| # | Polity | Coded Value | Tags | Year(s) | Edit | Desc |
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“Thus, by 1324, the territories of the Delhi Sultanate reached up to Madurai, The last Hindu principality in the area, Kampili in south Karnataka, was annexed in 1328.”
[1]
[1]: (Chandra 2007 :101) Chandra, Satish. History of Medieval India: 800-1700. India, Orient BlackSwan, 2007. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 83WJWTC2 |
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The following quotes suggest the official status of Saivist Hinduism in Chenla. “but by the time that Bhavavarman II came to power around 639, the veneration of Siva had begun to eclipse both Buddhism and all other Brahmanical cults. [...] Actually, there is some evidence that devotion to Visnu and Harihara did continue, although the inscriptions of the next king, Jayavarman I (r. c. 655–681), point to an increased emphasis on the linga.”
[1]
“Hinduism appears to have been the primary state religion; temples at Angkor Borei feature Hindu motifs and worship, and rulers presented themselves as devotees of Hindu deities. [...] the major state deities appear to have been Shiva, Vishnu, Krishna, and Rama (Snellgrove 2004).”
[2]
[1]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.8-10. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX [2]: Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ |
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“The Chalukyas of Kalyani, lemulavada Chalukyas and the Nollamba Pallavas were devoted Saivites and they constructed many temples.”
[1]
“The rulers of the Chalukyan dynasty, though ardent followers of Brahminical religion showed equal patronage to Jainism. The Jain monks were very active and they had made a serious attempt to bring the whole country under the influence of their religion.”
[2]
“The Chalukyas were ardent practitioners of Hinduism, more specifically, Shaivism, or followers of Shiva; and to a lesser extent, Vaishnavism, followers of Vishnu. In particular, deities, such as Shiva, Vishnu, Kartikeya, and the Sapta Matrikas, also known as the Seven Mothers, were worshipped, and many temples were built around the region in their dedication."
[3]
[1]: (Ramamurti 1979: 89) N. Ramamurti, 1979. “Social And Religious Life As Depicted In The Chalukyan Sculptures”, M.Phil Dissertation, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University. Seshat URL: Zotero link: S3A3R5IZ [2]: (Ramamurti 1979: 43) N. Ramamurti, 1979. “Social And Religious Life As Depicted In The Chalukyan Sculptures”, M.Phil Dissertation, Aligarh: Aligarh Muslim University. Seshat URL: Zotero link: S3A3R5IZ [3]: (Sasaki 2012, 15) Sasaki, Bryce. 2012. “Chalukya Dynasties.” Edited by Andrea Stanton, Edward Ramsamy, Peter Seybolt, and Carolyn Elliott. Cultural Sociology of the Middle East, Asia, and Africa: An Encyclopedia. Thousand Oaks, Calif.; London: SAGE Publications.Seshat URL: Zotero link: PG9MHRIA |
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“Despite the fact that most Hoysala rulers were Vaisnavites, Siva temples are numerically greater than those built by other sects.”
[1]
“There is evidence to presume that the Hoysala dynasty came to power with the help of a Jaina ascetic by the name of Shantideva. Bittiga, the considered greatest king of the Hoysalas, being his reign, that lasted from 1106 to 1141, as a Jaina. Later, having come under the sway of the erudite Hindu teacher Ramanuja, he converted to the Vishnuite branch of Hinduism and changed his name to Vishnuvardhana. None the less, his queen, Shantidevi, remained an active follower of Jaina religion. Her steadfastness, one may assume, will have facilitated the continuous building of Jaina temples at Halebid and other places in the Hoysala kingdom.”
[2]
“The Hoysalas were Jainas up to King Bittideva (1104-1141) who was converted to Visnuism by the Visnuite reformer Ramanuja, and he assumed the name Visnuvardhana. His first wife, Santaledevi, remained faithful to Jainism. […] It appeas that a few Hoysala-kings were converted back to Jainism, as its influence must have been generally strong every time in the court, because a number of excellent ministers and generals were worshippers of the Tirthankaras. Therefore, the decline of the Hoysala-empire at the beginning of the 14th century robbed Jainism of a significant support.”
[3]
[1]: (Banerji 2019: 28) Banerji, N. A. (2019). Sectarianism in Medieval India: Saiva, Vaisnava, and Syncretistic Temple Architecture in Karnataka. United States: Lexington Books. Seshat URL: Zotero link: N5IXX7PX [2]: (Titze and Bruhn 1998 :49) Titze, Kurt, Bruhn, Klaus, (1998). Jainism: A Pictorial Guide to the Religion of Non-violence. India: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. Seshat URL: Zotero link: NB9JH8A6 [3]: (von Glasenapp 1999: 65) Glasenapp, H. v. (1999). Jainism: An Indian Religion of Salvation. India: Motilal Banarsidass Publishers. Seshat URL: Zotero link: X9DTJTJC |
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The following quote suggests that the official religion for the Kaabu was traditional religion, expert should confirm this. “Niane concurs with the seventeenth century French traveller Jojolet de la Courbe, who called Kaabu a pagan kingdom [around the 13th century]. However, by the seventeenth century it was very tolerant of Islamic dyula traders – this tolerance may itself have been because the dyula themselves leavened their Islam with non-Islamic rituals.”
[1]
[1]: (Green 2011, 42) Green, T. 2011. The Rise of the Trans-Atlantic Slave Trade in Western Africa, 1300–1589. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DV3R5U4Q |
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"During the Archaic through the Late Formative periods, the proto-Yoruboid and proto-Yorùbá in different localities had accumulated elaborate mythologies, ritualized ceremonies, and epistemological frameworks that formed the templates for their worldviews. Each local pantheon was a hierarchy of deities, with overlapping relationships in which each deity ruled over one or more spheres of the human condition. However, several of those deities (òrìsà) that were conceptual in nature, rather than ancestral, had regional appeal because they addressed broad human conditions and derived from common origins and deep-time experiences. [...] Their origins had a deep history, and they spread with the waves of proto-Yorùbá expansions throughout the first millennium AD."
[1]
"However, the Creator God was a distant figure in the everyday religious lives of the proto-Yoruboid and other proto-Benue-Kwa groups. The focus of worship was on the territorial deities presiding over the hills, valleys, drainages, and other landscape features as well as on the ancestors—the deceased heads, priests, and priestesses of houses, families, villages, and communities. The ancestors were incorporated into the pantheon and called upon to intercede with the greater and more distant Creator God and the territorial deities during the daily devotions, seasonal festivals, and times of crisis."
[2]
[1]: (Ogundiran 2020: 128-129) Seshat URL: Zotero link: ADQMAKPW [2]: (Ogundiran 2020: 39) Seshat URL: Zotero link: ADQMAKPW |
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"In his religious policy, Kaleb likewise struck an independent course in his fervent promotion of Christianity, not simply as a way to ape the Roman emperor, but rather to enhance his own kingly status as a divinely-appointed ruler, with as much access to divine favor as any other monarch, for as negusa nagast, Kaleb was portrayed as successor to a tradition of kingship regarded as descending from Solomon and David."
[1]
[1]: (Haas 2008: 122-123) Seshat URL: Zotero link: IQWD9I5I |
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"I agree that Wari elites practiced Wari religion in Wari colonies, but wouldn’t say that other leaders did—they certainly didn’t at the local Cusco center of Ak’awillay (see Bélisle’s work). Also, there is something missing here between “high Wari religious ideology/iconography” seen in unprovenanced artifacts, versus the distribution of D-shaped temples and their trophy skull practices. The D-shaped buildings suggest a lower-class practice at heartland sites like Conchopata, and are present in some Wari colonies, but not in the planned orthogonal compounds, where ritual practices are less discernible based on the architecture and excavations. No D-shaped structures have been found near Cusco." (R. Alan Covey, pers. comm. to R. Ainsworth, June 2023)
“In sum, a ceremonial function for niched halls is indicated. These structures have a broad geographic distribution throughout the Wari domain, and their interpretation as ritual/ceremonial buildings is consistent with the pattern of distribution of Wari ceremonial art as noted by Menzel (1964). That there are a large number of these structures within both Viracochapampa and Pikillacta indicates the central position of religion within the Wari social structure. Further the fact that they are found within larger, presumably administrative complexes, rather than as stand-alone ceremonial centers, is reflective of the subordination of religion for state purposes. This seems to echo the Middle Horizon secularization trend noted by Menzel (1964) and Schaedel (1966).” [1] [1]: (McEwan 2005, 158) McEwan, Gordon F. 2005. ’Conclusion: The Functions of Pikillacta‘. In Pikillacta: The Wari Empire in Cuzco. Edited by Gordon F. McEwan. Iowa City: University of Iowa Press. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 47H7R496 |
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