| # | Polity | Coded Value | Tags | Year(s) | Edit | Desc |
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The following quotes suggest syncretism between Chenla indigenous religion, Hinduism, and Buddhism. There was also syncretism between Saivist Hinduism and Vaisnavist Hinduism, as indicated by the existence of the Śiva-Visnu combinations (i.e., Harihara). “The deities of the Chenla period that are known to us are a mix of Hindu, Buddhist, and indigenous personalities. The local gods comprise vrah and kpoñ, who are, respectively, male and female. Although the vrah appear to have a local origin, Siva, Vishnu, and the Buddha were included in their numbers indicating an integration of the religious traditions. Vickery (1998, 149) believes that most localities had their own deities, and these vrah and kpoñ could have Indian-derived names. [...] It does not appear that during the Chenla period there was a wholesale adoption of the religions of India. The inscriptions appear to suggest that Indic deities were absorbed into the indigenous pantheon and that some of the Khmer gods began to be given Sanskrit names. Vickery (1998, 170) suggests that the idea of "Khmer Hinduism" may be a valid concept in that the religion was adapted to fit the needs of the Khmer rulers. It does not appear that the Khmer of Chenla explicitly thought of themselves as Hindu, nor is there any evidence that a caste system was extant. It also appears as though the suffix, -isvara, accorded to many deities, was a Khmer invention, and these -isvara were placed in a pantheon of gods with Khmer names (Vickery 1998, 170).”
[1]
“Vickery’s survey (1998, 140-141) of extant Khmer inscriptions dating from Zhenla lists ninety differently named Indic gods (vrah). More than half, given their -iśvara suffix, are probably references to Śiva. Of those remaining, fourteen concern Visnu, eight mention Śiva-Visnu combinations (i.e., Harihara), and there is one reference to the sun god, Sürya.”
[2]
[1]: O’Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: Zotero link: DB628MBV [2]: Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.8-10. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 5S9J7EKX |
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"Inferred present is apt, insofar as Wari trophy skull practices and iconography borrowed from Nasca practices, probably acquired through trade between the two cultures. In the Cusco region, there is Wari-influenced local pottery with some local distribution, and the site of Muyu Roqo indicates some Wari patronage at local ceremonies in places where there is no clear political or economic connection, suggesting a consonance of colonist and local religious practices." (R. Alan Covey, pers. comm. to R. Ainsworth, June 2023)
“Just like with the Inca, in the case of Wari the establishment of alliances was not based on military superiority (like that of the Macedonian phalanx or the Roman legions). With their bows and bronze weapons, the southerners certainly could be fearsome adversaries. Even so, the political strategy used was more sophisticated—and the only one possible in such difficult ecological conditions, and with such rudimentary means of transportation and communication. The big pyramid of subject-peoples was moved to submit to the conqueror when the ancestors of their curacas were included in the great imperial cult. This is why the Wari model for expansion and territorial control seems to have been very similar to that of the Incas: they introduced both peaceful policies and mediations with the local chiefs of given lands, as well as alliances and an efficient manipulation of ‘the institution of Andean reciprocity.’ When these means failed, however, they turned to military solutions. The discovery of weapons, the presence of trophy heads, the modelled ceramic depictions, and the images on metals and textiles all evince the presence of an institutionalised military force, and in turn show that Wari elites combined military and ritual power in order to establish and sustain imperial control." [1] “Survey data generally do not provide representative regional perspectives on religious change, but a few site-based observations hint at the existence of Wari patronage and influence in certain locations. Bauer’s (1999) test excavations at Muyu Roqo in the Paruro region suggest Wari involvement in a local festival event, although such patronage is not evident at other sacred locales. Furthermore, excavations at the local EIP/MH center at Ak’awillay reveal continuity of local ritual practices with little evidence of Wari state influence (Bélisle, 2011; Bélisle and Covey, 2010). In contrast, the burial remains recovered by Glowacki (2002) in the Huaro area provide notable examples of Wari ritual paraphernalia and iconography (cf. Zapata, 1997). Clearly, additional excavation work is needed throughout the region to gauge the nature and extent of Wari religious influence.” [2] [1]: (Giersz & Makowski 2014, 290) Giersz, Milosz and Krzysztof Makowski. 2014. ‘The Wari Phenomenon: In the Tracks of a Pre-Hispanic Empire’. In Castillo de Huarmey: El Mausoleo Imperial Wari. Edited by Milosz Giersz and Cecilia Pardo. Lima: MALI. Seshat URL: Zotero link: VBKPHAPI [2]: (Covey et al. 2013, 547-548) Covey, Alan, Bauer, Brian S., Béslise, Véronique and Lia Tsesmeli. 2013. ‘Regional perspectives on Wari state influence in Cusco, Peru (c. AD 600–1000)’. Journal of Anthropological Archaeology. Num 32. Pp. 538-552. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 6MQUZCBK "Inferred present is apt, insofar as Wari trophy skull practices and iconography borrowed from Nasca practices, probably acquired through trade between the two cultures. In the Cusco region, there is Wari-influenced local pottery with some local distribution, and the site of Muyu Roqo indicates some Wari patronage at local ceremonies in places where there is no clear political or economic connection, suggesting a consonance of colonist and local religious practices."(R. A. Covey, pers. comm. to R. Ainsworth, June 2023) |
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“Here we have to address the issue of the conversion of Vishnuvardhana from Jainism to Vaishnavism. It is not unreasonable to suppose that Ramanuja’s Vaishnava philosophy greatly influenced the cultural and religious history of not merely the Kannada region but Kerala as well. After it, Jain communities of Kannada region including the present Wayanad district of Kerala possibly divided into two groups and one began to profess Vaishnavism. But the ultimate result was the religious assimilation of these two groups. It is clearly evident from the Gowda communities of Wayanad region such as Vaishnava Gowda and Jain Gowdas. […] The Janardhanagudi and Vishnugudi Jain basties in Punchavayal near Panamaram are so confusing that it is difficult to distinguish them as either Jain or a Hindu Vishnu temple. The architectural and sculptural features of these temples indicate that they belong to twelfth century CE.”
[1]
[1]: (Dhiraj 2016: 639-640) Dhiraj, M.S., 2016. “The Dynamics of a Supra-Regional Power: Hoysalas in the Medieval History of Kerala”, Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology, 4, pp. 637-652. Seshat URL: Zotero link: 28QBMXX7 |
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"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors."
[1]
"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin."
[2]
[1]: (Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: Zotero link: FGHCAD8X [2]: (Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ |
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"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors."
[1]
"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin."
[2]
[1]: (Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: Zotero link: FGHCAD8X [2]: (Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ |
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"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors."
[1]
"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin."
[2]
[1]: (Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: Zotero link: FGHCAD8X [2]: (Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ |
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"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors."
[1]
"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin."
[2]
[1]: (Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: Zotero link: FGHCAD8X [2]: (Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ |
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Suspected unknown due to the antiquity of this quasi-polity, the nature of the data, and the fact that this aspect of the quasi-polity’s culture is not mentioned in a recent and comprehensive cultural history of the Yoruba, Ogundiran 2020.
[1]
[1]: (Ogundiran 2020) Seshat URL: Zotero link: ADQMAKPW |
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