Religious Level List
A viewset for viewing and editing Religious Levels.
GET /api/sc/religious-levels/?format=api&page=3
{ "count": 446, "next": "https://seshat-db.com/api/sc/religious-levels/?format=api&page=4", "previous": "https://seshat-db.com/api/sc/religious-levels/?format=api&page=2", "results": [ { "id": 101, "polity": { "id": 278, "name": "mn_rouran_khaganate", "long_name": "Rouran Khaganate", "start_year": 300, "end_year": 555 }, "year_from": 500, "year_to": 551, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Shamans. §REF§(Kradin 2015, personal communication)§REF§ Buddhism was also present, probably more levels: \"The Juan-juan khagans and nobles were well acquainted with Buddhist teachings and were probably Buddhists as early as the beginning of the sixth century. It is known that in 511 they sent a Buddhist monk and preacher to China with the gift of an image of the Buddha ornamented with pearls for the emperor.\" §REF§(Kyzlasov 1996, 317)§REF§" }, { "id": 102, "polity": { "id": 286, "name": "mn_uygur_khaganate", "long_name": "Uigur Khaganate", "start_year": 745, "end_year": 840 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 3, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>1. Supreme head/fa-wang<br>2. Regional archbishops/ mu-she3. Local priest? and/or instructor of 10<br>\"The first was the elect, the clergy of Manichaeism, themselves subdivided into a clear hierarchy, led by the supreme head (Chinese fa-wang) and regional \"archbishops\" (Chinese mu-she). Of this group was demanded a life of celibacy and fasting, including a ban on meat and fermented liquid. The second category was the auditors, the laymen of Manichaeism. They were expected to be abstemious, kind and generous in giving alms, but were allowed to eat normally and to keep a wife. An auditor who had fulfilled his duties would be reincarnated, after death, as an elect. When the great purification was over, those who had triumphed over the material world would live in the region of absolute light, while those who had succumbed would be taken to the region of total darkness.\" §REF§(Mackerras 1990, 329)§REF§<br>Instructor of 10 (or 9)<br>\"According to one report, this decision was greeted with great joy by the people, who \"gathered in crowds of thousands and tens of thousands [...] and gave themselves over to joy until morning.\"2 5 Yet despite these signs of popular approval, Mou-yu kaghan was apparently unconvinced that the zeal of the ordinary man would prove durable. He divided his people into groups of ten, in each of which one person was made responsible for the religious instruction and good works of the other nine. We see here echoes of an ancient military system, practised in Mongolia since the time of the Hsiung-nu, whereby one soldier was placed in charge of a unit of ten.\" §REF§(Mackerras 1990, 330-331)§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 103, "polity": { "id": 438, "name": "mn_xianbei", "long_name": "Xianbei Confederation", "start_year": 100, "end_year": 250 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Shamans. §REF§(Kradin 2015, personal communication)§REF§" }, { "id": 104, "polity": { "id": 272, "name": "mn_hunnu_emp", "long_name": "Xiongnu Imperial Confederation", "start_year": -209, "end_year": -60 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Shamans. §REF§(Kradin 2015, personal communication)§REF§" }, { "id": 105, "polity": { "id": 224, "name": "mr_wagadu_3", "long_name": "Later Wagadu Empire", "start_year": 1078, "end_year": 1203 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 3, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Islam. \"In former times the people of this country professed paganism until the year 469/1076-1077 when Yahya b. Abu Bakr the amir of Masufa made his appearance.\"§REF§(Al-Zuhri c1130-1155 CE in Levtzion and Spaulding 2003, 24-25)§REF§<br>_after 1077 CE_<br>1. King<br>\"For the sake of administrative support, legitimization, and commercial contacts, the rulers of Kawkaw, Takrur, Ghana, and Bornu adopted Islam in the late tenth and eleventh centuries. Islam became an imperial cult and the religion of state and trading elites, while the agricultural populations maintained their traditional beliefs.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 590)§REF§<br>2. Imams\"mosques and religious functionaries including imams, muezzins, Quran reciters, and scholars. The Muslims provided the ruler with interpreters and officials.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 591)§REF§<br>3. Muezzins?<br>_until 1077 CE_<br>1. King<br>\"Their religion is paganism and the worship of idols. When their king dies they construct over the place where his tomb will be an enormous dome of acacia wood.\"§REF§(Al-Bakri 1068 CE in Levtzion and Spaulding 2003, 16)§REF§<br>2. Sorcerers\"In the king's town and not far from his court of justice, is a mosque where the Muslims who arrive at his court pray. Around the king's town are domed buildings and groves and thickets where the sorcerers of these people, men in charge of the religious cult, live.\"§REF§(Al-Bakri 1068 CE in Levtzion and Spaulding 2003, 15)§REF§<br> ?. Heads of clans\"the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land.\" §REF§(Bovill 1958, 53)§REF§<br>King was supreme judge<br>\"Au sommet de l’État, on a le roi; on le désigne sous plusieurs appellations « Kaya Maghan » qui signifie roi de l’or en langue Ouakaré, « Tounka » qui veut dire Seigneur ou Dieu. Ses pouvoirs étaient très étendus: il était le juge suprême. Il rendait la justice en tenant compte de l’appartenance religieuse. Ses sujets qui dans l’ensemble appartenaient à la religion traditionnelle étaient jugés selon la coutume,les musulmans, eux, l’étaient sur la base du Coran.\" <i>At the top of the state, was the King; means the under several names \"Kaya Maghan\" meaning gold king in language Ouakaré \"Tounka\" meaning Lord or God. His powers were very extensive: he was the supreme judge. He dispensed justice in the light of religious affiliation. His subjects in all belonged to the traditional religion were judged according to custom, Muslims, themselves, were based on the Koran.</i>§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 106, "polity": { "id": 525, "name": "mx_monte_alban_1_early", "long_name": "Early Monte Alban I", "start_year": -500, "end_year": -300 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " Temples were present at this time but the standardised two-room temples was not yet present at Monte Alban, and so a permanent state religion of more than one organisational level cannot be inferred.§REF§Marcus and Flannery (1996) Zapotec Civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico’s Oaxaca Valley. p161§REF§" }, { "id": 107, "polity": { "id": 532, "name": "mx_monte_alban_5", "long_name": "Monte Alban V", "start_year": 900, "end_year": 1520 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 3, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Ethnohistoric records written by the Spanish after 1520 describe the presence of full-time priests, or bigaña, during this period. §REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1976). \"Formative Oaxaca and Zapotec Cosmos.\" American Scientist 64(4): 374-383, p376§REF§ The bigaña were ranked beneath the uija-táo (or great seer) and above the ueza-eche, huetete colanij (sacrifice or diviner),§REF§Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People. New York. p350§REF§ although the extent to which these ranks can be inferred back to the whole period are not known.<br>1. First rank-uija-táo-“great seer”<br>2. Second rank-vuijatáo copa pitáo bigaña-“priest”/ bigaña-“young priest” or “student priest”3. Third rank-ueza-eche, huetete colanij-“sacrifice” or “diviner”" }, { "id": 108, "polity": { "id": 8, "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_3", "long_name": "Early Formative Basin of Mexico", "start_year": -1200, "end_year": -801 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. All excavated sites have yielded evidence of local ritual practice, which has been interpreted as decentralized religious practices at the household, lineage, or village levels (and there have been no arguments for a religious hierarchy).§REF§Santley, Robert S. (1977). \"Intra-site settlement patterns at Loma Torremote, and their relationship to formative prehistory in the Cuautitlan Region, State of Mexico.\" Ph.D. Dissertation, Depatartment of Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State University, pp. 365-425.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) <i>The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization.</i> Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-7, 305-334.§REF§§REF§Niederberger, Christine. (2000) \"Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC.\" In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192.§REF§§REF§Paul Tolstoy. (1989) \"Coapexco and Tlatilco: sites with Olmec material in the Basin of Mexico\", In <i>Regional Perspectives on the Olmec</i>, Robert J. Sharer & David C. Grove (eds.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pg. 87-121.§REF§" }, { "id": 109, "polity": { "id": 10, "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_5", "long_name": "Late Formative Basin of Mexico", "start_year": -400, "end_year": -101 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Political and religious institutions are thought to be essentially identical for the Central Mexican Highlands Late/Terminal Formative, such that political power was inherently theocratic.§REF§Barba de Piña Chán, Beatriz. (1980). <i>Tlapacoya: Los Principios de la Teocracia en la Cuenca de Mexico.</i> Biblioteca Enciclopedica del Estado de Mexico, p.13-42, 95-142.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2012). \"Where East Meets West: The Formative in Mexico's Central Highlands.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological</i> 20(1): 1-51§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M. (2016). <i>Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico.</i> Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.73-215.§REF§ At least 3 hierarchical levels of religious institutions can be discerned for Cuicuilco. First, formal religious ritual at the household/house-group level (i.e. local corporate/Kin groups, the the basal units of exchange and production) is ubiquitous for the Central Mexican Highlands Late/Terminal Formative, and these are thought to have organized the basal level of the political economy. This has been inferred from the ubiquitous household/house-group shrines and ritual offerings, which are associated with senior lineage houses in house compounds. Compared to junior lineage houses, senior lineage houses also have higher quantities of prestige goods, food storage, obsidian/lithic production, burials, larger houses/rooms, greater architectural quality and ornamentation, and greater occupational time depth. Given that these same ritual tropes are replicated at higher hierarchical levels, it has been inferred that senior lineage religious-ritual authority in access to ancestors was the basis of political-economic authority at the basal house-group (kin/corporate group) level.§REF§Santley, Robert S. (1993). \"Late Formative Period Society at Loma Torremote: A Consideration of the Redistribution vs. Great Provider Models as a Basis for the Emergence of Complexity in the Basin of Mexico.\" In <i>Prehispanic Domestic Units in Western Mesoamerica: Studies of Household, Compound, and Residence,</i> edited by Robert S. Santley and Kenneth G. Hirth, pp. 67-86. CRC Press, Boca Raton.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Michael West, Charles Fletcher, and Joseph Marino. (1975). <i>The Formative Period Occupation of the Valley, Parts 1 and 2.</i> Occasional Papers in Anthropology, No. 10. Department of Anthropology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park.§REF§§REF§Manzanilla, Linda. (1985). \"El sito de Cuanalan en el marco de las comunidades pre-urbanas del Valle de Teotihuacan.\" In <i>Mesoamérica y el entro de México, México,</i> edited by J. Monjarás-Ruiz, E. Pérez Rocha and Roas Brambila, pp. 133-178. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.§REF§§REF§Nichols, Deborah L., Charles D. Frederick, Luis Morrett Alatirrem, and Fernando Sanchez Martínez. (2006). \"Water Management and Political Economy in Formative Period central Mexico.\" In <i>Precolumbian Water Management: Ideology, Ritual, and Power,</i> edited by Lisa J. Lucero and Barbara W. Fash, pp. 51-66. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (1998). Preclassic Household Patterns Preserved Under Volcanic Ash at Tetimpa, Puebla, Mexico. Latin American Antiquity 9:287-309.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2002). \"Shrines, ancestors, and the volcanic landscape at Tetimpa, Puebla.\" In <i>Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica,</i> edited by Patricia Plunket, pp. 31-42. Monograph 46, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology. University of California, Los Angeles.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2005). \"Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological Research</i> 13:89-128.§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M. (2016). <i>Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico.</i> Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.73-215.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) <i>The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization.</i> Academic Press, New York, pg. 305-34.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2012). \"Where East Meets West: The Formative in Mexico's Central Highlands.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological</i> 20(1): 1-51§REF§ Second, formal settlement- or community-level religious rituals (i.e. wider groupings of hierarchically-ordered kin/corporate-groups) were associated with feasting sponsored by religious/political elites, ritual labor service (production/construction), and sacrificial offerings. Evidence for these religious institutions are centered on settlements' ceremonial precincts (temples and plazas), which directly associate them with the priestly elite and the political economy.§REF§Plunket, Patricia and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2012). \"Where East Meets West: The Formative in Mexico's Central Highlands.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological</i> 20(1): 1-51§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M. (2016). <i>Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico.</i> Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.73-215.§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M. (2013). \"Labor Collectives and Group Cooperation in Pre-Hispanic Central Mexico.\" In David Carballo (Ed.) <i>Cooperation and Collective Action: Archaeological Perspectives</i>. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, pp.243-274.§REF§§REF§Carballo, D. M., Roscoe, P., & Feinman, G. M. (2014). \"Cooperation and collective action in the cultural evolution of complex societies.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory</i>, 21(1), 98-133.§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M., et al. (2014). \"Suprahousehold consumption and community ritual at La Laguna, Mexico.\" <i>Antiquity</i> 88.339 (2014): 141-159.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2002). \"Shrines, ancestors, and the volcanic landscape at Tetimpa, Puebla.\" In <i>Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica,</i> edited by Patricia Plunket, pp. 31-42. Monograph 46, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology. University of California, Los Angeles.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2005). \"Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological Research</i> 13:89-128.§REF§§REF§Uruñuela Ladrón de Guevara, Gabriela, and Patricia Plunket Nagoda. (2001). \"¿“De peidra ha de ser la cama …”? Las tumbas en el Formativo de Puebla-Tlaxcala y la Cuenca de México a partir de la evidencia de Tetimpa, Puebla.\" <i>Arqueología</i> 25:3-22.§REF§§REF§Barba de Piña Chán, Beatriz. (1980). <i>Tlapacoya: Los Principios de la Teocracia en la Cuenca de Mexico.</i> Biblioteca Enciclopedica del Estado de Mexico, p.13-42, 95-142.§REF§<br>(1) Community- or settlement-wide (possibly polity-wide) religious institutions at ceremonial center(2) House group, corporate/kin-group religious institutions at senior lineage shrine<br>" }, { "id": 110, "polity": { "id": 9, "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_4", "long_name": "Middle Formative Basin of Mexico", "start_year": -800, "end_year": -401 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. All excavated sites have yielded evidence of local ritual practice, which has been interpreted as decentralized religious practices at the household, lineage, or village levels (and there have been no arguments for a religious hierarchy).§REF§Santley, Robert S. (1977). \"Intra-site settlement patterns at Loma Torremote, and their relationship to formative prehistory in the Cuautitlan Region, State of Mexico.\" Ph.D. Dissertation, Depatartment of Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State University, pp. 365-425.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) <i>The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization.</i> Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-7, 305-334.§REF§§REF§Niederberger, Christine. (2000) \"Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC.\" In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192.§REF§§REF§Paul Tolstoy. (1989) \"Coapexco and Tlatilco: sites with Olmec material in the Basin of Mexico\", In <i>Regional Perspectives on the Olmec</i>, Robert J. Sharer & David C. Grove (eds.). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, pg. 87-121.§REF§" }, { "id": 111, "polity": { "id": 11, "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_6", "long_name": "Terminal Formative Basin of Mexico", "start_year": -100, "end_year": 99 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Political and religious institutions are thought to be essentially identical for the Central Mexican Highlands Late/Terminal Formative, such that political power was inherently theocratic.§REF§Barba de Piña Chán, Beatriz. (1980). <i>Tlapacoya: Los Principios de la Teocracia en la Cuenca de Mexico.</i> Biblioteca Enciclopedica del Estado de Mexico, p.13-42, 95-142.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2012). \"Where East Meets West: The Formative in Mexico's Central Highlands.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological</i> 20(1): 1-51§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M. (2016). <i>Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico.</i> Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.73-215.§REF§ At least 3 hierarchical levels of religious institutions can be discerned for Cuicuilco. First, formal religious ritual at the household/house-group level (i.e. local corporate/Kin groups, the the basal units of exchange and production) is ubiquitous for the Central Mexican Highlands Late/Terminal Formative, and these are thought to have organized the basal level of the political economy. This has been inferred from the ubiquitous household/house-group shrines and ritual offerings, which are associated with senior lineage houses in house compounds. Compared to junior lineage houses, senior lineage houses also have higher quantities of prestige goods, food storage, obsidian/lithic production, burials, larger houses/rooms, greater architectural quality and ornamentation, and greater occupational time depth. Given that these same ritual tropes are replicated at higher hierarchical levels, it has been inferred that senior lineage religious-ritual authority in access to ancestors was the basis of political-economic authority at the basal house-group (kin/corporate group) level.§REF§Santley, Robert S. (1993). \"Late Formative Period Society at Loma Torremote: A Consideration of the Redistribution vs. Great Provider Models as a Basis for the Emergence of Complexity in the Basin of Mexico.\" In <i>Prehispanic Domestic Units in Western Mesoamerica: Studies of Household, Compound, and Residence,</i> edited by Robert S. Santley and Kenneth G. Hirth, pp. 67-86. CRC Press, Boca Raton.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Michael West, Charles Fletcher, and Joseph Marino. (1975). <i>The Formative Period Occupation of the Valley, Parts 1 and 2.</i> Occasional Papers in Anthropology, No. 10. Department of Anthropology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park.§REF§§REF§Manzanilla, Linda. (1985). \"El sito de Cuanalan en el marco de las comunidades pre-urbanas del Valle de Teotihuacan.\" In <i>Mesoamérica y el entro de México, México,</i> edited by J. Monjarás-Ruiz, E. Pérez Rocha and Roas Brambila, pp. 133-178. Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, Mexico City.§REF§§REF§Nichols, Deborah L., Charles D. Frederick, Luis Morrett Alatirrem, and Fernando Sanchez Martínez. (2006). \"Water Management and Political Economy in Formative Period central Mexico.\" In <i>Precolumbian Water Management: Ideology, Ritual, and Power,</i> edited by Lisa J. Lucero and Barbara W. Fash, pp. 51-66. University of Arizona Press, Tucson.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (1998). Preclassic Household Patterns Preserved Under Volcanic Ash at Tetimpa, Puebla, Mexico. Latin American Antiquity 9:287-309.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2002). \"Shrines, ancestors, and the volcanic landscape at Tetimpa, Puebla.\" In <i>Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica,</i> edited by Patricia Plunket, pp. 31-42. Monograph 46, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology. University of California, Los Angeles.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2005). \"Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological Research</i> 13:89-128.§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M. (2016). <i>Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico.</i> Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.73-215.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) <i>The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization.</i> Academic Press, New York, pg. 305-34.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2012). \"Where East Meets West: The Formative in Mexico's Central Highlands.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological</i> 20(1): 1-51§REF§ Second, formal settlement- or community-level religious rituals (i.e. wider groupings of hierarchically-ordered kin/corporate-groups) were associated with feasting sponsored by religious/political elites, ritual labor service (production/construction), and sacrificial offerings. Evidence for these religious institutions are centered on settlements' ceremonial precincts (temples and plazas), which directly associate them with the priestly elite and the political economy.§REF§Plunket, Patricia and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2012). \"Where East Meets West: The Formative in Mexico's Central Highlands.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological</i> 20(1): 1-51§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M. (2016). <i>Urbanization and Religion in Ancient Central Mexico.</i> Oxford: Oxford University Press, p.73-215.§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M. (2013). \"Labor Collectives and Group Cooperation in Pre-Hispanic Central Mexico.\" In David Carballo (Ed.) <i>Cooperation and Collective Action: Archaeological Perspectives</i>. Boulder: University of Colorado Press, pp.243-274.§REF§§REF§Carballo, D. M., Roscoe, P., & Feinman, G. M. (2014). \"Cooperation and collective action in the cultural evolution of complex societies.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological Method and Theory</i>, 21(1), 98-133.§REF§§REF§Carballo, David M., et al. (2014). \"Suprahousehold consumption and community ritual at La Laguna, Mexico.\" <i>Antiquity</i> 88.339 (2014): 141-159.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2002). \"Shrines, ancestors, and the volcanic landscape at Tetimpa, Puebla.\" In <i>Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica,</i> edited by Patricia Plunket, pp. 31-42. Monograph 46, Cotsen Institute of Archaeology. University of California, Los Angeles.§REF§§REF§Plunket, Patricia, and Gabriela Uruñuela. (2005). \"Recent Research in Puebla Prehistory.\" <i>Journal of Archaeological Research</i> 13:89-128.§REF§§REF§Uruñuela Ladrón de Guevara, Gabriela, and Patricia Plunket Nagoda. (2001). \"¿“De peidra ha de ser la cama …”? Las tumbas en el Formativo de Puebla-Tlaxcala y la Cuenca de México a partir de la evidencia de Tetimpa, Puebla.\" <i>Arqueología</i> 25:3-22.§REF§§REF§Barba de Piña Chán, Beatriz. (1980). <i>Tlapacoya: Los Principios de la Teocracia en la Cuenca de Mexico.</i> Biblioteca Enciclopedica del Estado de Mexico, p.13-42, 95-142.§REF§<br>(1) Community- or settlement-wide (possibly polity-wide) religious institutions at ceremonial center(2) House group, corporate/kin-group religious institutions at senior lineage shrine<br>" }, { "id": 112, "polity": { "id": 524, "name": "mx_rosario", "long_name": "Oaxaca - Rosario", "start_year": -700, "end_year": -500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " level. sources do not suggest there is evidence for standardised religion during this period (standardised temples with private sacred rooms appear in later periods). A primary centre, San José Mogote, had two structures (19 and 28) which may have supported a temple, as well as a circular platform (structure 31). Smaller platform constructions were present at secondary centres, although the religious connection with the larger centres is not clear.§REF§Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p128-131§REF§" }, { "id": 113, "polity": { "id": 523, "name": "mx_san_jose", "long_name": "Oaxaca - San Jose", "start_year": -1150, "end_year": -700 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Ritual ‘Men’s Houses’ (consisting of one, plaster-coated room with lime mixing pits) were built at San José Mogote.§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11§REF§ Given the ritual practices shown throughout the rest of the site (including pottery relating to either the Earth or Sky motifs and cranial deformation practices) at least one religious level is inferred here.§REF§Marcus, J. and K. V. Flannery (1996). Zapotec civilization: How urban society evolved in Mexico's Oaxaca Valley, Thames and Hudson London, p106§REF§" }, { "id": 114, "polity": { "id": 522, "name": "mx_tierras_largas", "long_name": "Oaxaca - Tierras Largas", "start_year": -1400, "end_year": -1150 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Ritual “Men’s Houses” at San José Mogote suggest that some members of the community may have had ritual roles during this phase.§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2003). \"The origin of war: New C-14 dates from ancient Mexico.\" Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences of the United States of America 100(20): 11802§REF§§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). \"The Cloud People.\" New York, p48§REF§" }, { "id": 115, "polity": { "id": 116, "name": "no_norway_k_2", "long_name": "Kingdom of Norway II", "start_year": 1262, "end_year": 1396 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 4, "religious_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(4) Pope and leadership of the Latin church; (3) the Archbishop and Council of Bergen (Norwegian ecclesiastical system); (2) Bishops and Abbots; (1) Priests and Monks<br>'In the whole church hierarchy there would be 4 levels (pope, archbishop, bishop, priest), within the Norwegian state 3 levels but locally in Iceland only the last 2 would be present.' §REF§Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins§REF§ The bishoprics expanded their landholdings: 'In spite of the rise of a profitable export industry, it is generally believed that Iceland’s economy deteriorated in the late Middle Ages. The birchwood that had covered great parts of the country was gradually depleted, in part because it was excellent for making charcoal. The destruction of the woodland, together with heavy grazing, led to extensive soil erosion. The climate also became more severe, and grain growing was given up altogether. At the same time, more and more of the land was acquired by ecclesiastical institutions and wealthy individuals, to whom the farmers had to pay rent.' §REF§<a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.britannica.com/place/Iceland/Government-and-society#toc10093\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.britannica.com/place/Iceland/Government-and-society#toc10093</a>§REF§ Monastic orders were present by the Norwegian period, occasionally providing refuge to chieftains and other leaders: 'At last the people's hatred and opposition grew so intense that he resolved to retire and enter a monastery. He had already made an agreement with Bishop Jörund of Hólar to take the monastic vow of the order of St. Augustine, but he died January 12, 1268, beforer the final arrangements could be consummated. His estate Stad, at Reynines, he gave to the church with the understanding that a monastery should be erected there. This condition was finally fulfilled in 1296, when the cloister for nuns at Reynines and the monastery at Mödruvellir were founded by Bishop Jörund of Hólar.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 212§REF§ The church structure was comprised of regular priests, Icelandic bishops, and Norwegian archbishops: 'At this time important changes also took place in the Icelandic church. For some time the bishops in Iceland had been Norwegian ecclesiastics, but in the latter part of Haakon Magnusson's reign the Icelander Brand Jonsson became bishop of Hólar, and when he died a year later, his countryman Jörund Thorsteinsson succeeded him in 1267, after a long vacancy in the office. As the Norwegian born Bishop Sigurd of Skálholt was now so old and feeble that he could no longer perform his official duties, Bishop Jörund assumed supervision also over the Skálholt diocese, by placing the popular priest Arni Thorlaksson in charge of it. [...] When Bishop Sigurd died in 1268, the diocese petitioned Archbishop Jon of Nidaros to appoint Arni as his successor, but the archbishop ignored the request and chose instead a Norwegian priest, Thorleif, evidently because he wished to continue the practice of placing Norwegian ecclesiastics over the Icelandic dioceses. As Thorleif died shortly after his election, the archbishop was prevailed upon, probably by King Magnus himself, to elect Arni, who was consecrated bishop June 21, 1269.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 217§REF§ The Norwegian period saw protracted conflicts between clergy and laity on the matter of church property: 'Upon his return to Iceland Bishop Arni, assisted by Bishop Jörund of Hólar, summoned the people of his diocese to a general council at Skálholt, where he proposed several measures of reform, among others that the churches should be made ecclesiastical property under the control of the bishops. As nearly all churches in Iceland were privately owned, this would involve a change in property rights to which the people would not readily consent. [...] the king's assistance could be invoked. [...] With threats of ban and excommunication he so intimidated the lesser landowners that they suffered to let the smaller churches to pass under ecclesiastical control. But the chieftains who owned the larger churches resolutely resisted. This was especially the case with the churches of Oddi and Hitardal, two of the largest in Iceland. Their owners refused to surrender them; but the bishop caused a decree of transfer to be promulgated at the Althing, threatening the owners with the ban if they resisted. [...] In 1273 King Magnus summonsed a council to meet in Bergen to consider a new code of church laws to be proposed by Archbishop Jon of Nidaros, and to deal with other questions touching the relation between church and state. At this council, Bishop Arni, Hrafn Oddsson and the Icelandic chieftains also appeared. In the trial of their case the king as inclined to favor the chieftains, but the archbishop rendered a decision in Arni's favor. His victory was so complete that upon his return home he began to prepare a new code of church laws for Iceland, based on principles suggested to him by Archbishop Jon. The code was adopted at the Althing in 1275 with the understanding that it was later to be ratified by the king and the archbishop.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 217p§REF§ Norwegian ecclesiastic and royal control did not prevent those conflicts: 'The Council of Bergen, which placed the churches of Iceland under ecclesiastic control, proved to be only another abortive attempt to settle the difficult question of the relation between church and state. In Norway a new controversy arose between the nobility and the clergy upon the death of King Magnus Lagaboter in 1280. [...] These events could not fail to encourage the Icelandic chieftains to in their opposition to the aggressive policy of Bishop Arni.[Gjerset then describes the adoption of the Jónsbók at the Althing against the wishes of Bishop Arni.] This was a severe defeat for Bishop Arni, as the chieftains saw that in Iceland as in Norway they could defeat the church party by cooperation and energetic action. Now that they felt sure of support from King Eirik and the Council of Regency, they were no longer afraid to join issue with the bishops regarding the question of ownership of churches and church property. [...] With him came also Erlend Olafsson, who had been appointed lawman. They brought royal letters addressed to the people of Iceland encouraging them to resist the bishops. All church property which had been unjustly seized was to be returned to the laity, and the church laws as they had been in King Haakon Haakonsson's time were to be in force.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 221p§REF§ Ultimately, some privately owned churches were handed over to ecclesiastic authorities: 'The church estates which still remained in the hands of the laity were surrendered to the bishops shortly after Arni's return to Iceland. But this attempt to forestall a final settlement proved to be of little value. In 1292 royal commissioners were sent to Iceland with instructions from the king stating that with regard to churches and church property the conditions existing prior to the union should be restored, that church estates should be returned to their lay owners. Both bishops resented the royal orders, but the people, led by Thorvard Thorarinsson, seized many estates, and the controversy was renewed. In 1295 Thorvard went to Norway to plead the cause of the people. [...] the case was finally settled by a compromise embodied in a royal document of September 13, 1297. It was agreed that all the churches in which the lay people owned a share amounting to at least one-half should belong to them without any curtailment of property rights. All other churches should be surrendered to the bishops. [...] In the bishopric of Hólar the struggle between church and laity was less intense but of a similar character. Bishop Jörund died in 1313, and was succeeded by Audun Raudi, a member of the cathedral chapter at Nidaros. [...] He was consecrated bishop November 25, 1313, but did not arrive in Iceland till 1315. He was already advanced in years, but he ruled his diocese with great energy and authority, maintained a fine household and practiced the greatest hospitality. the cathedral church was improved, new buildings were erected at the bishop's seat, and the cathedral school was kept in a high state of efficiency, as he took pains to secure able teachers. [He also faced opposition from the populace when introducing increased taxation.] The clergy had established an ascendency which no existing authority in Iceland could successfully control.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 225p§REF§ Some bishops became very powerful: 'Bishop Arni gradually assumed the rôle of ruler in Iceland. In many cases he opposed the sýslumadr Thorvard Thorarinsson, so that the people at the Althing appealed to the decision of the bishop in purely secular matters, contrary to all law. Of these complaints were made to the king. [...] In 1277 the king sent Eindride Böngull a second time to Iceland as his commissioner, accompanied by the Icelander Nicolas Oddsson. They brought letters addressed to both the sýslumadr and and the bishop forbidding any appeal to the bishop in cases brought before the Althing. The kind had already written to the people warning them that not to accept any law before he and the archbishop had considered the measure, as the right to alter the laws of the church or any other statute belong to them alone. The church code given by Bishop Arni was accordingly rejected, and [...] the people felt that the royal government was henceforth the supreme authority in the land.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 219p§REF§ The crown consulted with Icelandic clergy: 'In 1303 many prominent Icelanders were summoned to Norway, among others Bishop Jörund of Hólar, and Abbot Runolf, who had served as vicar in the diocese of Skálholt after the death of Bishop Arni. The king's purpose seems to have been to obtain their advice regarding changes in the Icelandic code of laws which had been demanded, possibly also to secure their consent to new taxes to be levied in Iceland. The Icelandic annals for the year 1304 state that in that year the king collected Peter's pence (Roma skattr) in Iceland. The supplement to the code resulting from this conference is dated June 23, 1305. It contains provisions dealing with Iceland, but it does not touch the issues bearing on the relations between the two countries. These issues do not even seem to have been considered, but the Icelandic leaders probably consented to the levying of new taxes.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 231§REF§ Ecclesiastic conventions, such as celibacy, were more strictly enforced among the rank and file: 'The rule respecting celibacy of the clergy was so rigorously enforced that even dubdeacons who had been married for many years and had several children were compelled to separate from their wives.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 218p§REF§ According to Gjerset, bishops frequently acted as regional overlords, although this may be due to his strong nationalist bias against foreign-born clergy: 'In the church the patriarchal relation which had once existed between the bishops and laity had wholly disappeared at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Many of the ecclesiastics who at this time were elevated to the highest position in the Icelandic church were of foreign birth. In the period 1236-1465 thirteen of the bishops of Skálholt were foreigners, while only five were native Icelanders. But whether foreigners or native-born, they had usually acquired the greed and love of power which everywhere characterized the Roman hierarchy. [...] Without regard for the welfare of the country they often resorted to extortionate practices to increase the income of their dioceses, while the people were sorely tried by great national calamities and and steadily growing poverty. [...] These oppressive practices of the leaders of the church gradually created among the people a hostile opposition to the selfish ecclesiastical officialdom which forms a distinct trait in Icelandic church life throughout the Middle Ages.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 237§REF§ '" }, { "id": 116, "polity": { "id": 83, "name": "pe_inca_emp", "long_name": "Inca Empire", "start_year": 1375, "end_year": 1532 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 4, "religious_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>1.Intip churin<br>Inca<br>9th Imperial ruler added the title intip churin (Son of the Sun) to the paramount qhapaq/capac title. §REF§(Covey 2006, 119)§REF§<br>2.OraclesGave advice to the Inca and performed function of state ambassador<br>3. Mamakunas (priestesses)<br>4. Chosen virgins (aqllawasi)<br>3.High priestPrinciple temple was the Coricancha §REF§(Covey 2006, 119)§REF§<br>4.PriestsLocal level state religious infrastructure §REF§(Covey 2006, 119)§REF§<br>Other actors were important in religious life but had a parallel role and did not come into this hierarchy.House of Cloistered women:<br>\"In the sequestered House of the Chosen Women (aqllawasi), they were taught religion, weaving, cooking, and chicha-making by lifelong virgins dedicated to the religious institutions. Cobo said that as many as 200 women of various ages could be found in the largest aqllawasi. Although they were well protected, the girls and women were not entirely confined, since they participated in many ceremonies at locations outside their quarters. After about four years, the girls were ready to serve as mamakuna (priestesses) or to marry men who merited the honor for their service to the Inca (Cobo 1990: 172-4; Rowe 1946: 283).\" §REF§(D'Altroy 2014, 301)§REF§<br>This system runs parallel to the religious hierarchy, as the girls can become priestesses (level 4). Alan Covey: The mamakuna were much more numerous than any male priestly functionaries, and should probably be thought of as the real imperial religious hierarchy. §REF§(Alan Covey 2015, personal communication)§REF§. Mamakunas and aqllakunas are counted within the 4 religious levels as outlined above.<br>Ritual advisor for state matters<br>OraclesAdvised the Sapa Inca and performed function of state ambassador \"Some, but not all, huacas had oracular powers. Some of the most famous, such as Pachacamac and Apurimac have already been mentioned. In Inca culture all decisions were made only after consulting the supernatural. Questions put to oracles usually had to do with seeing the future and result of certain actions.\"§REF§(McEwan 2006, 159)§REF§<br>\"After consulting his oracles and counselors, the Inca ruler chose to favor the Lupaqas but hedged his bets by promising aid to both sides.\" §REF§(D'Altroy 2014, 93)§REF§<br>\"The mummies and their oracles also served the king in an advisory capacity. The ruling Inca was expected to seek advice from the ancestors on issues of importance, and it was carefully observed which oracles provided sound advice and which did not. The most trusted mummies and their spokespersons were used as ambassadors for the Inca.\" §REF§(Bauer 2004, 167)§REF§<br>\"Each mummy had an oracle: an individual who spoke for and received things on behalf of the dead king.\" §REF§(Bauer 2004, 165)§REF§-> seem to be parallel, religious command, not administrative.<br>Innovations relating to organization of state religion occurred during reign of Qhapaq Yupanki. \"Several different Inka rulers are credited with the institution of the Sun cult.\" The Coricancha was the \"principal temple in Cusco.\" This cult had a \"high priest.\" Inka Roq'a required that \"aqlawasi (house of cloistered women) be established in Inka-controlled towns\" which produced crump (fancy cloth) and aqha (maize beer) used in rituals. §REF§(Covey 2003, 352)§REF§<br>Alan Covey: I wouldn’t treat this as historical, but rather to say that a state sun cult developed around the time of early state expansion (maybe in the later 13th or early 14th century). §REF§(Covey 2015, personal communication)§REF§" }, { "id": 117, "polity": { "id": 445, "name": "pg_orokaiva_pre_colonial", "long_name": "Orokaiva - Pre-Colonial", "start_year": 1734, "end_year": 1883 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(1) Local Practitioners<br>Ritual practices were initially confined to the household and community levels: 'The belief in ghosts and spirits is a predominant characteristic of the northern native. In almost every tribe I have observed the propitiation of family ghosts with individual offerings of food by ordinary persons to secure the vitality of their food supply, and by sorcerers to stimulate their charms. Ghosts are invoked during ceremonies by divination to reveal crimes and criminals. Food offerings to ghosts are made during death feasts and during certain initiation rites. The house of initiation and the paraphernalia of the dance are believed to have spiritual powers, and when the paraphernalia are thrown into the river at the completion of the rites, they are invoked to smite the enemies of the dancers.' §REF§Chinnery, E. W. P., and Alfred C. (Alfred Cort) Haddon 1917. “Five New Religious Cults In British New Guinea”, 448§REF§ 'The Orokaiva religious history is also particularly interesting here. Their traditional faith, Williams says, though in many respects vague and locally variable, concerned itself “primarily with the spirits of the dead” and their influence on the welfare of the living. Death was appraised with particular realism, although it was considered ultimately as the result of supernatural causes. Magic had a consistent place.' §REF§Keesing, Felix Maxwell 1952. “Papuan Orokaiva Vs Mt. Lamington: Cultural Shock And Its Aftermath”, 19§REF§ 'Orokaiva shamans, or \"taro men\" serve as healers, weather magicians, and sorcerers.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ The spread of Christianity and the emergence of new supralocal religious movements did not predate colonization: 'The traditional beliefs of the Orokaiva, though in many respects vague and locally variable, focused primarily on the \"spirits of the dead\" and their influence on the living. The Orokaiva had no high god. Formerly, they were animists, believing in the existence of souls (ASISI) in humans, plants, and animals. The taro spirit was of particular importance and was the inspiration and foundation of the Taro Cult. The Orokaiva have been swept recently by a series of new cults, indicative of their religious adaptability in the face of fresh experience. Mission influence is strong in the Northern District. Religious training is provided almost exclusively by the Anglican church, although mission influence has not totally eradicated traditional beliefs, producing an air of mysticism about the resultant religious system.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ 'Mission influence is strong in the Northern District. This is provided almost exclusively by the Anglican church and is of a fairly orthodox nature. Mission influence is mixed somewhat with traditional beliefs and there is an air of mysticism about the resultant religious system.' §REF§Kearney, George E. 1966. “Cognitive Capacity Among The Orokaiva”, 6§REF§" }, { "id": 118, "polity": { "id": 446, "name": "pg_orokaiva_colonial", "long_name": "Orokaiva - Colonial", "start_year": 1884, "end_year": 1942 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(1) prominent figures in New Religious Movements;<br>(2) Local Shamans and Practitioners<br>Ritual practices were initially confined to the household level:'The belief in ghosts and spirits is a predominant characteristic of the northern native. In almost every tribe I have observed the propitiation of family ghosts with individual offerings of food by ordinary persons to secure the vitality of their food supply, and by sorcerers to stimulate their charms. Ghosts are invoked during ceremonies by divination to reveal crimes and criminals. Food offerings to ghosts are made during death feasts and during certain initiation rites. The house of initiation and the paraphernalia of the dance are believed to have spiritual powers, and when the paraphernalia are thrown into the river at the completion of the rites, they are invoked to smite the enemies of the dancers.' §REF§Chinnery, E. W. P., and Alfred C. (Alfred Cort) Haddon 1917. “Five New Religious Cults In British New Guinea”, 448§REF§ 'The traditional beliefs of the Orokaiva, though in many respects vague and locally variable, focused primarily on the \"spirits of the dead\" and their influence on the living. The Orokaiva had no high god. Formerly, they were animists, believing in the existence of souls (ASISI) in humans, plants, and animals. The taro spirit was of particular importance and was the inspiration and foundation of the Taro Cult. The Orokaiva have been swept recently by a series of new cults, indicative of their religious adaptability in the face of fresh experience. Mission influence is strong in the Northern District. Religious training is provided almost exclusively by the Anglican church, although mission influence has not totally eradicated traditional beliefs, producing an air of mysticism about the resultant religious system.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ The colonial period saw both the spread of Christianity and the emergence of new supralocal religious movements: 'Mission influence is strong in the Northern District. This is provided almost exclusively by the Anglican church and is of a fairly orthodox nature. Mission influence is mixed somewhat with traditional beliefs and there is an air of mysticism about the resultant religious system.' §REF§Kearney, George E. 1966. “Cognitive Capacity Among The Orokaiva”, 6§REF§ 'There has been European contact of some form over a long period. The people are perhaps best known by the work of Williams (1928 and 1930) in which he describes the earlier cult movements and the attempts to master and control new contact situations. Two of these were the cult of the Baigona men and the Taro cult. The former was concerned with healing and sorcery through a type of priest who was in communication with the spirits of the dead and now resident in various reptiles, particularly the snake. The latter was evidenced in sorcery through a priest who was possessed with the spirit of the Taro. Violent dancing or ecstatic movements often accompanied by a trance were not unlike the dance of St Vitus or St John which swept Europe in the fourteenth century (Sargant 1957).' §REF§Kearney, George E. 1966. “Cognitive Capacity Among The Orokaiva”, 5§REF§ The Taro and Snake Cults are notable examples: 'The Orokaiva religious history is also particularly interesting here. Their traditional faith, Williams says, though in many respects vague and locally variable, concerned itself “primarily with the spirits of the dead” and their influence on the welfare of the living. Death was appraised with particular realism, although it was considered ultimately as the result of supernatural causes. Magic had a consistent place. Orokaiva country, however, has been swept in modern times by a series of new cults indicative of religious adaptability in the face of fresh experience. First to come into prominence was the Baigona, or “snake cult” of 1911-12, succeeded from 1914 on by the so-called “Taro cult” which in turn had undergone a series of local reformulations by the time Williams reported on it in 1924. Central features of the Taro cult were association of successful taro cultivation with the ancestral spirits, approached by way of a “shaking-fit” technique of revelation, together with somewhat new types of public ritual and symbols, including fragmentary elements from Christianity. Later Belshaw and others reported that “Christian Co-operative Evangelist” societies, which were developed by the Anglican Mission among some Orokaiva converts for the cooperative growing of rice and other crops, tended to assume a somewhat parallel and absorbing mystical agriculture context. Rumors spread of “an order from the King (of England) that co-operatives should be formed … (and that) as a result of their activities the white people would leave Papua and the villagers would be in charge of their own affairs.” This type of cooperative movement was stimulated after the war, and included putting crosses in the gardens, offering prayers before gardening activity, building special houses in which cooperators could meet and eat, and collecting money for vague purposes. Even in the face of Mission reluctance and some Orokaiva opposition, Government finally stepped in to try to give it better direction; a Cooperative officer was trying to bring the situation under control when the volcano exploded.' §REF§Keesing, Felix Maxwell 1952. “Papuan Orokaiva Vs Mt. Lamington: Cultural Shock And Its Aftermath”, 19§REF§ The specialists serving the Taro Cult are known as Taro men: 'Orokaiva shamans, or \"taro men\" serve as healers, weather magicians, and sorcerers.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ The movement has produced leaders of intertribal renown: 'While practically every one has been a willing convert to the Taro cult in so far as it meant participation in the song and feast, and while perhaps the majority have given way at some time or other to the pleasant abandonment of the jipari, there is a wide class of Taro experts or special exponents of the cult. It is impossible to set a definite limit to this class. There are some who are recognized as leaders and who are very strongly ‘possessed’, and others who are little more than laymen. However, it is possible to include them all under the name of ba-embo, which means literally ‘Taro man’. Such men, who, like the Baigona men, might be called priests of the cult, officiate and lead in the ceremonial feasting; they perform certain duties in the taro gardens; they make a special practice of jipari and similar contortions; and they subject themselves to certain taboos. The theory of their conduct is that of possession by a spirit, either of the taro itself or of the dead.' §REF§Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar) 1928. “Orokaiva Magic”, 10§REF§ 'It is perhaps on law and organization that the Taro cult has the most significant effect, albeit a rudimentary and indefinite one. The voluntary acceptance of a new ritual, however lax, the observance of taboos, the necessity for probation, are all influences making for law and law-abidingness. More significant still is the elementary hierarchy which we have observed among the Taro men (p. 32). The existence of leaders in one tribe who are recognized by distant votaries of the cult in another tribe stands perhaps for a new idea among the Orokaiva. The absence of any political cohesion among and within the peoples of Papua has been remarked by others. It is conceivable that such a movement as Taro might give the initial impetus to some more or less spontaneous political organization.' §REF§Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar) 1928. “Orokaiva Magic”, 95§REF§ The codes given above combine local practice with patterns of the Taro Cult, reflecting its importance within the framework of culture change." }, { "id": 119, "polity": { "id": 117, "name": "pk_kachi_enl", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Aceramic Neolithic", "start_year": -7500, "end_year": -5500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Clay figurines have been found but there is no evidence for a religious hierarchy at Mehrgarh.§REF§Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge§REF§<br>“At Mehrgarh human figurines are miniature works of art in clay. The earliest human figurines in Periods I are seated or standing and schematically represented. They were formed from a single piece of clay, with minimal representation of arms and legs; a few were adorned with necklaces and belts applied to the basic figure. Some were decorated with red ochre. In general, they range in size from 1.5 to 10 centimeters. Many of the figurines have feminine characteristics - realistic breasts; one standing figure bears the hint of genitalia and is obviously male (Jarrige 2005: 30-31). Catherine Jarrige (1991, 2005) conducted extensive study of the Mehrgarh figurines. As she points out, their frequent presence in trash deposits gives the impression they were discarded haphazardly. However, there are several clues that may lead to an understanding of their significance to the people at Mehrgarh. One is reflected in the locations of trash deposits. Since many of the deposits are found in household areas, they may represent a domestic cult, perhaps associated with “representations of tutelary deities for the family, the clan or a relevant profession” (Jarrige 1991: 92). Another possibility is their use for magical practices, as is frequently the case in agrarian societies (Jarrige 1991: 92). The recent discovery of one of the pierced human figurines in a grave from Period I, in which the figurine was held to the dead woman’s face in clasped hands, may indicate something about the role she played in society (Jarrige 2005: 34)." }, { "id": 120, "polity": { "id": 118, "name": "pk_kachi_lnl", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic", "start_year": -5500, "end_year": -4000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Clay figurines have been found but there is no evidence for a religious hierarchy at Mehrgarh.§REF§Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge§REF§ “At Mehrgarh human figurines are miniature works of art in clay. The earliest human figurines in Periods I are seated or standing and schematically represented. They were formed from a single piece of clay, with minimal representation of arms and legs; a few were adorned with necklaces and belts applied to the basic figure. Some were decorated with red ochre. In general, they range in size from 1.5 to 10 centimeters. Many of the figurines have feminine characteristics - realistic breasts; one standing figure bears the hint of genitalia and is obviously male (Jarrige 2005: 30-31). Catherine Jarrige (1991, 2005) conducted extensive study of the Mehrgarh figurines. As she points out, their frequent presence in trash deposits gives the impression they were discarded haphazardly. However, there are several clues that may lead to an understanding of their significance to the people at Mehrgarh. One is reflected in the locations of trash deposits. Since many of the deposits are found in household areas, they may represent a domestic cult, perhaps associated with “representations of tutelary deities for the family, the clan or a relevant profession” (Jarrige 1991: 92). Another possibility is their use for magical practices, as is frequently the case in agrarian societies (Jarrige 1991: 92). The recent discovery of one of the pierced human figurines in a grave from Period I, in which the figurine was held to the dead woman’s face in clasped hands, may indicate something about the role she played in society (Jarrige 2005: 34)." }, { "id": 121, "polity": { "id": 119, "name": "pk_kachi_ca", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Chalcolithic", "start_year": -4000, "end_year": -3200 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": "1. Ritual specialist<br>Clay figurines have been found but there is no evidence for a professional priesthood at Mehrgarh. §REF§Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge§REF§ In the broader Early Harappan tradition there is evidence that there were priests, and Kenoyer refers to \"ritual specialist\". Howeverm Possehl says there is no evidence for a state religion. §REF§Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark, ‘The Indus Valley Tradition of Pakistan and Western India’, Journal of World Prehistory, 5 (1991), 370§REF§ §REF§Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p. 6.§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 122, "polity": { "id": 123, "name": "pk_kachi_post_urban", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Post-Urban Period", "start_year": -1800, "end_year": -1300 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " There is no evidence of a systematic religion at Pirak at this time.§REF§Jarrige, J-F. (1979) Fouilles de Pirak. Paris : Diffusion de Boccard.§REF§ There is little evidence for an integrated religious system, as regional cultures split from the previous Mature Harappan system.§REF§Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press§REF§ §REF§Possehl, G. L. (2002) The Indus Civilization, A contemporary perspective. AltaMira Press: Walnut Creek.§REF§ In the broader context of the Mature Harappan there is evidence for priests, and Kenoyer refers to \"ritual specialist\".§REF§Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark, ‘The Indus Valley Tradition of Pakistan and Western India’, Journal of World Prehistory, 5 (1991), 370§REF§ §REF§Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p. 6.§REF§" }, { "id": 123, "polity": { "id": 120, "name": "pk_kachi_pre_urban", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Pre-Urban Period", "start_year": -3200, "end_year": -2500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": "1. Ritual specialist<br>In the broader Early Harappan tradition there is evidence that there were priests, and Kenoyer refers to \"ritual specialist\". However, Possehl says there is no evidence for a state religion. §REF§Kenoyer, Jonathan Mark, ‘The Indus Valley Tradition of Pakistan and Western India’, Journal of World Prehistory, 5 (1991), 370§REF§ §REF§Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p. 6.§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 124, "polity": { "id": 133, "name": "pk_sind_abbasid_fatimid", "long_name": "Sind - Abbasid-Fatimid Period", "start_year": 854, "end_year": 1193 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": "Many other faiths were practiced, and there were substantial religious communities of Buddhist, Hindi, and other faiths in the region. Sunni Islam was the politically dominant faith. In theory the Caliphate and their appointed governors were the head of the Sunni faith, but in practice local religious scholars (ulama) and aesthetics (Sufis) increasingly attracted the wider populace as definers of doctrine. Unlike the Orthodox or Catholic faith, the structure of the Islamic faiths was not clearly hierarchical and all were considered equal before Allah. In the Sind, a large percentage of the population were non-Muslim until 1250 CE. Shiaism was present in the Sind from an early period, but was not the dominant faith, which remained Sunni. In the early tenth century, Ishmailis practitioners became dominant, and the Fatimah Caliphs became the nominal head of the Islamic faith as practiced in the Sind. There is evidence of the repair and upkeep of Buddhist and Hindi places of religious worship. §REF§Lapidus, History of Islamic Society p. 82,p. 215; Panhwar, M.H, An illustrated Historical Atlas of Soomra Kingdom of the Sindh p. 183§REF§<br>Sunni/Ismailism:<br>1. Caliph as head of the Muslim umma<br>2. Imams, successors of the prophet and leaders of the Muslim world<br>By the late 985 CE the Habari's religious view as Sunni's was increasingly challenged by the population of the Sind shifting its religious adherence from the Sunni Caliph to Fatimid anti-caliphs in Cairo, with the result that a portion of the population of Sind embraced the Isha'ilis Shi'ite faith. §REF§Wink, André. \"Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, vol. 1.\" Early Medieval India and the Expansion of Islam, 7th-11th Centuries (1990)pp.212-213§REF§" }, { "id": 125, "polity": { "id": 136, "name": "pk_samma_dyn", "long_name": "Sind - Samma Dynasty", "start_year": 1335, "end_year": 1521 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": "Many other faiths were practiced, and there were substantial religious communities of Buddhist, Hindu, and other faiths in the region. Sunni Islam was the politically dominant faith. In theory the Caliphate and their appointed governors were the head of the Sunni faith, but in practice local religious scholars (ulama) and aesthetics (Sufis) increasingly attracted the wider populace as definers of doctrine. Unlike the Orthodox or Catholic faith, the structure of the Islamic faiths were not clearly hierarchical and all were equal before Allah. In the Sind, a large percentage had converted by the beginning of the period. minority populations of followers of other faiths were most likely also present. §REF§Lapidus, History of Islamic Society p. 82,p. 215; Panhwar, M.H, An illustrated Historical Atlas of Soomra Kingdom of the Sindh p. 183§REF§<br>Sunni/Ismailism:<br>1. Caliph as head of the Muslim umma.<br>2. Imams, successors of the prophet and leaders of the Muslim world.<br>The Samma were recent converts, and Hindu practitioners survived well after the initial period of conversion. §REF§Wink, André. \"Al-Hind: The Making of the Indo-Islamic World, vol. 1.\" Early Medieval India and the Expansion of Islam, 7th-11th Centuries (1990)pp.212-213§REF§" }, { "id": 126, "polity": { "id": 121, "name": "pk_kachi_urban_1", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Urban Period I", "start_year": -2500, "end_year": -2100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " Speculative. \"The stone sculpture known as the Priest-King wears an elaborately decorated robe, draped to expose his chest and right shoulder. This was possibly a garment worn only by rulers or senior priests. [...] North of the Great Bath, shut off from the outside world, was an accommodation block with bathrooms on the ground floor and presumably sleeping quarters above. Since the Great Bath was most probably a religious facility, it is likely that these nearby buildings provided the residential and administrative quarters of the priests who served here.\"§REF§(McIntosh 2008, 252) Jane McIntosh. 2008. <i>The Ancient Indus Valley</i>. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.§REF§<br>1. Senior priest (Priest-King?)<br>2. Priest" }, { "id": 127, "polity": { "id": 122, "name": "pk_kachi_urban_2", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Urban Period II", "start_year": -2100, "end_year": -1800 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " Speculative. \"The stone sculpture known as the Priest-King wears an elaborately decorated robe, draped to expose his chest and right shoulder. This was possibly a garment worn only by rulers or senior priests. [...] North of the Great Bath, shut off from the outside world, was an accommodation block with bathrooms on the ground floor and presumably sleeping quarters above. Since the Great Bath was most probably a religious facility, it is likely that these nearby buildings provided the residential and administrative quarters of the priests who served here.\"§REF§(McIntosh 2008, 252) Jane McIntosh. 2008. <i>The Ancient Indus Valley</i>. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.§REF§<br>1. Senior priest (Priest-King?)<br>2. Priest" }, { "id": 128, "polity": { "id": 194, "name": "ru_sakha_early", "long_name": "Sakha - Early", "start_year": 1400, "end_year": 1632 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(1) Local Shamans (Oiun, Udagan)<br>Shamans served local communities even after the spread of Christianity: 'As with other Siberian peoples, Yakut shamans (OIUN if male, UDAGAN if female) combine medical and spiritual practice. [...] In the nineteenth century a few Yakut leaders financed the building of Russian Orthodox churches, and many Yakut declared themselves Christian, but this did not mean that they saw Christianity and shamanism as mutually exclusive. The Yakut also believed in the spiritual power of blacksmiths.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'Nevertheless, the outward conditions of life have hardly changed after the Russian conquest. There is always the same uncertainty of existence; the unsatisfactory conditions for men as well as for animals continue to exist. The sacrificial priests still everywhere and always hold position and duties of priests, physicians, and fortune-tellers (prophets).' §REF§Priklonski, Vasilij, and Friedrich S. Krauss 1888. “Shamanism Among The Yakut”, 166§REF§ 'In the Yakut district all Yakuts with rare exceptions have been baptized according to the ‘ancient faith’ [RCH: i.e. , Christianity] rite, or were born from parents of that faith. Yet one can hardly be sure that a Yakut, professing the ancient faith, has given up his shamanist creed, or that he does not have recourse to the latter. I have personally known two shamans, one of them in the Yakutsk district, the other on the Kytach island on the mouth of the Lena, who were both known as followers of the ‘ancient faith.’' §REF§Priklonski, Vasilij, and Friedrich S. Krauss 1888. “Shamanism Among The Yakut”, 167§REF§ There where black and white shamans: 'Supernatural power was attributed to blacksmiths, since their art was considered a divine gift. The old Sakha religion had many supernatural spirits, good and evil. Black shamans dealt with evil spirits and could be benevolent or harmful; white shamans were concerned with spiritual intercession for human beings. Two major religious festivals were celebrated with ritual use of koumiss (fermented mare’s milk), one in spring for good spirits and one in fall accompanied by blood sacrifices of livestock for evil spirits.' §REF§<a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people</a>§REF§ Shamans officiated at seasonal festivals: 'The most important festival among the Yakut is connected with the preparation and use of kumiss, and is called ysyax, or kumiss festival. It has both a social and a religious significance. During the summer, in olden times, every rich man arranged a kumiss festival, at which all members of the clan assembled and were entertained. Other people, and frequently whole clans, were invited; and during the festival, defensive and offensive leagues were concluded. Every such festival commenced with sacrifices, and was accompanied with songs, dances, games, horse and foot races, and other contests.' §REF§Jochelson, Waldemar 1906. “Kumiss Festivals Of The Yakut And The Decoration Of Kumiss Vessels”, 263§REF§ 'The first night of the festival is in honor of Big-Lord ( Ulu-Toyon ) and the evil spirits of the upper world subordinate to him. The second night is in honor of Axsan Duolai and his subordinates, the evil spirits of the lower world. To all of these evil spirits, in addition to the libations of kumiss made to the benevolent deities, blood sacrifices of cattle and horses are also made. This ceremony, according to Trostchansky, is superintended by nine male and nine female shamans.' §REF§Jochelson, Waldemar 1906. “Kumiss Festivals Of The Yakut And The Decoration Of Kumiss Vessels”, 265§REF§ Shamans were compensated for their services, but did not receive sufficient payments for their livelihood: 'I at least never heard anything about a wealthy shaman; on the contrary, the shaman often gets no more than 5 kopeks for healing a sick eye. And how little is this sum worth north of Yakutsk! Some Yakuts refused to accept a twenty kopeks coin for a hazel-hen I wanted to buy, saying that they could not manage to use the money; if it had an eye, they would have used it as a button; but as there was no such, I was to take it back. The smallest unit for them is the ruble.' §REF§Priklonski, Vasilij, and Friedrich S. Krauss 1888. “Shamanism Among The Yakut\", 175§REF§" }, { "id": 129, "polity": { "id": 195, "name": "ru_sakha_late", "long_name": "Sakha - Late", "start_year": 1632, "end_year": 1900 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(1) Local Shamans (Oiun, Udagan)<br>Shamans served local communities even after the spread of Christianity: 'As with other Siberian peoples, Yakut shamans (OIUN if male, UDAGAN if female) combine medical and spiritual practice. [...] In the nineteenth century a few Yakut leaders financed the building of Russian Orthodox churches, and many Yakut declared themselves Christian, but this did not mean that they saw Christianity and shamanism as mutually exclusive. The Yakut also believed in the spiritual power of blacksmiths.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'Nevertheless, the outward conditions of life have hardly changed after the Russian conquest. There is always the same uncertainty of existence; the unsatisfactory conditions for men as well as for animals continue to exist. The sacrificial priests still everywhere and always hold position and duties of priests, physicians, and fortune-tellers (prophets).' §REF§Priklonski, Vasilij, and Friedrich S. Krauss 1888. “Shamanism Among The Yakut”, 166§REF§ 'In the Yakut district all Yakuts with rare exceptions have been baptized according to the ‘ancient faith’ [RCH: i.e. , Christianity] rite, or were born from parents of that faith. Yet one can hardly be sure that a Yakut, professing the ancient faith, has given up his shamanist creed, or that he does not have recourse to the latter. I have personally known two shamans, one of them in the Yakutsk district, the other on the Kytach island on the mouth of the Lena, who were both known as followers of the ‘ancient faith.’' §REF§Priklonski, Vasilij, and Friedrich S. Krauss 1888. “Shamanism Among The Yakut”, 167§REF§ There where black and white shamans: 'Supernatural power was attributed to blacksmiths, since their art was considered a divine gift. The old Sakha religion had many supernatural spirits, good and evil. Black shamans dealt with evil spirits and could be benevolent or harmful; white shamans were concerned with spiritual intercession for human beings. Two major religious festivals were celebrated with ritual use of koumiss (fermented mare’s milk), one in spring for good spirits and one in fall accompanied by blood sacrifices of livestock for evil spirits.' §REF§<a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people</a>§REF§ Shamans officiated at seasonal festivals: 'The most important festival among the Yakut is connected with the preparation and use of kumiss, and is called ysyax, or kumiss festival. It has both a social and a religious significance. During the summer, in olden times, every rich man arranged a kumiss festival, at which all members of the clan assembled and were entertained. Other people, and frequently whole clans, were invited; and during the festival, defensive and offensive leagues were concluded. Every such festival commenced with sacrifices, and was accompanied with songs, dances, games, horse and foot races, and other contests.' §REF§Jochelson, Waldemar 1906. “Kumiss Festivals Of The Yakut And The Decoration Of Kumiss Vessels”, 263§REF§ 'The first night of the festival is in honor of Big-Lord ( Ulu-Toyon ) and the evil spirits of the upper world subordinate to him. The second night is in honor of Axsan Duolai and his subordinates, the evil spirits of the lower world. To all of these evil spirits, in addition to the libations of kumiss made to the benevolent deities, blood sacrifices of cattle and horses are also made. This ceremony, according to Trostchansky, is superintended by nine male and nine female shamans.' §REF§Jochelson, Waldemar 1906. “Kumiss Festivals Of The Yakut And The Decoration Of Kumiss Vessels”, 265§REF§ Shamans were compensated for their services, but did not receive sufficient payments for their livelihood: 'I at least never heard anything about a wealthy shaman; on the contrary, the shaman often gets no more than 5 kopeks for healing a sick eye. And how little is this sum worth north of Yakutsk! Some Yakuts refused to accept a twenty kopeks coin for a hazel-hen I wanted to buy, saying that they could not manage to use the money; if it had an eye, they would have used it as a button; but as there was no such, I was to take it back. The smallest unit for them is the ruble.' §REF§Priklonski, Vasilij, and Friedrich S. Krauss 1888. “Shamanism Among The Yakut\", 175§REF§ Contact with Russian Orthodox priests was irregular: 'The aborigines seldom have an opportunity to see a priest of the ancient faith. In view of the enormous extension of the parishes, of the scattered settlements, and of the extraordinary difficulties in securing communications, he is hardly in a position to see each member of his faith once a year; and if he visits him in one of the settling-places he may not stay longer than two or three days because he must be through with his travel as long as the paths and roads are practicable. One may safely estimate that eight [probably eighty rather than eight, given the context: comment by RA] per cent of the aborigines population has never seen a Christian church. His eminency, the former Yakut bishop Dionysius even told me that sometimes priests had died without having communicated, leaving a written confession of sins.' §REF§Priklonski, Vasilij, and Friedrich S. Krauss 1888. “Shamanism Among The Yakut”, 167§REF§ Accordingly, the material is coded for Sakha rather than Orthodox institutions." }, { "id": 130, "polity": { "id": 44, "name": "th_ayutthaya", "long_name": "Ayutthaya", "start_year": 1593, "end_year": 1767 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 6, "religious_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels. §REF§(Suksamran 1982, pp. 31-32)§REF§<br>1. Somdet Phra Sangharat (Supreme Patriarch)<br>2. Chao kana yai (Sangha general governors.There were three.<br>3. Phraracha kana\"[T]he heads of monks in the capital and important provinces\". §REF§(Suksamran 1982, p. 32)§REF§<br>4. Phra khru\"The head monks of the lesser provinces\". §REF§(Suksamran 1982, p. 32)§REF§<br>5. Abbots<br>6. Ordinary monks" }, { "id": 131, "polity": { "id": 45, "name": "th_rattanakosin", "long_name": "Rattanakosin", "start_year": 1782, "end_year": 1873 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 6, "religious_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels. §REF§(Suksamran 1982, pp. 31-32)§REF§<br>1. Somdet Phra Sangharat (Supreme Patriarch)<br>2. Chao kana yai (Sangha general governors.There were three.<br>3. Phraracha kana\"[T]he heads of monks in the capital and important provinces\". §REF§(Suksamran 1982, p. 32)§REF§<br>4. Phra khru\"The head monks of the lesser provinces\". §REF§(Suksamran 1982, p. 32)§REF§<br>5. Abbots<br>6. Ordinary monks" }, { "id": 132, "polity": { "id": 76, "name": "tr_byzantine_emp_3", "long_name": "Byzantine Empire III", "start_year": 1073, "end_year": 1204 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 7, "religious_level_to": 7, "comment": null, "description": "1. Pope<br>Pope is primus inter pares among the five patriarchs.§REF§(Preiser-Kapeller 2015, Personal Communication)§REF§<br>1. Patriarch of Constantinople<br>\"Patriarchs were elected by the standing synod in Constantinople, which presented three names to the emperor. He was entitled to choose one of these, or, if unable to accept any of the candidates, to choose the new patriarch himself.\" §REF§(Cunningham 2008, 529) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§ Five Patriarchs (Rome, Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, Jerusalem).<br>2. Metropolitans and archbishops\"the term 'bishop' applies to patriarchs, metropolitans, archbishops, and bishops (both suffragan and assistant bishops or chorepiskopoi) throughout the Byzantine period. After the 'ecumenical' patriarch of Constantinople, who after the seventh century occupied the only remaining patriarchal seat under Byzantine rule, metropolitans held the second highest rank in the Orthodox Church.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 529) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>\"The title 'archbishop' emerged in special cases, for example in important cities such as Athens which did not possess a metropolitan.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 529) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>3. Bishops and ChorepiskopoiBishops and Chorepiskopoi form one rank below the metropolitans and archbishops§REF§(Preiser-Kapeller 2015, Personal Communication)§REF§<br>\"Chorepiskopoi (literally 'country bishops') were assigned to rural communities and were subject to a bishop in a nearby city.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 529) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>\"After the fourth century, the powers and functions of chorepiskopoi were gradually restricted and they were allowed only to ordain clerics of the lower orders. After the second Council of Nicaea (787) which prohibited them from ordaining even readers (anagnostai) without episcopal assent (canon 14), this separate episcopal rank began to disappear (Jugie 1904).\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 529) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>3. Priest\"In the early Church, priests or presbyters served as advisers, teachers, and ministers who assisted the bishops to whom they were assigned.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 529) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>4. Deacon\"Deacon (diakonos, 'servant')\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 530) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>\"Deacons assisted the priest or bishop at the Divine Liturgy, baptisms, and other sacraments. ... Various administrative and pastoral jobs were delegated to deacons from an early period; they helped bishops to dispense charity to the community, manage the diocese's finances and property, and to deal with other official business (Laodikeia, canons 21, 23, 25). Deacons were subject to the authority of both bishops and priests, but they came to exercise considerable power, especially in the patriarchate of Constantinople.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 531) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>4. Deaconess (diakonissa)Become more and more rare, would be of equal rank as deacon.§REF§(Preiser-Kapeller 2015, Personal Communication)§REF§<br>\"The deaconess's chief liturgical role was to assist at the baptisms of women; she also acted as a mediator between women parishioners and their bishops, kept order among female members of the congregation, and ministered especially to women.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 531) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>5. Subdeacon\"The rank of subdeacon provided a stepping-stone to that of deacon; its duties were similar to those of the deacon.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 532) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>6. Reader (anagnostesj\"A reader is a member of the lower clergy with the responsibility of reading, usually from the ambo, passages from the Epistles and the Old Testament prescribed for offices and the Divine Liturgy.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 532) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>7. Minor orders\"Other members of the minor clerical orders included doorkeepers, exorcists, cantors, and widows. All of these officials helped in either liturgical, administrative, or pastoral functions. Most would have received payment from their dioceses, or, in the case of private foundations, from their donors, but it is likely that most would have been engaged in secular professions in order to supplement their incomes.\"§REF§(Cunningham 2008, 532) Jeffreys E, Haldon J and Cormack R eds. 2008. The Oxford Handbook of Byzantine Studies. Oxford University Press. Oxford.§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 133, "polity": { "id": 158, "name": "tr_konya_eca", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Early Chalcolithic", "start_year": -6000, "end_year": -5500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " Not mentioned by sources, would require expert input. Rituals in the Early Chalcolicthic include burials of all types. Most burials are located under the floors of houses, bodies stacked on the right side in hocker position. In many cases, the skull is missing. At Köşk Höyük, all burials have burial gifts such as vessels, beads, and obsidian tools. Anthropomorphic figurines have also been found, which are most probably connected to some unspecified rituals. Widespread standardisation and routinisation of ritual practices (e.g. burial, house burning, wall plastering) at Çatalhöyük suggests at least some religious hierarchy §REF§Whitehouse, H. & Hodder, I. in Religion in the emergence of civilization: Çatalhöyük as a case study (ed. Hodder, I.) 122-145 (Cambridge University Press, 2010).§REF§." }, { "id": 134, "polity": { "id": 162, "name": "tr_hatti_old_k", "long_name": "Hatti - Old Kingdom", "start_year": -1650, "end_year": -1500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 3, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>King1. \"The king himself was not only his kingdom's war leader, but also its supreme judicial authority and chief priest.\"§REF§(Bryce 2007, 11)§REF§<br>2.Priests SANGA (het. sankunni-). The distinction of priests of the great (SANGA GAL) and priests minor (SANGA TUR) was made.§REF§Tarach P. (2008) Religie Anatolii hetyckiej, pp. 206, [In:] K. Pilarczyk and J. Drabina (ed.) Religie starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu, Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM, pp. 177-259§REF§<br>Eg. priest GUDU, priestess \"lady of daity\" (EREŚ.DINGER), priestess \"mother of God\" (AMA DINGIR).§REF§Tarach P. (2008) Religie Anatolii hetyckiej, pp. 207, [In:] K. Pilarczyk and J. Drabina (ed.) Religie starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu, Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM, pp. 177-259§REF§<br>3. Different priests (eg. priest <i>tazzeli</i>, priest <i>hamina-</i>).§REF§Tarach P. (2008) Religie Anatolii hetyckiej, pp. 207, [In:] K. Pilarczyk and J. Drabina (ed.) Religie starożytnego Bliskiego Wschodu, Kraków: Wydawnictwo WAM, pp. 177-259§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 135, "polity": { "id": 168, "name": "tr_lydia_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Lydia", "start_year": -670, "end_year": -546 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 3, "religious_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>No data. There were likely a number of religious levels in the temples. Have not read anything to suggest the king was the top priest (as in New Kingdom Hittite) but there are no literary records from this period and this might have been the case. However, since Lydia was a neo-Hittite state, it may be reasonable to code [3-4] based on the 4 levels coded for the New Kingdom Hittites.<br>Croesus built the Temple of Artemis at Ephesus.§REF§(Rich 2012) Rich, Kurt M V. 2012. Chasing the Golden Hoard: A Tale of Theft, Repatriation, Greed & Deceit. Authorhouse.§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 136, "polity": { "id": 156, "name": "tr_konya_mnl", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Ceramic Neolithic", "start_year": -7000, "end_year": -6600 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " unknown" }, { "id": 137, "polity": { "id": 155, "name": "tr_konya_enl", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Early Neolithic", "start_year": -9600, "end_year": -7000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " unknown" }, { "id": 138, "polity": { "id": 157, "name": "tr_konya_lnl", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Late Neolithic", "start_year": -6600, "end_year": -6000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " unknown" }, { "id": 139, "polity": { "id": 165, "name": "tr_neo_hittite_k", "long_name": "Neo-Hittite Kingdoms", "start_year": -1180, "end_year": -900 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": "1. King?<br>2-3. Priests in temples.<br>" }, { "id": 140, "polity": { "id": 174, "name": "tr_ottoman_emp_1", "long_name": "Ottoman Empire I", "start_year": 1402, "end_year": 1517 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 4, "religious_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": "§REF§(Palmer 1992)§REF§<br>1. Sultan<br>Suleiman I called himself \"caliph of all the Muslims in the world\" §REF§(Inalcik and Quataert 1997, 20)§REF§<br>2. Chief Mufticalled seyhulislam. Part of the ulema religious establishment.<br>3. Inner Circlecalled ilmiye. Part of the ulema religious establishment.<br>4. Imams<br>\"The population of the Empire was heterogenous in religion, language and social structure. As the Faith of the sultans and of the ruling elite, Islam was the dominant religion, but the Greek and Armenian Orthodox Churches retained an important place within the political structure of the Empire, and ministered to large Christian populations which, in many areas, outnumbered Muslims.\" There were also Jews (especially after expelled from Spain 1492), Maronites and Druzes.§REF§(Imber 2002, 1-2) Imber, Colin. 2002. The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1650. The Structure of Power. PalgraveMacmillan. Basingstoke.§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 141, "polity": { "id": 176, "name": "tr_ottoman_emp_3", "long_name": "Ottoman Empire III", "start_year": 1683, "end_year": 1839 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 4, "religious_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": "§REF§(Palmer 1992)§REF§<br>1. Sultan<br>Suleiman I called himself \"caliph of all the Muslims in the world\" §REF§(Inalcik and Quataert 1997, 20)§REF§<br>2. Chief Mufticalled seyhulislam. Part of the ulema religious establishment.<br>3. Inner Circlecalled ilmiye. Part of the ulema religious establishment.<br>4. Imams<br>\"The population of the Empire was heterogenous in religion, language and social structure. As the Faith of the sultans and of the ruling elite, Islam was the dominant religion, but the Greek and Armenian Orthodox Churches retained an important place within the political structure of the Empire, and ministered to large Christian populations which, in many areas, outnumbered Muslims.\" There were also Jews (especially after expelled from Spain 1492), Maronites and Druzes.§REF§(Imber 2002, 1-2) Imber, Colin. 2002. The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1650. The Structure of Power. PalgraveMacmillan. Basingstoke.§REF§" }, { "id": 142, "polity": { "id": 166, "name": "tr_phrygian_k", "long_name": "Phrygian Kingdom", "start_year": -900, "end_year": -695 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": "1.<br>2.3.<br>We do not know a lot about the cult and we know nothing about its organisation§REF§Berndt-Ersöz, S., 1998, “Phrygian Rock-Cut Cult Façades: A Study of the Function of the So-Called Shaft Monuments”, Anatolian Studies, Vol. 48, pg:92-94§REF§." }, { "id": 143, "polity": { "id": 32, "name": "us_cahokia_1", "long_name": "Cahokia - Lohman-Stirling", "start_year": 1050, "end_year": 1199 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 3, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>\"At Cahokia there may have been no difference between the religious and political hierarchy. They were interlocked, impossible to disentangle.\"§REF§(Peregrine/Kelly 2014, 23)§REF§<br>1. Chief / Priest<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>\"Cahokia may have been led by a priesthood or a group of ruler-priests, but a shift to “king” does not appear to have happened at Cahokia.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>\"The central administrative complex represents the core of the Cahokian polity. The location of ridgetop mounds within this area may equate with kin groupings or other administrative units. East St. Louis, being newer, may have been a higher status community of isolated elites.\"§REF§(Peregrine/Emerson 2014, 14)§REF§<br>At Mound 72 \"Analysis of the skeletal remains shows that certain burial groups were of higher status than others and that some may have come from places other than Cahokia.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2010, 82)§REF§ <i>New analysis of the skeletons in the burial suggest they were of a man and a woman. \"'Now we realize we don’t have a system in which males are these dominant figures and females are playing bit parts,' Emerson said. He explained that this interpretation of the beaded burial is more in line with what is known about the fertility and agricultural symbolism found in the rest of the ancient city.\"</i>§REF§<a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.archaeology.org/news/4708-160805-cahokia-beaded-burial\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.archaeology.org/news/4708-160805-cahokia-beaded-burial</a>§REF§<i></i><br>\"Ridge top mounds may also reflect ritual performances or “tableaus” associated with these mound and plaza complexes. In this control of ritual activity there may have also have been specialists in maintaining and performing specific rituals at various community levels.\"§REF§(Kelly 2014, 22)§REF§<br>2. Sub-chief / Sub-priest?<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>\"The answers provided by the working group seem to point to Cahokia being an urban settlement that was the center of a regional government, but the picture is not entirely clear.\" §REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>\"Regional political integration appears to have been an essentially ritual one; that is, the site hierarchy that is present appears to be more of a hierarchy of ritual spaces than of political jurisdictions.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>\"Cahokia was also the center of a regional government of some kind, at least for a short period of time.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>\"mound complexes may have been organized around sodalities rather than around kin groups. Perhaps these sodalities were secret societies\"§REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>\"Mound and plaza groups may represent corporate (perhaps kin-based) political and<br>ritual complexes, each of which would have been maintained by their own administrativespecialists or generalized leader.\"§REF§(Kelly 2014, 22)§REF§<br>\"priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>3. Elder / Religious functionary<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>kin group leaders §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>\"lower-level religious functionaries\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 144, "polity": { "id": 33, "name": "us_cahokia_2", "long_name": "Cahokia - Moorehead", "start_year": 1200, "end_year": 1275 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 3, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>\"At Cahokia there may have been no difference between the religious and political hierarchy. They were interlocked, impossible to disentangle.\"§REF§(Peregrine/Kelly 2014, 23)§REF§<br>1. Chief / Priest<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>\"Cahokia may have been led by a priesthood or a group of ruler-priests, but a shift to “king” does not appear to have happened at Cahokia.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>\"The central administrative complex represents the core of the Cahokian polity. The location of ridgetop mounds within this area may equate with kin groupings or other administrative units. East St. Louis, being newer, may have been a higher status community of isolated elites.\"§REF§(Peregrine/Emerson 2014, 14)§REF§<br>At Mound 72 \"Analysis of the skeletal remains shows that certain burial groups were of higher status than others and that some may have come prom places other than Cahokia.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2010, 82)§REF§<br>\"Ridge top mounds may also reflect ritual performances or “tableaus” associated with these mound and plaza complexes. In this control of ritual activity there may have also have been specialists in maintaining and performing specific rituals at various community levels.\"§REF§(Kelly 2014, 22)§REF§<br>2. Sub-chief / Sub-priest?<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>\"The answers provided by the working group seem to point to Cahokia being an urban settlement that was the center of a regional government, but the picture is not entirely clear.\" §REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>\"Regional political integration appears to have been an essentially ritual one; that is, the site hierarchy that is present appears to be more of a hierarchy of ritual spaces than of political jurisdictions.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>\"Cahokia was also the center of a regional government of some kind, at least for a short period of time.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>\"mound complexes may have been organized around sodalities rather than around kin groups. Perhaps these sodalities were secret societies\"§REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>\"Mound and plaza groups may represent corporate (perhaps kin-based) political and<br>ritual complexes, each of which would have been maintained by their own administrativespecialists or generalized leader.\"§REF§(Kelly 2014, 22)§REF§<br>\"priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>3. Elder / Religious functionary<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>kin group leaders §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>\"lower-level religious functionaries\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 145, "polity": { "id": 30, "name": "us_early_illinois_confederation", "long_name": "Early Illinois Confederation", "start_year": 1640, "end_year": 1717 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. §REF§C. Callender, Illinois, in B. Trigger, Handbook of North American Indians, vol. 15: Northeast (1978), pp. 673-680§REF§<br>1. Shamans" }, { "id": 146, "polity": { "id": 101, "name": "us_haudenosaunee_1", "long_name": "Haudenosaunee Confederacy - Early", "start_year": 1566, "end_year": 1713 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 1, "religious_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(1) Local ceremonial specialists (Keepers of the Faith) and shamans (False Face Societies)<br>Religious specialists were generally village-based: 'Full time religious specialists were absent, however, there were part-time male and female specialists known as Keepers of the Faith whose primary responsibilities were to arrange and conduct the main religious ceremonies. Keepers of the Faith were appointed by matrisib elders and were accorded considerable prestige.' §REF§Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois§REF§ 'Part time religious specialists known as Keepers of the Faith served in part to censure anti-social behavior. Unconfessed witches detected through council proceedings were punished with death, while those who confessed might be allowed to reform.' §REF§Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois§REF§ 'Illness and disease were attributed to supernatural causes. Curing ceremonies consisted of group shamanistic practices directed towards propitiating the responsible supernatural agents. One of the curing groups was the False Face Society. False Face Societies were found in each village and, except for a female Keeper of the False Faces who protected the ritual paraphernalia, consisted only of male members who had dreamed of participation in False Face ceremonies.' §REF§Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois§REF§ Christian attempts at proselytization were initially largely unsuccessful: 'The Iroquoian confederacy was organized sometime between 1400 and A.D. 1600 for the purpose of maintaining peaceful relations between the 5 constituent tribes. Subsequent to European contact relations within the confederacy were sometimes strained as each of the 5 tribes sought to expand and maintain its own interests in the developing fur trade. For the most part, however, the fur trade served to strengthen the confederacy because tribal interests often complemented one another and all gained from acting in concert. The League was skillful at playing French and English interests off against one another to its advantage and thereby was able to play a major role in the economic and political events of northeastern North America during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The Iroquois aggressively maintained and expanded their role in the fur trade and as a result periodically found themselves at war with their neighbors, such as the Huron, Petun, and the Neutral to the West and the Susquehannock to the south. Much of the fighting was done by the Seneca, the most powerful of the Iroquoian tribes. From 1667 to the 1680s the Iroquois maintained friendly relations with the French and during this time Jesuit missions were established among each of the 5 tribes. However, Iroquois aggression and expansion eventually brought them into conflict with the French and, at the same time, into closer alliance with the English. In 1687, 1693 and 1696 French military expeditions raided and burned Iroquois villages and fields. During Queen Anne's War (1702-1713) the Iroquois allied with the English and at the War's end were acknowledged to be British subjects, though they continued to aggressively maintain and extend their middleman role between English traders at Fort Orange (Albany) and native groups farther west.' §REF§Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois§REF§" }, { "id": 147, "polity": { "id": 102, "name": "us_haudenosaunee_2", "long_name": "Haudenosaunee Confederacy - Late", "start_year": 1714, "end_year": 1848 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(2) Prophets leading New Religious Movements; (1) Local ceremonial specialists (Keepers of the Faith) and shamans (False Face Societies)<br>Religious specialists were generally village-based: 'Full time religious specialists were absent, however, there were part-time male and female specialists known as Keepers of the Faith whose primary responsibilities were to arrange and conduct the main religious ceremonies. Keepers of the Faith were appointed by matrisib elders and were accorded considerable prestige.' §REF§Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois§REF§ 'Part time religious specialists known as Keepers of the Faith served in part to censure anti-social behavior. Unconfessed witches detected through council proceedings were punished with death, while those who confessed might be allowed to reform.' §REF§Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois§REF§ 'Illness and disease were attributed to supernatural causes. Curing ceremonies consisted of group shamanistic practices directed towards propitiating the responsible supernatural agents. One of the curing groups was the False Face Society. False Face Societies were found in each village and, except for a female Keeper of the False Faces who protected the ritual paraphernalia, consisted only of male members who had dreamed of participation in False Face ceremonies.' §REF§Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois§REF§ From 1800 onwards, new religious movements with a nativist orientation emerged under the trans-local leadership of prophets: 'Around 1800 a Seneca sachem named Handsome Lake received a series of visions which he believed showed the way for the Iroquois to regain their lost cultural integrity and promised supernatural aid to all those who followed him. The Handsome Lake religion emphasized many traditional elements of Iroquoian culture, but also incorporated Quaker beliefs and aspects of White culture.' §REF§Reid, Gerald: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Iroquois§REF§ 'About the time Christian missions were being established among the Senecas, there was developing among them what later came to be called the “new religion of Handsome Lake.” In June 1799 the Seneca chief known by the chiefly name of Handsome Lake, who had been born at Canawaugas on the Genesee River 64 years before but was then living at the settlement of his half brother, Cornplanter on the Allegheny River, had the first of a series of visions. In this and subsequent visions, the messengers from the Creator (there were four such messengers) appeared to Handsome Lake. They told him what the Creator wished the Iroquois to do, and these messages Handsome Lake duly communicated to his people.' §REF§Abler, Thomas S., and Elisabeth Tooker 1978. “Seneca”, 510§REF§ 'Handsome Lake preached on Cornplanter's Grant until a quarrel with his half-brother led him and his followers to move to Coldspring on the Allegany Reservation in 1803. A worsening political position at Coldspring induced Handsome Lake to move to Tonawanda where he continued to preach. He died in 1815 on a visit to Onondaga.' §REF§Abler, Thomas S., and Elisabeth Tooker 1978. “Seneca”, 510§REF§ 'The Code of Handsome Lake, called káiwi[unknown] yo[unknown] h ‘thegood message’, touched on many aspects of life and included the admonitions that the Iroquois should not drink, that witchcraft should stop, that abortion and adultery should cease, that children and old people should be treated kindly and taken care of, and that the Four Sacred Rituals (the Four Sacred Ceremonies)--Feather Dance, Thanksgiving Dance, Personal Chant,and Bowl Game--should continue to be given (see also“Origins of the Longhouse Religion,” this vol.).' §REF§Abler, Thomas S., and Elisabeth Tooker 1978. “Seneca”, 511§REF§ 'After his death, the various teachings of Handsome Lake were codified and the preaching of them became an annual event. The Tonawanda Seneca were designated as the “firekeepers” of the new religion, and each year the Tonawanda Longhouse still sends out invitations to the other Longhouses requesting them to come to Tonawanda to hear the Code of Handsome Lake preached there.It is subsequently preached in a biennial circuit that includes the Coldspring Longhouse on the Allegany Reservation one year and the Newtown Longhouse onthe Cattaraugus Reservation the other (see “IroquoisSince 1820,” this vol.).' §REF§Abler, Thomas S., and Elisabeth Tooker 1978. “Seneca”, 511§REF§ Christian attempts at proselytization were initially largely unsuccessful: 'In the early decades of the nineteenth century, variousministers visited the Onondaga and other efforts weremade to convert them, with only limited success. In 1816Eleazar Williams, an adopted Mohawk catechist and layreader (see “Oneida,” this vol.), visited the Onondagas. Inthat and the following year, a few Onondagas were [Page 497] baptized by Episcopalian clergymen, and subsequentlysome attended the church at Onondaga Hill (Clark 1849,1:238-240). About the same time, a local Presbyterian minister also proselytized among the Onondagas, and in1821 there were said to be 34 who professed Christianityin the Presbyterian form of worship. In 1820 a schooltaught by a Stockbridge woman opened, but the teacherdied a few years later (J. Morse 1822:323-324, 394; Clark1849, 1:240-241). About 1828 a Quaker opened anindustrial school and stayed for six or seven years(Fletcher 1888:551). Nevertheless, there remained considerableopposition to Christian missionaries, and aftera Methodist church was established at Oneida in 1829, Indian exhorters rather than ministers were appointed tovisit Onondaga as the Onondagas remained hostile toChristianity (Clark 1849, 1:241).' §REF§Blau, Harold, Jack Campisi, and Elisabeth Tooker 1978. “Onondaga”, 496§REF§ The most dramatic phase of Christianization was the mid-century period: 'Most Iroqueis were non-Christian in 1820; however, by 1860 most had become Christian. The spread of Christianity was accsnpanied by a number of intorrolated eausal facters.' §REF§Foley, Denis 1994. “Ethnohistoric And Ethnographic Analysis Of The Iroquois From The Aboriginal Era To The Present Suburban Era”, 182§REF§ 'During the transformation peried from 1785-1850, when the Six Nations became an agrarian society, two criteria of economical prestige developed. First, missionaries extolled the rural homestead farmer as the ideal. However, the Protestant Ethic required a material accumulation not a redistribution of goods. Consequently, an agrarian lifestyle characterized by use of fashionable European attire and goods, settlement in grand houses, use of linens instead of mats, grain consumption and acceptance into white society, became the acquisitive ideal for the economic elite. However, many Iroquois considered white society to be superficial.' §REF§Foley, Denis 1994. “Ethnohistoric And Ethnographic Analysis Of The Iroquois From The Aboriginal Era To The Present Suburban Era”, 153§REF§ Both Christianity and the Handsome Lake religion relied on supra-local forms of organization, but until the early 19th century, village-based practices were probably predominant. Given the cultural significance of New Religious Movements in colonial settings, we have chosen to include them in the code." }, { "id": 148, "polity": { "id": 20, "name": "us_kamehameha_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Hawaii - Kamehameha Period", "start_year": 1778, "end_year": 1819 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " Though there were many different types of ritual specialists in pre-contact Hawaii §REF§(Kirch 2010, 57)§REF§, only one kind, the kahuna pule, was involved with state affairs. Other types include healing experts, sorcerers, and prophets §REF§(Kirch 2010, 57)§REF§.<br>1. Kahuna nuiThe kahuna nui was the most important of the kahuna pule (see below), as he \"carried the responsibilities for the king's religious duties and looked after his temples and main gods.\" §REF§(Kirch 2010, 57)§REF§<br>2. Kahuna pule\"The priests who officiated at temples controlled by the king and major chiefs were the kahuna pule. These were subdivided into a number of specific orders or cults, especially those pertaining to Kū and Lono (mo'o Kū and mo'o Lono). These priests were drawn from high-ranking elite families, typically of papa rank (in which the person's mother comes from one of the three highest ranks).\" §REF§(Kirch 2010, 57)§REF§" }, { "id": 149, "polity": { "id": 34, "name": "us_emergent_mississippian_2", "long_name": "Cahokia - Emergent Mississippian II", "start_year": 900, "end_year": 1049 }, "year_from": 900, "year_to": 1000, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 2, "religious_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>\"At Cahokia there may have been no difference between the religious and political hierarchy. They were interlocked, impossible to disentangle.\"§REF§(Peregrine/Kelly 2014, 23)§REF§<br>1. Chief / Priest<br>In the Emergent Mississippian period: \"perhaps the appearance of chiefs\" §REF§(Iseminger 2010, 26)§REF§<br>\"Cahokia may have been led by a priesthood or a group of ruler-priests, but a shift to “king” does not appear to have happened at Cahokia.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>2. Sub-chief / Sub-priest?<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>3. Elder / Religious functionary<br>kin group leaders §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 150, "polity": { "id": 34, "name": "us_emergent_mississippian_2", "long_name": "Cahokia - Emergent Mississippian II", "start_year": 900, "end_year": 1049 }, "year_from": 1000, "year_to": 1049, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Religious_level", "religious_level_from": 3, "religious_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>\"At Cahokia there may have been no difference between the religious and political hierarchy. They were interlocked, impossible to disentangle.\"§REF§(Peregrine/Kelly 2014, 23)§REF§<br>1. Chief / Priest<br>In the Emergent Mississippian period: \"perhaps the appearance of chiefs\" §REF§(Iseminger 2010, 26)§REF§<br>\"Cahokia may have been led by a priesthood or a group of ruler-priests, but a shift to “king” does not appear to have happened at Cahokia.\"§REF§(Peregrine 2014, 31)§REF§<br>2. Sub-chief / Sub-priest?<br>\"Members of the highest social strata probably included chiefs, sub-chiefs, elders, priests, and other religious functionaries.\" §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>3. Elder / Religious functionary<br>kin group leaders §REF§(Iseminger 2014, 26)§REF§<br>" } ] }