty and affection slowly collapsed. With the evolution of independent political and physical territories, soon to be called national monarchies or states, Christians began to choose between allegiance to state and devotion to church, and many chose the former. By the fifteenth century, the papacy ceased to function as a universal power and more and more like another regional Italian prince jealously guarding his fiefdom."
[1]
[1]: (Madigan 2015, 369) |
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The Sakha may be of Turkic origin, but mingled culturally with other local tribes: ’The Sakha are thought to be an admixture of migrants from the Lake Baikal region with the aborigines of the Lena-probably mostly Evenk (Evenki), who have contributed much to their culture. Other evidence, however, points to a southern ancestry related to the Turkic-speaking tribes of the steppe and the Altai Mountains. The early history of the Sakha is little known, though epic tales date from the 10th century. In the 17th century they had peacefully assimilated with other northern peoples and consisted of 80 independent tribes, subdivided into clans.’
[1]
’Yakutia is a 3,100,000-square-kilometer territory (over four times the size of Texas), in eastern Siberia (the Soviet Far East). Located at approximately 56 to 71 degree north latitude and 107 to 152 east longitude, it is bounded by Chukotka to the northeast, Buriatia in the south, and the Evenk region to the west. Its northern coast stretches far above the Arctic Circle, along the East Siberian Sea, whereas its southern rim includes the Stanovoi Mountains and the Aldan plateau. Its most majestic river, the Lena, flows north along cavernous cliffs, into a long valley, and past the capital, Yakutsk. Other key river systems, where major towns have developed, include the Aldan, Viliui, and Kolyma. About 700,000 named rivers and streams cross Yakutia, which has some agricultural land, but is primarily nonagricultural taiga, with vast resources of gold, other minerals, gas, and oil. Tundra rims the north, except for forests along the rivers. Notorious for extremes of cold, long winters, and hot, dry summers, Yakutia has two locations that residents claim to be the "coldest on earth": Verkhoiansk and Oimiakon, where temperatures have dipped to -79 degrees Celsius. More typical are winters of 0 to -40 degrees Celsius and summers of 10 to 30 degrees Celsius.’
[2]
Wikipedia provides 13,100,000 km squared as the total extent of Siberia
[3]
. We have opted for Siberia rather than Sakha as the supra-cultural entity in question, hence the large number. This remains open to re-evaluation.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people [2]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut [3]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siberia |
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The Sakha may be of Turkic origin, but mingled culturally with other local tribes: ’The Sakha are thought to be an admixture of migrants from the Lake Baikal region with the aborigines of the Lena-probably mostly Evenk (Evenki), who have contributed much to their culture. Other evidence, however, points to a southern ancestry related to the Turkic-speaking tribes of the steppe and the Altai Mountains. The early history of the Sakha is little known, though epic tales date from the 10th century. In the 17th century they had peacefully assimilated with other northern peoples and consisted of 80 independent tribes, subdivided into clans.’
[1]
During the Czarist period, cross-cultural exchanges with Russian settlers and administrators were of primary importance: ’By 1620 a report had reached Tobolsk from the Mangaseya Cossacks of the Great (Lena) River and the Lena Yakut. In 1631 they descended by the Viliui River, a tributary of the Lena, to the Lena River and imposed tribute on the adjacent Yakut. In 1632 a party of Cossacks under the command of the Boyar’s son, Shakov, took tribute in sables from a clan of Viliui horse-breeding Yakut. The Viliui River farther up from its mouth was occupied by Tungus only. The northern boundary of the distribution of the Yakut at that time was the mouth of the Viliui. The whole Lena Valley from the mouth of the Viliui River to the south, at a distance of about 500 kilometers (or 710 miles) was occupied by Yakut. In their possession were also all the Lena islands of that region, rich in pasture lands. There is no definite information as to how far inland they penetrated at that period. We may admit, however, that the Yakut, being horse and cattle breeders, were hardly inclined to move into the dense forests far from the majority of their tribesmen, i.e., far from the Lena Valley. In the beginning of the seventeenth century the Yakut abode on the western banks of the Lena must have been the territory of the two present uluses of Yakutsk District, Namskij and Western Kangalassky. There, according to Yakut traditions, was the first place of refuge of their mythical forefather, the “Tatar” Elliei. From there a part of his nearest descendants could also have emigrated over the Lena islands to the eastern banks of the Lena River, where excellent pastures are as abundant as on the western banks.’
[2]
’By 1642 the Lena valley was under tribute to the czar; peace was won only after a long siege of a formidable Yakut fortress. By 1700 the fort settlement of Yakutsk (founded 1632) was a bustling Russian administrative, commercial, and religious center and a launching point for further exploration into Kamchatka and Chukotka. Some Yakut moved northeast into territories they had previously not dominated, further assimilating the Evenk and Yukagir. Most Yakut, however, remained in the central meadowlands, sometimes assimilating Russians. Yakut leaders cooperated with Russian commanders and governors, becoming active in trade, fur-tax collection, transport, and the postal system. Fighting among Yakut communities decreased, although horse rustling and occasional anti-Russian violence continued. For example, a Yakut Robin Hood named Manchari led a band that stole from the rich (usually Russians) to give to the poor (usually Yakut) in the nineteenth century. Russian Orthodox priests spread through Yakutia, but their followers were mainly in the major towns. By 1900 a literate Yakut intelligentsia, influenced both by Russian merchants and political exiles, formed a party called the Yakut Union. Yakut revolutionaries such as Oiunskii and Ammosov led the Revolution and civil war in Yakutia, along with Bolsheviks such as the Georgian Ordzhonikidze.’
[3]
Wikipedia provides 13,100,000 km squared as the total extent of Siberia
[4]
. We have opted for Siberia rather than Yakutia as the supra-cultural entity in question, hence the large number. This remains open to re-evaluation.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people [2]: Jochelson, Waldemar 1933. “Yakut", 220 [3]: Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut [4]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Siberia |
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The names of the relevant Shuar groups are: ’Shuar (Shuara), Achuara (Atchuara, Achual), Aguaruna, Huambisa (Huambiza), Mayna’
[1]
From the colonial period onwards, contact with Spanish and later Ecuadorian settler populations and traders needs to be factored in as well: ’The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.’
[2]
’Frontier’ groups acted as intermediaries between white settlers and ’interior’ communities: ’Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI ) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.’
[2]
eHRAF groups the Shuar with other indigenous societies of the Amazon-Orinoco area
[3]
. Wikipedia gives the size of Amazonia as 5,500,000 square kilometres
[4]
.
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAf Cultural Summary for the Jivaro [2]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro [3]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=7 [4]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amazon_rainforest |
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The names of the relevant groups are: ’Shuar (Shuara), Achuara (Atchuara, Achual), Aguaruna, Huambisa (Huambiza), Mayna’
[1]
From the colonial period onwards, contact with Spanish and later Ecuadorian settler populations and traders needs to be factored in: ’The first reported white penetration of Jivaro territory was made in 1549 by a Spanish expedition under Hernando de Benavente. Later expeditions of colonists and soldiers soon followed. These newcomers traded with the Jivaro, made peace pacts with them, and soon began to exploit the gold found in alluvial or glacial deposits in the region. Eventually the Spaniards were able to obtain the co-operation of some of the Indians in working the gold deposits, but others remained hostile, killing many of the colonists and soldiers at every opportunity. Under the subjection of the Spaniards, the Jivaro were required to pay tribute in gold dust; a demand that increased yearly. Finally, in 1599, the Jivaro rebelled en masse, killing many thousands of Spaniards in the process and driving them from the region. After 1599, until nearly the middle of the nineteenth century, Jivaro-European relations remained intermittent and mostly hostile. A few missionary and military expeditions entered the region from the Andean highlands, but these frequently ended in disaster and no permanent colonization ever resulted. One of the few "friendly" gestures reported for the tribe during this time occurred in 1767, when they gave a Spanish missionizing expedition "gifts", which included the skulls of Spaniards who had apparently been killed earlier by the Jivaro (Harner, 1953: 26). Thus it seems that the Jivaros are the only tribe known to have successfully revolted against the Spanish Empire and to have been able to thwart all subsequent attempts by the Spaniards to conquer them. They have withstood armies of gold seeking Inkas as well as Spaniards, and defied the bravado of the early conquistadors.’
[2]
’Much of the trade of the Jivaro is between the "interior", relatively isolated groups (particularly the Achuara) and those "frontier" groups living in close proximity to Ecuadorian settlements where they have easy access to Western industrialized products. Through a series of neighborhood-to-neighborhood relays by native trading partners (AMIGRI) these products were passed from the frontier Jivaro into the most remote parts of the tribal territory. Thus the interior Jivaro were supplied with steel cutting tools, firearms and ammunition without having to come into contact with the population of European ancestry. In exchange the frontier Jivaro, whose supply of local game was nearly exhausted, obtained hides, feathers and bird skins (used for ornaments), which were not readily available in their own territory.’
[2]
’By 1899, when the explorer Up de Graff ascended the Marañón, Barranca was considered the westernmost outpost of civilization on the river (1923:146). It had, nevertheless, withstood its own share of Indian attacks (Larrabure i Correa 1905/II:369; IX:357-367). Less than a year prior to Up de Graff’s visit, Barranca was nearly devastated by a party of Huambisas who arrived from upriver ostensibly to trade, but then burned and looted most of the cauchero quarters (Up de Graff 1923:150).’
[3]
’By the turn of the century, when Ecuadorian missionaries had reunited some of the scattered refugees and reestablished their town on the Bobonaza River, there were at least a dozen caucheros exploiting rubber along western tributaries of the middle Pastaza such as the Huasaga (Fuentes 1908/I:194ff.), which was gradually being occupied by southward-moving Achuarä.’
[4]
eHRAF groups the Shuar with other indigenous societies of the Amazon-Orinoco area
[5]
. Wikipedia gives the size of Amazonia as 5,500,000 square kilometres
[6]
.
[1]: Beierle, John: eHRAf Cultural Summary for the Jivaro [2]: Beierle, John: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Jivaro [3]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 91 [4]: Bennett Ross, Jane 1984. “Effects Of Contact On Revenge Hostilities Among The Achuará Jívaro”, 89 [5]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/browseCultures.do?context=main#region=7 [6]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amazon_rainforest |
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Soninke are Mande peoples.
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Faulkenhausen notes that the material culture of all of the Spring Autumn period states is remarkably consistent, following Western Zhou traditions. Especially notable in the assemblages of goods from elite burials in the various states
[1]
“In a milieu where adherence to codified rules of ritual consumption and behavior was central to political and religious activity at any level, it is legitimate to argue that such archaeologically observable phenomena as the use of more or less uniform sets of ritual paraphernalia, and the adoption of largely comparable burial customs throughout a wide area, may reflect an underlying shared system of politicoreligious values, as well as homologies in the social organization of elites.”
[2]
[1]: (Faulkenhausen 1999, 510) [2]: (Faulkenhausen 1999, 544) |
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shared linguistic and material culture between all states in the mainland area (Huaxia)
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’cultural zone’ where Chinese dialects spoken; roughly qual to area of modern country of China. also known as Mainland China; area of ’Han’ peoples
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"Northern Wei was founded by the Tuoba, a branch of the Xianbei"
[1]
East Central Asian nomadic tribes. However, Northern Wei also, through Chinese majority population, interacted with the Chinese supra-cultural entity. This was most important toward the end of the era whilst the Nomadic supra-cultural interaction had preeminence at the beginning.
[1]: (Xiong 2009, 20) |
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Mongols; Steppe peoples; Steppe shamanism
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"Indeed, in many ways the Samanids were compared with the Sasanids. The union of diverse elements in Transoxiana by the Samanids into one state seemed to many almost miraculous, as though the unity of Iran and its culture had been accomplished in Central Asia and not in Iran. Furthermore, this unity was based upon Islam, and the Samanids had shown how ancient Iranian culture could be compatible with Islam. This was the great contribution of the Samanids to the world of Islam, and of course, to Iran."
[1]
Samanids made ancient Iranian culture compatible with Islam: this sounds like the "Perso-Islamic tradition" referred to by Peacock of the later Buyids and Seljuks, which had begun under the Abbasids: "the synthesis that had been developed since the early Abbasid period, bringing ancient Iranian, pre-Islamic ideas of kingship into an Islamic context. The tenth century had witnessed the heyday of this synthesis, as under ethnically Iranian dynasties like the Buyids ancient titles like shahanshah (king of kings) were revived."
[2]
[1]: (Frye 1975, 160) Frye, Richard Nelson. 1975. The Cambridge History of Iran, Volume 4. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. [2]: (Peacock 2015, 134-135) Peacock, A C S. 2015. The Great Seljuk Empire. Edinburgh University Press. |
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Perso-Islamic?: "the synthesis that had been developed since the early Abbasid period, bringing ancient Iranian, pre-Islamic ideas of kingship into an Islamic context. The tenth century had witnessed the heyday of this synthesis, as under ethnically Iranian dynasties like the Buyids ancient titles like shahanshah (king of kings) were revived."
[1]
Karakhanids were Buddhist but "in the 950s the new rulers of Kashgar proclaimed their conversion to Islam."
[2]
Turco-Islamic? The Karakhanids themselves formed a Turkic elite and likely to have used Turkic for the military.
[1]: (Peacock 2015, 134-135) Peacock, A C S. 2015. The Great Seljuk Empire. Edinburgh University Press. [2]: (Starr 2013) Starr, S. Frederick. 2013. Lost Enlightenment: Central Asia’s Golden Age from the Arab Conquest to Tamerlane. Princeton University Press. Princeton. |
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The Chagatai khans who ruled from Bukhara "converted to Islam and adopted a Muslim lifestyle, characterized by a more settled existence. In contrast, the eastern khanate, known as Mughulistan ... maintained ancient nomadic traditions."
[1]
[1]: (Khan 2003, 32) Khan, A. 2003. A Historical Atlas of Uzbekistan. The Rosen Publishing Group. |
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Latin?
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This ended: "during the period 1300-1450 CE "the idea of Christendom as a supranational entity toward which all Christians felt supreme loyalty and affection slowly collapsed. With the evolution of independent political and physical territories, soon to be called national monarchies or states, Christians began to choose between allegiance to state and devotion to church, and many chose the former. By the fifteenth century, the papacy ceased to function as a universal power and more and more like another regional Italian prince jealously guarding his fiefdom."
[1]
[1]: (Madigan 2015, 369) |
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Himayrite is repeatedly referred to as a civilization.
[1]
"The South Arabia civilizations were literate during most of the first millennium BC and AD".
[2]
[1]: Rhea Talley Stewart. March/April 1978. A Dam at Marib. Saudi Aramco World. Site: http://archive.aramcoworld.com/issue/197802/a.dam.at.marib.htm [2]: (Wilkinson 2009, 57) Tony J Wilkinson. Environment and Long-Term Population Trends in Southwest Arabia. Michael D Petraglia. Jeffrey I Rose. eds. 2009. The Evolution of Human Populations in Arabia. Paleoenvironments, Prehistory and Genetics. Springer. Dordrecht. |
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Himayrite is repeated referred to as a civilization.
[1]
"The South Arabia civilizations were literate during most of the first millennium BC and AD".
[2]
[1]: Rhea Talley Stewart. March/April 1978. A Dam at Marib. Saudi Aramco World. Site: http://archive.aramcoworld.com/issue/197802/a.dam.at.marib.htm [2]: (Wilkinson 2009, 57) Tony J Wilkinson. Environment and Long-Term Population Trends in Southwest Arabia. Michael D Petraglia. Jeffrey I Rose. eds. 2009. The Evolution of Human Populations in Arabia. Paleoenvironments, Prehistory and Genetics. Springer. Dordrecht. |
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Persian: "The area [of the Daylamite homeland] had been little affected by the coming of Islam and, like the mountain peoples of nearby Azarbayjan and the remoter parts of Khurasan, its inhabitants had never been effectively conquered by the Arabs, and there was no Arab settlement there. They remained isolated, ruled by kings who took pride in the preservation of old Iranian styles and beliefs."
[1]
However, the Buyids "were careful to show their attachment to Islam, even when they tried to revive ancient political glories."
[2]
Perso-Islamic: "the synthesis that had been developed since the early Abbasid period, bringing ancient Iranian, pre-Islamic ideas of kingship into an Islamic context. The tenth century had witnessed the heyday of this synthesis, as under ethnically Iranian dynasties like the Buyids ancient titles like shahanshah (king of kings) were revived."
[3]
Also, Buyids "openly favoured the Shi’ites, giving them appointments, allowing them to celebrate their festivals, paying handsome sums to Shi’ite poets and littérateurs."
[4]
[1]: (Kennedy 2004, 210) Kennedy, Hugh N. 2004. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. Second edition. Pearson Longman. Harlow. [2]: (Kennedy 2004, 214) Kennedy, Hugh N. 2004. The Prophet and the Age of the Caliphates. Second edition. Pearson Longman. Harlow. [3]: (Peacock 2015, 134-135) Peacock, A C S. 2015. The Great Seljuk Empire. Edinburgh University Press. [4]: (Crone 2005, 221) Crone, Patricia. 2005. Medieval Islamic Political Thought. Edinburgh University Press. |
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Perso-Islamic: ""Steppe traditions explain aspects of the internal functioning of the Seljuk state: the status of the Seljuk family; the bipartite division of the empire; the nature of the succession arrangements. However, with the exception of tughra, much of the public symbolism that the Seljuk rulers drew on was not Turkic, but rather derived from the Perso-Islamic tradition of rule ... For most of the Seljuk’s subjects, this Perso-Islamic tradition would have been a more meaningful sign of their rulers’ legitimacy than any steppe tradition."
[1]
[1]: (Peacock 2015, 134-135) Peacock, A C S. 2015. The Great Seljuk Empire. Edinburgh University Press. |
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"chancellery correspondence after 1588 pointed to the Safavid dynasty as the custodian of a complex heritage, which on the one hand recognized ecumenicalism and on the other claimed exclusive divine absolutism and soteriological superiority. This Universalist emphasis was in part inherited from the Turco-Mongol world of the Fourteen and Fifteenth centuries, but we also cannot dismiss the importance of those Universalist empires and world conquerors of the Archaemenian and Sasanian eras represented so faithfully as exemplars in Perso-Islamic literature and art."
[1]
"The ’Shi’fication’ and Iraniation’ of the Safavid Empire over a period of a hundred years prepared the landscape for a regional split into distinct Sunni Ottoman and Shi’i Safavid dominions."
[2]
[1]: (Mitchell 2009, 202) Mitchell, Colin P. 2009. Practice of Politics in Safavid Iran, The: Power, Religion and Rhetoric. I.B. Tauris. London. [2]: Babayan, Kathryn. “The Safavids in Iranian History (1501-1722)” in The Oxford Handbook of Iranian History, edited by Touraj Daryaee, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012, p.290. |
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"chancellery correspondence after 1588 pointed to the Safavid dynasty as the custodian of a complex heritage, which on the one hand recognized ecumenicalism and on the other claimed exclusive divine absolutism and soteriological superiority. This Universalist emphasis was in part inherited from the Turco-Mongol world of the Fourteen and Fifteenth centuries, but we also cannot dismiss the importance of those Universalist empires and world conquerors of the Archaemenian and Sasanian eras represented so faithfully as exemplars in Perso-Islamic literature and art."
[1]
"The ’Shi’fication’ and Iraniation’ of the Safavid Empire over a period of a hundred years prepared the landscape for a regional split into distinct Sunni Ottoman and Shi’i Safavid dominions."
[2]
[1]: (Mitchell 2009, 202) Mitchell, Colin P. 2009. Practice of Politics in Safavid Iran, The: Power, Religion and Rhetoric. I.B. Tauris. London. [2]: Babayan, Kathryn. “The Safavids in Iranian History (1501-1722)” in The Oxford Handbook of Iranian History, edited by Touraj Daryaee, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012, p.290. |
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"chancellery correspondence after 1588 pointed to the Safavid dynasty as the custodian of a complex heritage, which on the one hand recognized ecumenicalism and on the other claimed exclusive divine absolutism and soteriological superiority. This Universalist emphasis was in part inherited from the Turco-Mongol world of the Fourteen and Fifteenth centuries, but we also cannot dismiss the importance of those Universalist empires and world conquerors of the Archaemenian and Sasanian eras represented so faithfully as exemplars in Perso-Islamic literature and art."
[1]
"The ’Shi’fication’ and Iraniation’ of the Safavid Empire over a period of a hundred years prepared the landscape for a regional split into distinct Sunni Ottoman and Shi’i Safavid dominions."
[2]
[1]: (Mitchell 2009, 202) Mitchell, Colin P. 2009. Practice of Politics in Safavid Iran, The: Power, Religion and Rhetoric. I.B. Tauris. London. [2]: Babayan, Kathryn. “The Safavids in Iranian History (1501-1722)” in The Oxford Handbook of Iranian History, edited by Touraj Daryaee, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012, p.290. |
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"When the chronologies of the various cultural types and systems are care- fully traced, it becomes apparent that by approximately 4000 B.C. some of the adjacent regional cultures had come into contact as an inevitable result of expansion and that a number of ceramic styles began to assume a sphere- wide instead of merely a region-wide distribution. For example, among pottery vessel types, the ding and the dou are found in every region, often in large numbers, suggesting the wide distribution of a style of cooking formerly prevailing only in the Dawenkou and Daxi cultures. The perforated slate rectangular and semilunar knives represent another horizon marker, as do some pottery and jade art motifs that, as pointed out earlier, may reflect deeper substratal commonalities than recent contact. With the definition of "interaction spheres," for the first time we can discuss the issue of the name "China." I suggest that from this point on, as the regions with which we are concerned came to be joined together in archaeological terms and exhibit increasing similarities, the interaction sphere may be referred to as "Chinese." "
[1]
[1]: (Chang 1999, 58-59) |
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Chang (1999) suggests the entity of China, but other expert input is needed. "When the chronologies of the various cultural types and systems are carefully traced, it becomes apparent that by approximately 4000 B.C. some of the adjacent regional cultures had come into contact as an inevitable result of expansion and that a number of ceramic styles began to assume a sphere-wide instead of merely a region-wide distribution. For example, among pottery vessel types, the ding and the dou are found in every region, often in large numbers, suggesting the wide distribution of a style of cooking formerly prevailing only in the Dawenkou and Daxi cultures. The perforated slate rectangular and semilunar knives represent another horizon marker, as do some pottery and jade art motifs that, as pointed out earlier, may reflect deeper substratal commonalities than recent contact. With the definition of "interaction spheres," for the first time we can discuss the issue of the name "China." I suggest that from this point on, as the regions with which we are concerned came to be joined together in archaeological terms and exhibit increasing similarities, the interaction sphere may be referred to as "Chinese." "
[1]
[1]: (Chang 1999, 58-59) |
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We could go with ’China’ if we follow Chang’s reasoning: "When the chronologies of the various cultural types and systems are carefully traced, it becomes apparent that by approximately 4000 B.C. some of the adjacent regional cultures had come into contact as an inevitable result of expansion and that a number of ceramic styles began to assume a sphere-wide instead of merely a region-wide distribution. For example, among pottery vessel types, the ding and the dou are found in every region, often in large numbers, suggesting the wide distribution of a style of cooking formerly prevailing only in the Dawenkou and Daxi cultures. The perforated slate rectangular and semilunar knives represent another horizon marker, as do some pottery and jade art motifs that, as pointed out earlier, may reflect deeper substratal commonalities than recent contact. With the definition of "interaction spheres," for the first time we can discuss the issue of the name "China." I suggest that from this point on, as the regions with which we are concerned came to be joined together in archaeological terms and exhibit increasing similarities, the interaction sphere may be referred to as "Chinese." "
[1]
[1]: (Chang 1999, 58-59) |
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"The civilizational sphere of influence centered on the Zhengzhou polity, though expansive, was neither homogeneous nor unique within the area currently occupied by the PRC. In Sichuan, the Sanxingdui tradition flourished, while lower down the Yangzi, local societies responded to Central Plains cultural and perhaps political intrusion with a variety of responses, exporting northward their characteristic stoneware and protoporcelains even as theyabsorbed bronze-casting techniques and perhaps other cultural forms. To the west, north, and northwest in western Shaanxi and Gansu, Inner Mongolia, and northern Shanxi provinces, local traditions, though showing increasing interaction with the Erligang period cultural world, nevertheless preserved material cultural traditions (including bronze-casting) and likely social organization and lifeways different from those of the Zhengzhou core. In Liaoning and Inner Mongolia in the northeast, the Lower Xiajiadian-tradition area was still home to societies living in networks of stone fortified sites, who shared certain cultural forms with other sites across a broad expanse of the north and northwest, while in the east the Yueshi areas, while showing increased contact with the Erligang-period cultural sphere, was nonetheless distinct. Although in its time, the Erligang-period urban site at Zhengzhou may have stood at the center of the largest and most influential sphere of civilization in contemporary East Asia, the elites at Zhengzhou nevertheless inhabited a complex cultural landscape, with multiple and multidirectional networks of resources, culture, and knowledge."
[1]
[1]: (Campbell 2014, 101) |
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shared linguistic and material culture between all states in the mainland area (Huaxia)
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Earlier coded as Sahel Tell Culture. In this more developed phase there presumably developed a more distinct local identity, so the supracultural entity will be a much smaller area. Al Sa’di’s describes the territory of Jenne as "from Lake Debo in the north to the Volta Bend in the south, and borders on the Bandiagara highlands to the east. It is not clear whether Jenne’s territory was defined by political suzerainty, economic domination, or some other means entirely."
[1]
[1]: (McIntosh and McIntosh 1981, 6) |
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Earlier coded as Sahel Tell Culture. In this more developed phase there presumably developed a more distinct local identity, so the supracultural entity will be a much smaller area. Al Sa’di’s describes the territory of Jenne as "from Lake Debo in the north to the Volta Bend in the south, and borders on the Bandiagara highlands to the east. It is not clear whether Jenne’s territory was defined by political suzerainty, economic domination, or some other means entirely."
[1]
[1]: (McIntosh and McIntosh 1981, 6) |
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"As Bischof has demonstrated,the pottery from the tomb looks forward to Classic Tairona, but it also draws on earlier influences from all over Caribbean Colombia. The same is true of the gold and stone artifacts.The tubular rings and nose ornaments, disks, bells, and crescentic plaques are essentially Tairona, but the animal figure from the mound links this assemblage to the early goldwork from the Sinú region and the Caribbean lowlands in general (cf. Falchetti 1995: figs. 55, 59). The human figurine (Fig. 11) also has its roots in the same area, where the spiral ear ornaments and the heads of big-beaked birds occur on early Sinú eagle pendants and face bells (Falchetti 1995: figs. 35-36). In more developed forms, these bird motifs continue into Classic Tairona iconography (Fig. 9).
[1]
"Recently, Bray (1992) and Falchetti (1987) have suggested that metallurgy in northern South America and Southern Central America included similar styles, among which the Initial Group (between 1 and 500 A.D.) and the International Group (400 to 900 A.D.) may be distinguished. The former corresponds chronologically to Neguanje and the beginning of the Buritaca occupation. Objects, like two-headed eagles, from the Initial Group may be included among Neguanje goldwork. The manufacture of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic objects is shared with the International Group (Bray 1992). Approximately around the year 1000 A.D. these objects, which had wide continental distribution, disappear and more regional styles develop, including the ’Tairona’ style in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta."
[2]
[1]: (Bray 2003, 326) [2]: (Langebaek 2005, 83) |
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"As Bischof has demonstrated,the pottery from the tomb looks forward to Classic Tairona, but it also draws on earlier influences from all over Caribbean Colombia. The same is true of the gold and stone artifacts.The tubular rings and nose ornaments, disks, bells, and crescentic plaques are essentially Tairona, but the animal figure from the mound links this assemblage to the early goldwork from the Sinú region and the Caribbean lowlands in general (cf. Falchetti 1995: figs. 55, 59). The human figurine (Fig. 11) also has its roots in the same area, where the spiral ear ornaments and the heads of big-beaked birds occur on early Sinú eagle pendants and face bells (Falchetti 1995: figs. 35-36). In more developed forms, these bird motifs continue into Classic Tairona iconography (Fig. 9).
[1]
"Recently, Bray (1992) and Falchetti (1987) have suggested that metallurgy in northern South America and Southern Central America included similar styles, among which the Initial Group (between 1 and 500 A.D.) and the International Group (400 to 900 A.D.) may be distinguished. The former corresponds chronologically to Neguanje and the beginning of the Buritaca occupation. Objects, like two-headed eagles, from the Initial Group may be included among Neguanje goldwork. The manufacture of anthropomorphic and zoomorphic objects is shared with the International Group (Bray 1992). Approximately around the year 1000 A.D. these objects, which had wide continental distribution, disappear and more regional styles develop, including the ’Tairona’ style in the Sierra Nevada de Santa Marta."
[2]
[1]: (Bray 2003, 326) [2]: (Langebaek 2005, 83) |
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"Most of the peoples of the Isthmian-Colombian region spoke languages of the Chibchan family at the time of contact, and this has led some archaeologists (Bray 1999; Zamora and Hoopes, in this volume) to wonder whether the cultural similarities indicate not only inter- group contacts but also an underlying Chibchan “worldview” at the intellectual level."
[1]
Perhaps not in the Macro Chibchan sphere: "By A. D. 600 the Initial Metal Group had evolved, in the same general area, into the International Group (see Fig. 2 for sorne of the characteristic forms and their distributions). This Group, in turn, disappeared from the archaeological record by about 900-1000. It must be emphasized that the Initial and International Groups constitute a single une of development. The division between them, typological and chronological, is an arbitrary one, and the two groups may eventually have to be combined."
[2]
[1]: (Bray 2003, 329) [2]: (Bray 1997) |
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"By 1690 three different Oirat confederations, or states, had emerged. In Tibet the Khoshuds, with some Khoids and Torghuds, formed the khanate of Tibet under the descendants of Güüshi Khan (see UPPER MONGOLS). Strad- dling the Volga, the Torghuds, with some Dörböds and Khoshuds, formed the Kalmyk Khanate under Khoo-Örlög’s descendants. The Kalmyks numbered at their height 40,000-50,000 households. In the Oirat homeland of Zungharia, the ZÜNGHARS, an offshoot of the Dörböd also ruled by the Choros, displaced the Khoshud in 1676. The Zünghar principality included the Zünghars, Dör- böds, Khoshuds, and Khoids (with some attached Torghuds) and is said to have numbered 200,000 house- holds. From this time until 1771 the Oirats remained powerful players in Inner Asian politics."
[1]
[1]: (Atwood 2004, 421) |
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The Orokaiva population is Melanesian, but Micronesian and Polynesian groups are present around the main island: ’Papua New Guinea’s social composition is extremely complex, although most people are classified as Melanesian. Very small minorities of Micronesian and Polynesian societies can be found on some of the outlying islands and atolls, and as in the eastern and northern Pacific these people have political structures headed by chiefs, a system seldom found among the Melanesian peoples of Papua New Guinea. The non-Melanesian portion of the population, including expatriates and immigrants, is small. At independence in 1975 the expatriate community of about 50,000 was predominantly Australian, with perhaps 10,000 people of Chinese origin whose ancestors had arrived before World War I.’
[1]
Some attempts at colonization predate the colonial period proper: ’Malay and possibly Chinese traders took spoils and some slaves from western New Guinea for hundreds of years. The first European visitor may have been Jorge de Meneses, who possibly landed on the island in 1526-27 while en route to the Moluccas. The first European attempt at colonization was made in 1793 by Lieut. John Hayes, a British naval officer, near Manokwari, now in Papua province, Indonesia. It was the Dutch, however, who claimed the western half of the island as part of the Dutch East Indies in 1828; their control remained nominal until 1898, when their first permanent administrative posts were set up at Fakfak and Manokwari.’
[2]
There may have been some contact with the Americas as well: ’The intensity and length of time of human occupation of the Highlands are evidenced by the extent of man-made landscapes in the region. Those discoveries are made even more interesting by the fact that the sweet potato, the present staple crop of the region, seems not to have arrived in the area from the Americas until 300 or 400 years ago. It is presumed that taro was the earlier staple, as it still is in some isolated Highlands basins such as that at Telefomin. The ancestors of the Polynesian peoples who migrated to the eastern Pacific passed through the Bismarck Archipelago in the past 5,000 years.’
[2]
We have opted for Melanesia as the most suitable entity. Wikipedia gives the geographical extent of Melanesia as 940.000 km squared
[3]
.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Papua-New-Guinea [2]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Papua-New-Guinea/History [3]: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melanesien |
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The Orokaiva population is Melanesian, but Micronesian and Polynesian groups are present around the main island: ’Papua New Guinea’s social composition is extremely complex, although most people are classified as Melanesian. Very small minorities of Micronesian and Polynesian societies can be found on some of the outlying islands and atolls, and as in the eastern and northern Pacific these people have political structures headed by chiefs, a system seldom found among the Melanesian peoples of Papua New Guinea. The non-Melanesian portion of the population, including expatriates and immigrants, is small. At independence in 1975 the expatriate community of about 50,000 was predominantly Australian, with perhaps 10,000 people of Chinese origin whose ancestors had arrived before World War I.’
[1]
During the colonial period, cross-cultural encounters with Europeans and East Asians emerged and intensified: ’In response to Australian pressure, the British government annexed Papua in 1888. Gold was discovered shortly thereafter, resulting in a major movement of prospectors and miners to what was then the Northern District. Relations with the Papuans were bad from the start, and there were numerous killings on both sides. The Protectorate of British New Guinea became Australian territory by the passing of the Papua Act of 1905 by the Commonwealth Government of Australia. The new administration adopted a policy of peaceful penetration, and many measures of social and economic national development were introduced. Local control was in the hands of village constables, paid servants of the Crown. Chosen by European officers, they were intermediaries between the government and the people. In 1951 an eruption occurred on Mount Lamington, completely devastating a large part of the area occupied by the Orokaiva.’
[2]
We have opted for Melanesia as the most suitable entity. Wikipedia gives the geographical extent of Melanesia as 940.000 km squared
[3]
.
[1]: http://www.britannica.com/place/Papua-New-Guinea [2]: Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAf Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva [3]: https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Melanesien |
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[1]
"The following are the more important of the archaeological cultures, which fall within the timespan of the Late Neolithic: the south-eastern European Late Gumelnitsa, Salcutsa, and the Late Tripolye culture of the Ukraine, the central European Corded Ware, Globular Amphora, BodrogkeresztUr, Baden, late Funnel Beaker, and Bell Beaker cultures."
[2]
[1]: (McIntosh 2006, 55) [2]: (Milisauskas and Kruk 2002, 248) |
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[1]
"The following are the more important of the archaeological cultures, which fall within the timespan of the Late Neolithic: the south-eastern European Late Gumelnitsa, Salcutsa, and the Late Tripolye culture of the Ukraine, the central European Corded Ware, Globular Amphora, BodrogkeresztUr, Baden, late Funnel Beaker, and Bell Beaker cultures."
[2]
[1]: (McIntosh 2006, 55) [2]: (Milisauskas and Kruk 2002, 248) |
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"Some communities specialized in copper mining, which was now carried out on an industrial scale, and it was Andronovo miners who began to exploit the tin ores of the Zeravshan range to enable them to produce standard tin bronze. The pastoral nature of the economy and the trade in bronze maintained a degree of social connectivity throughout the Kazakh steppe and adjacent regions."
[1]
[1]: (Cunliffe 2015, 142) Cunliffe, Barry. 2015. By Steppe, Desert, and Ocean: The Birth of Eurasia. Oxford University Press. Oxford. |
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"Durant cette première phase, le site s’inscrit dans le contexte de la ceramique modelee peinte caracteristique de la culture de Burguluk (oasis de Tashkent), qui fait elle-même partie de la civilisation qui, du Turkmenistan au Xinjiang, s’etend dans la periode de transition entre l’age du bronze et l’age du fer, du dernier tiers du IIe millénaire au début du Ier millénaire av. n. e. (epoque dite de Yaz I) (Lhuillier 2010 ; Lhuillier, Isamiddinov, Rapin 2012 ; Lyonnet, ce volume)."
[1]
During its first phase, Kok Tepe was part of the Burguluk culture, which corresponds to the Yaz I civilization from Turkmenistan to Xinjiang (last third of the second millennium BCE - beginning of the first millennium BCE)
[1]: (Rapin and Isamiddinov 2013, 124-125) |
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"Durant cette première phase, le site s’inscrit dans le contexte de la ceramique modelee peinte caracteristique de la culture de Burguluk (oasis de Tashkent), qui fait elle-même partie de la civilisation qui, du Turkmenistan au Xinjiang, s’etend dans la periode de transition entre l’age du bronze et l’age du fer, du dernier tiers du IIe millénaire au début du Ier millénaire av. n. e. (epoque dite de Yaz I) (Lhuillier 2010 ; Lhuillier, Isamiddinov, Rapin 2012 ; Lyonnet, ce volume)."
[1]
During its first phase, Kok Tepe was part of the Burguluk culture, which corresponds to the Yaz I civilization from Turkmenistan to Xinjiang (last third of the second millennium BCE - beginning of the first millennium BCE)
[1]: (Rapin and Isamiddinov 2013, 124-125) |
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"... in this period all the Yeuh-chih tribes had an opportunity to adjust themselves to the environment prevailing in the Bactrian region."
[1]
"By the time Kajula Kadphrises ... established the Kingdom of the Kushans in Bactria, the Kushans had adopted Bactrian as their spoken language and started worshipping a number of Iranian and Mesopotamian deities."
[1]
[1]: (Samad 2011, 88) Samad, R. U. 2011. The Grandeur of Gandhara: The Ancient Buddhist Civilization of the Swat, Peshawar, Kabul and Indus Valleys. Angora Publishing. |
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Alternatively, a wider region of oasis city states: Transoxania + Tarim basin (1,500,000 km2). "Only in the7thcentury, it seems, was theinternal political structure of the countries of Transoxiana finally constituted - a system of petty independent sovereigns recognizing the paramountcy of a kingwho also has his own territory and is, essentially, a " sovereign ofsovereigns " . In this period we canagain observe comparatively large countries on the political map of the region - Bukharan Sughd, Samarkandian Sughd, Chorasmia, northern Tukharistan, Chach, Farghana - the political cohesion of these countries being apparently of varying extent."
[1]
[1]: (Zeimal 1983, 259) |
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The Hmong population is related to the Yao, but culturally very hetereogenous: ’The various Miao groups are for the most part an unstratified agricultural people found in the uplands of several provinces of China and related to the Hmong of Southeast Asia. They are distinguished by language, dress, historical traditions, and cultural practice from neighboring ethnic groups and the dominant Han Chinese. They are not culturally homogeneous and the differences between local Miao cultures are often as great as between Miao and non-Miao neighbors. The term "Miao" is Chinese, and means "weeds" or "sprouts." Chinese minority policies since the 1950s treat these diverse groups as a single nationality and associate them with the San Miao Kingdom of central China mentioned in histories of the Han dynasty (200 BC-AD 200). About half of China’s Miao are located in Guizhou Province. Another 34 percent are evenly divided between Yunnan Province and western Hunan Province. The remainder are mainly found in Sichuan and Guangxi, with a small number in Guangdong and Hainan. Some of the latter may have been resettled there during the Qing dynasty. The wide dispersion makes it difficult to generalize about ecological settings. Miao settlements are found anywhere from a few hundred meters above sea level to elevations of 1,400 meters or more. The largest number are uplands people, often living at elevations over 1,200 meters and located at some distance from urban centers or the lowlands and river valleys where the Han are concentrated. Often, these upland villages and hamlets are interspersed with those of other minorities such as Yao, Dong, Zhuang, Yi, Hui, and Bouyei.’
[1]
’Miao is the official Chinese term for four distinct groups of people who are only distantly related through language or culture: the Hmu people of southeast Guizhou, the Qo Xiong people of west Hunan, the A-Hmao people of Yunnan, and the Hmong people of Guizhou, Sichuan, Guangxi, and Yunnan (see China: People). [...] The Miao are related in language and some other cultural features to the Yao; among these peoples the two groups with the closest degree of relatedness are the Hmong (Miao) and the Iu Mien (Yao).’
[2]
’The customs and histories of the four Miao groups are quite different, and they speak mutually unintelligible languages. Closest linguistically to the Hmong are the A-Hmao, but the two groups still cannot understand each others’ languages. Of all the Miao peoples, only the Hmong have migrated out of China.’
[2]
Chinese authors tend to group them with other non-Chinese ’hill people’: ’The migration of the Miao in recent times, due to the repeated disturbances in Kweichow, has reached eastward only to the west of the Yüan-chiang River, and northward to the south bank of the Yangtze River. Since further on in their two directions the terrain becomes less hilly and is more densely populated, there is no land for the Miao to move into. Even if there were land available, the damp, hot climate would be unsuitable for them to live in. The spread of the Miao southeastward was along the Nan Ling mountains 25 and stopped west of the Kwei-chiang River. Their movement westward met no obstacles because Yunnan, Tonkin, and Laos are all spacious and thinly populated, and now they have reached the east bank of the Nu-chiang. The emigration of the Miao is the latest among the movements of the peoples of the southwest. Yunnan and Indochina, although spacious and thinly populated as stated, have their arable areas in the mountains already occupied by the Lolo and other hill people. When the Miao arrived last they could not find extensive hilly country for living together as a tribe, and were forced to scatter, each to find his own way. Furthermore, being refugees from political turmoil, they lacked organization and definite destinations. In general, depending on hilly areas where they could settle down, they moved farther and farther, and thus their area became increasingly extensive.’
[3]
Hmong communities nevertheless interacted culturally with Chinese urban and agricultural populations: ’Several millions of these other peoples still live in the southern provinces of China. They are the Tai, the Lo-lo, and the Miao. Like the Chinese peasants of southern China, all of these people are Iron-Age agriculturalists, growing rice and other grains, keeping a few pigs and cattle, living in villages of a few hundred persons, and trading their surplus agricultural products and handicraft products in the market towns for cutting tools and other manufactured objects. The general economic adjustment to the environment is the same for all of these peoples. The differences consist chiefly of language and minor social usages. A difference of another order, however, sharply divides the dominant from the minor peoples - the hsien towns and the provincial cities are all chiefly inhabited and run by Chinese. Thus the Miao, Lo-lo, and Tai have no class of artisans’ and traders, no urban populations; they are practically all peasants. Being dependent on the Chinese for their manufactured products, their material culture shows few visible differences from the Chinese. A western traveler might easily go through one of their villages while the women were away in the fields without knowing that he had seen non-Chinese people, for their faces look no different, and the costumes of the men are the same, while the houses, though perhaps poorer, do not deviate from ordinary rural Chinese architectural standards except for the layout of the village. Unless he were a very persistent and hardy traveler, however, the chances that he would reach such a village are remote, for these people inhabit refuge areas, and their homes are tucked away in the higher valleys and on the less fertile mountain slopes. Along the larger rivers, the main highroads of China, the traveler would see only Chinese.’
[4]
Despite of these differences between Hmong groups and the Chinese majority, eHRAF groups Hmong societies with East Asia
[5]
. According to Wikipedia, East Asia covers an area of 11,839,074 km2
[6]
.
[1]: Diamond, Norma: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Miao [2]: http://www.britannica.com/topic/Miao [3]: Ling, Shun-sheng, Yifu Ruey, and Lien-en Tsao 1947. “Report On An Investigation Of The Miao Of Western Hunan”, 45 [4]: Mickey, Margaret Portia 1947. “Cowrie Shell Miao Of Kweichow”, viia [5]: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/ehrafe/regionsCultures.do#region=1 [6]: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/East_Asia |
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"The Chinese records revealed that the Parthians shared many cultural characteristics with the petty kingdoms in the Sogdiana, Bactria, and Ferghana regions."
[1]
The records "suggests that the oases between the Pamirs and the Amu-darya were occupied by people who were culturally related to each other, probably all of Iranian stock." "For example, the Tochari kingdom in the Amu-darya was closely associated with the Parthians in terms of products, customs, trade and currency; the Samarkand was similar to the Tochari, the Bactria to the Sogdiana, the Ferghana to both the Tochari and the Parthians."
[1]
[1]: (Tao 2007) Tao, Wang in Josef in Curtis, Vesta Sarkhosh and Stewart, Sarah eds. 2007. The Age of the Parthians. I.B.Tauris & Co Ltd. London. |
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"Abbasid architecture was influenced by three architectural traditions: Sassanian, Central Asian (Sogdian) and later, during the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, Seljuk."
[1]
"traditional Perso-Islamic administrative apparatus developed in late Abbasid times".
[2]
[1]: (Petersen 2002, 1)Petersen, Andrew. 2002. Dictionary of Islamic Architecture. Routledge. [2]: (Shaw 1976, 5) Shaw, Stanford J. 1976. History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey: Volume 1, Empire of the Gazis: The Rise and Decline of the Ottoman Empire 1280-1808. Cambridge University Press. |
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Potts (2016) says that the link between what has been called "Proto-Elamite" and Elamite culture does not exist, "Proto-Elamite" is a misnomer. Writing system of the succeeding period was derived from proto-cuneiform Susa II/Uruk IV.
[1]
[1]: (Potts 2016, 76) Potts, D T. 2016. The Archaeology of Elam Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State. 2nd Edition. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. |
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Graves at Susa "show links not with Mesopotamia but with graves in the Pusht-i Kuh of Luristan and the Deh Luran plain of northern Khuristan."
[1]
[1]: (Potts 2016, 85) Potts, D T. 2016. The Archaeology of Elam Formation and Transformation of an Ancient Iranian State. 2nd Edition. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge. |
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: "The Mari Age is undoubtedly a period for which it is possible to reconstruct the network of political relations of the ’Amorite’ world ... which can be considered as a cultural and linguistic continuum that spread from Syria to Elam with an unprecedented intensity and breadth of interaction. Akkadian became the preferred language for diplomatic relations and the administration of all the palaces of the area, even where the main spoken language was Hurrian or Amorite. Messengers and ambassadors had to travel extensively to deliver information, requests, gifts, and to prepare the route for merchants or troops."
[1]
[1]: (Leverani 2014, 229) Liverani, Mario. Tabatabai, Soraia trans. 2014. The Ancient Near East. History, society and economy. Routledge. London. |
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Elam was in Iran on the borderland of Mesopotamia. In this period it became embroiled in Mesopotamian politics and became part of the supraculture of Mesopotamia. At the same time Elamite kings held the title of king of Anshan and Susa. Anshan was the highland area to the east and much of this population was Iranian.
[1]
[1]: Carter, E. and Stolpher, M.W. 1984. Elam: Surveys of Political History and Archaeology. London: University of California Publication. |
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Elam was in Iran on the borderland of Mesopotamia. In this period it became embroiled in Mesopotamian politics and became part of the supraculture of Mesopotamia. At the same time Elamite kings held the title of king of Anshan and Susa. Anshan was the highland area to the east and much of this population was Iranian.
[1]
[1]: Carter, E. and Stolpher, M.W. 1984. Elam: Surveys of Political History and Archaeology. London: University of California Publication. |
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Elam was in Iran on the borderland of Mesopotamia. In this period it became embroiled in Mesopotamian politics and became part of the supraculture of Mesopotamia. At the same time Elamite kings held the title of king of Anshan and Susa. Anshan was the highland area to the east and much of this population was Iranian.
[1]
[1]: Carter, E. and Stolpher, M.W. 1984. Elam: Surveys of Political History and Archaeology. London: University of California Publication. |
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Elam was in Iran on the borderland of Mesopotamia. In this period it became embroiled in Mesopotamian politics and became part of the supraculture of Mesopotamia. At the same time Elamite kings held the title of king of Anshan and Susa. Anshan was the highland area to the east and much of this population was Iranian.
[1]
[1]: Carter, E. and Stolpher, M.W. 1984. Elam: Surveys of Political History and Archaeology. London: University of California Publication. |
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Elam was in Iran on the borderland of Mesopotamia. In this period it became embroiled in Mesopotamian politics and became part of the supraculture of Mesopotamia. At the same time Elamite kings held the title of king of Anshan and Susa. Anshan was the highland area to the east and much of this population was Iranian.
[1]
[1]: Carter, E. and Stolpher, M.W. 1984. Elam: Surveys of Political History and Archaeology. London: University of California Publication. |
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Elam was in Iran on the borderland of Mesopotamia. In this period it became embroiled in Mesopotamian politics and became part of the supraculture of Mesopotamia. At the same time Elamite kings held the title of king of Anshan and Susa. Anshan was the highland area to the east and much of this population was Iranian.
[1]
[1]: Carter, E. and Stolpher, M.W. 1984. Elam: Surveys of Political History and Archaeology. London: University of California Publication. |
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inapplicable: Naqada was an independent culture. However, because of Naqadians’ expansion to the North in the late Naqada II, during that time it coexisted with Maadi sites in the Nile Delta.
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The groups occupying the Valley of Oaxaca at this time were relatively simple, settled communities which shared a widespread ceramic complex (the Tierras Largas pottery). There are no distinct cultural differences across the region at this time and the supracultural entity has therefore been coded as the general phase name for sites of this period.
[1]
[1]: Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p43 |
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The ceramic complex in the Valley of Oaxaca at this time resembled the ceramics of contemporary societies in Mesoamerica, including the Tlatilco in the Valley of Mexico Las Bocas in south-western Puebla, Chiapa de Corzo I in Chiapas, and the San Lorenzo phase in southern Veracruz
[1]
. These societies traded goods and ideas, but would not have been integrated polities.
[2]
[1]: Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). "The Cloud People." New York, p50 [2]: Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p119-20 |
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The valley became much more integrated during this period, with a consistent “Zapotec ceramic tradition”, Monte Albán stone monument styles and a wider distribution of settlements in the piedmont zone away from Monte Albán.
[1]
[1]: Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p85, 88-9 |
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"Two rulers, Yathaʿʾamar and Karibʾīl, known in Assyrian sources under the names ‘Itaʾamra the Sabaean’ (c.716 BC) and ‘Karibilu king of Saba’ (between 689 and 681) extended their hegemony over a large section of South Arabia (2.5, 2.31). Subsequently, the Sabaean ‘cultural model’ spread over a wide area including the entirety of Yemen, Ethiopia, the areas neighbouring Yemen, such as Najrān, western Arabia between Najrān and the Levant, and as far as the shores of the Arab-Persian Gulf, as indicated by evidence for the use of the Sabaean alphabet. Sabaean culture was expressed in the lexicon and phraseology of inscriptions and in the use of writing for decorative purposes. It is also reflected in an iconographic repertoire which applies a range of geometric figures, such as denticles, striations, and hollowed-out rectangles; emblematic animals, such as ibexes, oryxes, bulls, bucrania, ostriches; symbols, such as the hand, the crescent, the circle; and stylized representations, such as ‘eye stelae’."
[1]
[1]: (Robin 2015: 94-96) Robin, Christian Julien. 2015. “Before Himyar: Epigraphic Evidence for the Kingdoms of South Arabia.” In Arabs and Empires before Islam, edited by Greg Fisher, 91-126. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ZMFH42PE. |
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"Two rulers, Yathaʿʾamar and Karibʾīl, known in Assyrian sources under the names ‘Itaʾamra the Sabaean’ (c.716 BC) and ‘Karibilu king of Saba’ (between 689 and 681) extended their hegemony over a large section of South Arabia (2.5, 2.31). Subsequently, the Sabaean ‘cultural model’ spread over a wide area including the entirety of Yemen, Ethiopia, the areas neighbouring Yemen, such as Najrān, western Arabia between Najrān and the Levant, and as far as the shores of the Arab-Persian Gulf, as indicated by evidence for the use of the Sabaean alphabet. Sabaean culture was expressed in the lexicon and phraseology of inscriptions and in the use of writing for decorative purposes. It is also reflected in an iconographic repertoire which applies a range of geometric figures, such as denticles, striations, and hollowed-out rectangles; emblematic animals, such as ibexes, oryxes, bulls, bucrania, ostriches; symbols, such as the hand, the crescent, the circle; and stylized representations, such as ‘eye stelae’."
[1]
[1]: (Robin 2015: 94-96) Robin, Christian Julien. 2015. “Before Himyar: Epigraphic Evidence for the Kingdoms of South Arabia.” In Arabs and Empires before Islam, edited by Greg Fisher, 91-126. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www-oxfordscholarship-com.ezp.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199654529.001.0001/acprof-9780199654529-chapter-3. |
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"Two rulers, Yathaʿʾamar and Karibʾīl, known in Assyrian sources under the names ‘Itaʾamra the Sabaean’ (c.716 BC) and ‘Karibilu king of Saba’ (between 689 and 681) extended their hegemony over a large section of South Arabia (2.5, 2.31). Subsequently, the Sabaean ‘cultural model’ spread over a wide area including the entirety of Yemen, Ethiopia, the areas neighbouring Yemen, such as Najrān, western Arabia between Najrān and the Levant, and as far as the shores of the Arab-Persian Gulf, as indicated by evidence for the use of the Sabaean alphabet. Sabaean culture was expressed in the lexicon and phraseology of inscriptions and in the use of writing for decorative purposes. It is also reflected in an iconographic repertoire which applies a range of geometric figures, such as denticles, striations, and hollowed-out rectangles; emblematic animals, such as ibexes, oryxes, bulls, bucrania, ostriches; symbols, such as the hand, the crescent, the circle; and stylized representations, such as ‘eye stelae’."
[1]
[1]: (Robin 2015: 94-96) Robin, Christian Julien. 2015. “Before Himyar: Epigraphic Evidence for the Kingdoms of South Arabia.” In Arabs and Empires before Islam, edited by Greg Fisher, 91-126. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www-oxfordscholarship-com.ezp.lib.cam.ac.uk/view/10.1093/acprof:oso/9780199654529.001.0001/acprof-9780199654529-chapter-3. |
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’The Yemenis are a Muslim and Arabic-speaking people who are mainly Arabs, although a small percentage of the population has African and Asian ancestry. Yemeni values have traditionally relied on a hierarchical, tribally organized, and sex-segregated society. In 1962, following the overthrow of a conservative monarchy that had been supported by members of the Zaydi Islamic sect, the Republic was established, marking Yemen’s entry into the modern world.’
[1]
[1]: Walters, Dolores M.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yemenis |
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General category termed in Pikirayi, encompassing Toutswe, Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe, as well as several later polities. All existed as part of a regional trading (and presumably cultural) network, with trade goods from Mapungubwe and the coast being found in Toutswe settlements. All societies in this group possessed some social stratification, and later examples reached increasing levels of specialization. “Southern Zambesian societies were part of a regional network tied to global commerce involving eastern Africa and Asia, and were organized in the form of chiefdoms and states displaying different levels of sociopolitical stratification…. Political centralization occurred here among agropastoralist societies in a broad area covering western Zimbabwe’s plateau, the middle Limpopo Valley, and the eastern fringes of the Kalahari Desert…. The region experienced increasingly wet conditions from the onset of the second millennium to about AD 1300, a change that undoubtedly attracted farming communities to the Shashe-Limpopo floodplain…. These communities lived in sizeable homesteads and villages, some possibly small towns…. It is highly likely that the first chiefdoms and state societies in southern Africa developed around these sites.”
[1]
“The most obvious cultural connections lie in the pottery recovered from Toutswe sites. Although Toutswe pottery has been called a tradition in order to emphasise its cultural independence from neighbouring areas… it does have close ties with both Zhizo and Leopard’s Kopje…. Some pottery items were physically transferred between the two areas [of Leopard’s Kopje and the Toutswe area]…. Contacts would have been easy to sustain and… traded items could readily have been passed from settlement to settlement involving relatively simple journeys…. Although the societies of east central Botswana participated in the exchange of goods, the distribution of items such as glass beads was by no means equal.”
[2]
“Evidence that both local and long-distance trads goods reached even the smaller sites of the Toutswe hierarchy is provided by the discovery of a pot containing over 2,600 glass beads, 5,000 ostrich eggshell beads, and 50 cm of wound wire necklace on the floor of one of the houses [as Kgaswe].”
[3]
[1]: (Pikirayi 2013; 915-917) Innocent Pikirayi, “The Zimbabwe Culture and its Neighbours,” in The Oxford Handbook of African Archaeology, eds. Peter Mitchell and Paul J. Lane (Oxford University Press, 2013): 916-928. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NVZ5T427/collection [2]: (Reid & Segobye 2000; 61) Andrew Reid & Alinah Segobye, “Politics, Society and Trade on the Eastern Margins of the Kalahari,” in South African Archaeological Society Goodwin Series Vol. 8 (2000): 58-68. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/7KBFCB3J/collection [3]: (Denbow 1986; 19) James Denbow, “A New Look at the Later Prehistory of the Kalahari,” in The Journal of African History Vol. 27, No.1 (1986): 3-28. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/X3DXN8CW/collection |
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General category termed in Pikirayi, encompassing Toutswe, Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe, as well as several later polities. All existed as part of a regional trading (and presumably cultural) network. All societies in this group possessed some social stratification, and later examples reached increasing levels of specialization. “Southern Zambesian societies were part of a regional network tied to global commerce involving eastern Africa and Asia, and were organized in the form of chiefdoms and states displaying different levels of sociopolitical stratification…. Political centralization occurred here among agropastoralist societies in a broad area covering western Zimbabwe’s plateau, the middle Limpopo Valley, and the eastern fringes of the Kalahari Desert…. The region experienced increasingly wet conditions from the onset of the second millennium to about AD 1300, a change that undoubtedly attracted farming communities to the Shashe-Limpopo floodplain…. These communities lived in sizeable homesteads and villages, some possibly small towns…. It is highly likely that the first chiefdoms and state societies in southern Africa developed around these sites.”
[1]
[1]: (Pikirayi 2013; 915-917) Innocent Pikirayi, “The Zimbabwe Culture and its Neighbours,” in The Oxford Handbook of African Archaeology, eds. Peter Mitchell and Paul J. Lane (Oxford University Press, 2013): 916-928. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/NVZ5T427/collection |
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Sometimes referred to as the Igbo Cultural Area (I.C.A.). “Beyond this veil of divergence in tradition and ecology lies a basic Igbo culture characterized by similarities in language, institutions and religious and cosmological beliefs. Religion played a major unifying role in the area of Igbo culture. An aspect of this is the hitherto unquestioned priestly role of the Nri and, on their eclipse, some major oracles. Nri is a small town in the Northern Igbo area whose king, Eze Nri, according to tradition, secured considerable concessions from God (Chukwu) for providing mankind with food, especially yam. The widespread desire for Nri religious services led to the development of a hegemony based on ritualism as opposed to militarism. Nri priestly lineages emerged in most of Igboland, and some exist to this day.”
[1]
“Mr D. M. W. Jeffreys wrote early in the 1930s as follows: ‘In the past it has been advanced that all the Igbo were descended from this group (the Nri). This statement confuses the origin of a culture with the origin of a people.’ In his view what happened was that the Nri spread their culture to the rest of Igbo land rather than founded all Igbo communities.”
[2]
[1]: Ejidike, O. M. (1999). Human Rights in the Cultural Traditions and Social Practice of the Igbo of South-Eastern Nigeria. Journal of African Law, 43(1), 71–98: 74. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/7CMJSBJH/collection [2]: Afigbo, A. E. (1981). Nsukka Before 1916: The Making of a Frontier Igbo Society. In Ropes of Sand: Studies in Igbo History and Culture (pp. 69–121). University Press in association with Oxford University Press: 74–75. https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/STBG9I9N/collection |
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"For many centuries prior to British rule, the Ankole area had been politically and culturally related to various other societies in the interlacustrine region of Eastern Africa. The kingdom of Nkore, which was the nucleus around which the Ankole district was formed at the beginning of the colonial period, was centrally situated within this large region: its most important neighbours were Bunyoro-Kitara to the north, Karagwe and Buhaya to the south, Mpororo and Rwanda to the southwest, and Buganda to the east. In a narrow circle around Nkore lay a string of smaller kingships, including Koki, Buzimba, Buhweju, Igara."
[1]
[1]: (Doornbos 1978: 18) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ISMJWJ4U/collection. |
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"For many centuries prior to British rule, the Ankole area had been politically and culturally related to various other societies in the interlacustrine region of Eastern Africa. The kingdom of Nkore, which was the nucleus around which the Ankole district was formed at the beginning of the colonial period, was centrally situated within this large region: its most important neighbours were Bunyoro-Kitara to the north, Karagwe and Buhaya to the south, Mpororo and Rwanda to the southwest, and Buganda to the east. In a narrow circle around Nkore lay a string of smaller kingships, including Koki, Buzimba, Buhweju, Igara."
[1]
[1]: (Doornbos 1978: 18) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ISMJWJ4U/collection. |
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"For many centuries prior to British rule, the Ankole area had been politically and culturally related to various other societies in the interlacustrine region of Eastern Africa. The kingdom of Nkore, which was the nucleus around which the Ankole district was formed at the beginning of the colonial period, was centrally situated within this large region: its most important neighbours were Bunyoro-Kitara to the north, Karagwe and Buhaya to the south, Mpororo and Rwanda to the southwest, and Buganda to the east. In a narrow circle around Nkore lay a string of smaller kingships, including Koki, Buzimba, Buhweju, Igara."
[1]
[1]: (Doornbos 1978: 18) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ISMJWJ4U/collection. |
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"For many centuries prior to British rule, the Ankole area had been politically and culturally related to various other societies in the interlacustrine region of Eastern Africa. The kingdom of Nkore, which was the nucleus around which the Ankole district was formed at the beginning of the colonial period, was centrally situated within this large region: its most important neighbours were Bunyoro-Kitara to the north, Karagwe and Buhaya to the south, Mpororo and Rwanda to the southwest, and Buganda to the east. In a narrow circle around Nkore lay a string of smaller kingships, including Koki, Buzimba, Buhweju, Igara."
[1]
[1]: (Doornbos 1978: 18) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/ISMJWJ4U/collection. |
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"Karagwe, Nkore, and Buhaya formed small neighboring states to the major kingdoms of Bunyoro and Buganda in the Great Lakes region. Karagwe and Nkore were individual polities, while Buhaya refers to an area along the western side of Lake Victoria in which seven small states were recognized: Kiamutwara, Kiziba, Ihangiro, Kihanja, Bugabo, Maruku, and Missenye."
[1]
[1]: (Shillington 2005: 591) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/GWWIKDDM/items/AWA9ZT5B/collection. |
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