Military Level List
A viewset for viewing and editing Military Levels.
GET /api/sc/military-levels/?format=api&page=4
{ "count": 448, "next": "https://seshat-db.com/api/sc/military-levels/?format=api&page=5", "previous": "https://seshat-db.com/api/sc/military-levels/?format=api&page=3", "results": [ { "id": 151, "polity": { "id": 133, "name": "pk_sind_abbasid_fatimid", "long_name": "Sind - Abbasid-Fatimid Period", "start_year": 854, "end_year": 1193 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " Inferred.<br>1. Emir<br>2. Landed elite<br>3. Common soldiers<br>The ruling Arab elite had access to both a transplanted Arab military hierarchy and local structures for military ranking. However, in terms of actual structures the evidence is very slim. It can be tentatively posited that the ruling power in Masura had a degree of permanent command as the state was involved in endemic military conflicts with bordering non-Muslim peoples as well as the Muslim Jat and non Muslim Med tribes in the Indus delta. There is also evidence of the presence the state possessing 80 elephants and around 40,000 soldiers during the Habari period. The Soomras did not seem to have had access to elephants, but did have access to large numbers of cavalry. §REF§Panhwar, M. H. \"Chronological Dictionary of Sind, (Karachi, 1983) pp. 192-3, 196-197§REF§" }, { "id": 152, "polity": { "id": 136, "name": "pk_samma_dyn", "long_name": "Sind - Samma Dynasty", "start_year": 1335, "end_year": 1521 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " inferred, there is very little evidence to demonstrate command structures.<br>1. Emir<br>2. Landed Elite<br>3. Common Soldiers<br>The Samma, like the Soomras did not seem to have had access to Elephants, but did have access to Calvary. §REF§Panhwar, M. H. \"Chronological Dictionary of Sind, (Karachi, 1983) pp. 192-3, 196-197§REF§" }, { "id": 153, "polity": { "id": 121, "name": "pk_kachi_urban_1", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Urban Period I", "start_year": -2500, "end_year": -2100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 0, "military_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Kenoyer writes that there is no evidence of the existence of an army during the period 2600 BCE 1900 BCE§REF§Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. 'Uncovering the keys to the Lost Indus Cities', <i>Scientific American</i>, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29.§REF§, although it has been argued that the absence of evidence does not mean that the Harappan people lived peacefully throughout the period: \"More significantly, our knowledge of warfare in Egypt and Mesopotamia is heavily dependent on textual evidence and art; but this simply does not exist to portray any aspect of life in the Indus Civilisation. The absence of artistic or textual reference to war in the Indus is therefore no more representative of a lack of war than a lack of trade, agriculture or urbanisation - none of which are in any doubt.”§REF§Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420§REF§" }, { "id": 154, "polity": { "id": 122, "name": "pk_kachi_urban_2", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Urban Period II", "start_year": -2100, "end_year": -1800 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 0, "military_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Kenoyer writes that there is no evidence of the existence of an army during the period 2600 BCE 1900 BCE§REF§Jonathan Mark Kenoyer. 'Uncovering the keys to the Lost Indus Cities', <i>Scientific American</i>, vol. 15, no. 1, 2005, p. 29.§REF§, although it has been argued that the absence of evidence does not mean that the Harappan people lived peacefully throughout the period: \"More significantly, our knowledge of warfare in Egypt and Mesopotamia is heavily dependent on textual evidence and art; but this simply does not exist to portray any aspect of life in the Indus Civilisation. The absence of artistic or textual reference to war in the Indus is therefore no more representative of a lack of war than a lack of trade, agriculture or urbanisation - none of which are in any doubt.”§REF§Cork, E. (2005) Peaceful Harappans? Reviewing the evidence for the absence of warfare in the Indus Civilisation of north-west India and Pakistan (c. 2500-1900 BC). Antiquity (79): 411-423. p420§REF§" }, { "id": 155, "polity": { "id": 194, "name": "ru_sakha_early", "long_name": "Sakha - Early", "start_year": 1400, "end_year": 1632 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 2, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(1) War-Leaders (Toen, Toyon) of the Military Aristocracy; (2) Warriors (Säpi, Säpi Kisita) and Voluntary Spies<br>Sakha warriors and spies fought for their clans and tribes: 'Yakut warriors ( säpi, säpi kisita ) were usually mounted horsemen ( minjär ), but there were also foot soldiers ( sat[unknown]ykisita ). Their weapons ( säp ) consisted of a light bent bow ( s[unknown]a ), a quiver ( käsäx, s[unknown]adax ), and arrows ( aya ) .' §REF§Jochelson, Waldemar 1933. “Yakut\", 172§REF§ 'These warriors formed a chain of movable, vigilant pickets around the settlements. In case of war they formed the kernel of the fighting detachment -- sari Some of the bolder ones went to find their fortune, dzhol. They would go far into unknown territory, among foreigners, either by themselves or with companions. Such detachments would not take their cattle with them and often traveled on foot. They made their living exclusively by hunting, fishing, and looting. The Yakut kept these habits for a long time, until very recently. Khudiakov has a legend about Khaptagay-batyr and his son Khokhoe-batyr, and their three khosun: Sappy, Yngkabyl, and Batagyyan, who roamed about in the seventeen forties, during the time of Pavlutskii, in the north of the Yakutsk Oblast. In the Kolymsk Okrug (1882), I wrote down a legend about the two Yakut brothers who were the first to make their way into the kolymsk Krai. Their names have been forgotten. In the Namsk Ulus I was told a legend about the Vilyuysk Yakut Tangas-Boltongo who also wandered by himself somewhere in the little-known, remote regions of the Vilyuysk Okrug. He was called a bagatyr, just as the old epic heroes. Apparently he lived in the beginning of the present century; this is indicated by the name of a Yakut hunter of the Namsk Ulus, Betyunsk Nasleg, Chaky clan, whom he encountered: his name was Soldat. Soldiers appeared in the Yakutsk Oblast only in the last century, at the time of the Kamchatka campaigns of Pavlutskii. Then Middendorf mentions solitary Yakut hunters whom he encountered far from their native tribes in the mountains of the Amur Basin. Such bold fellows served their clans as a sort of voluntary spies, searching out new pastures suitable for settlement in case some sort of unpleasantness or inconvenience should arise in the homeland. They brought back word of new lands, of the peoples they had encountered, the details of the route, and the obstacles involved. Sometimes the clan would choose such people out of their own number and deliberately send them out on a searching party. The tales The Golden Eagle and the Teal, and The Flying Winged Creatures hint at this. These were chosen people and were also called bagatyr, baatyr, batyr, or batur; strictly speaking in the Yakut language this word means valorous, exceptionallymanly, bold, strong, and clever. But these people did not have any special rights in the clan besides the usual rights gained through personal superiority.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 717§REF§ Military operations were led by war-leaders, who formed a military aristocracy based on heredity and personal military success: 'Just as now, common matters were managed by the clan assembly. Matters of war and minor legal cases, which demanded quick settlement without any delays, were managed by a war leader -- toen -- acknowledged by the rest of the people. According to the Yakut this service was hereditary, on the strength of their belief that an eaglet is always an eagle; a young crow is always a crow. But this hereditary right was not strictly followed. Thus, the heir of the Borogon toen, Legey, was not his son, but a foreign adopted son who had been bought for money. Another saga relates, with full consciousness of the legality of such a matter, that the Tungus chose as their toen a Yakut, Khaptagay-batyr, because of his valor. The sago says: No Lamut (Tungus), no matter who, will kill you. Now you be our lord (toen). If a Lamut will not obey your word, let there be a sin upon him. The toen always had in addition the title of bagatyr (valorous) and in the popular conception his traits of character had to correspond with those demanded of a hero. But he would not wander by himself, nor look for adventures, but would always live where the clan was and only leave in time of war, at the head of the mounted and armed detachment.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 718§REF§ 'We can judge how large these unions sometimes were by the fact that in 1634 600 Yakut warriors under the leadership of prince Mymak took part in a battle on the right bank of the Lena, in which the army of ataman Galkin was crushed and all his horses were lost.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 760§REF§ 'At this period, however, the clan-tribal structure was already in a state of decomposition. The tribes and clans were headed by the military aristocracy-the toyons. These possessed large herds of cattle and employed the labor of slaves and dependent fellow clansmen on their farms; they were also the military leaders. Heading detachments of armed servants and junior fellow clansmen, the toyons raided each other’s territory, and frequently looted the farms of the free members of the community, seizing their cattle and destroying their economic independence. These toyon wars and raids were one of the factors which speeded up the decomposition of the clan commune. The ruined members of the commune were reduced to the status of “balyksyts” (poor people without cattle, or fishermen), or else became the indentured slaves of the toyons. Most of the slaves (kuluts or bokans) originated in this way.' §REF§Tokarev, S. A., and Gurvich I. S. 1964. “Yakuts”, 270§REF§" }, { "id": 156, "polity": { "id": 195, "name": "ru_sakha_late", "long_name": "Sakha - Late", "start_year": 1632, "end_year": 1900 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 2, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(1) War-Leaders (Toen, Toyon) of the Military Aristocracy; (2) Warriors (Säpi, Säpi Kisita) and Voluntary Spies<br>Sakha warriors and spies fought for their clans and tribes: 'Yakut warriors ( säpi, säpi kisita ) were usually mounted horsemen ( minjär ), but there were also foot soldiers ( sat[unknown]ykisita ). Their weapons ( säp ) consisted of a light bent bow ( s[unknown]a ), a quiver ( käsäx, s[unknown]adax ), and arrows ( aya ) .' §REF§Jochelson, Waldemar 1933. “Yakut\", 172§REF§ 'These warriors formed a chain of movable, vigilant pickets around the settlements. In case of war they formed the kernel of the fighting detachment -- sari Some of the bolder ones went to find their fortune, dzhol. They would go far into unknown territory, among foreigners, either by themselves or with companions. Such detachments would not take their cattle with them and often traveled on foot. They made their living exclusively by hunting, fishing, and looting. The Yakut kept these habits for a long time, until very recently. Khudiakov has a legend about Khaptagay-batyr and his son Khokhoe-batyr, and their three khosun: Sappy, Yngkabyl, and Batagyyan, who roamed about in the seventeen forties, during the time of Pavlutskii, in the north of the Yakutsk Oblast. In the Kolymsk Okrug (1882), I wrote down a legend about the two Yakut brothers who were the first to make their way into the kolymsk Krai. Their names have been forgotten. In the Namsk Ulus I was told a legend about the Vilyuysk Yakut Tangas-Boltongo who also wandered by himself somewhere in the little-known, remote regions of the Vilyuysk Okrug. He was called a bagatyr, just as the old epic heroes. Apparently he lived in the beginning of the present century; this is indicated by the name of a Yakut hunter of the Namsk Ulus, Betyunsk Nasleg, Chaky clan, whom he encountered: his name was Soldat. Soldiers appeared in the Yakutsk Oblast only in the last century, at the time of the Kamchatka campaigns of Pavlutskii. Then Middendorf mentions solitary Yakut hunters whom he encountered far from their native tribes in the mountains of the Amur Basin. Such bold fellows served their clans as a sort of voluntary spies, searching out new pastures suitable for settlement in case some sort of unpleasantness or inconvenience should arise in the homeland. They brought back word of new lands, of the peoples they had encountered, the details of the route, and the obstacles involved. Sometimes the clan would choose such people out of their own number and deliberately send them out on a searching party. The tales The Golden Eagle and the Teal, and The Flying Winged Creatures hint at this. These were chosen people and were also called bagatyr, baatyr, batyr, or batur; strictly speaking in the Yakut language this word means valorous, exceptionally manly, bold, strong, and clever. But these people did not have any special rights in the clan besides the usual rights gained through personal superiority.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 717§REF§ Military operations were lead by war-leaders, who formed a military aristocracy based on heredity and personal military success: 'Just as now, common matters were managed by the clan assembly. Matters of war and minor legal cases, which demanded quick settlement without any delays, were managed by a war leader -- toen -- acknowledged by the rest of the people. According to the Yakut this service was hereditary, on the strength of their belief that an eaglet is always an eagle; a young crow is always a crow. But this hereditary right was not strictly followed. Thus, the heir of the Borogon toen, Legey, was not his son, but a foreign adopted son who had been bought for money. Another saga relates, with full consciousness of the legality of such a matter, that the Tungus chose as their toen a Yakut, Khaptagay-batyr, because of his valor. The sago says: No Lamut (Tungus), no matter who, will kill you. Now you be our lord (toen). If a Lamut will not obey your word, let there be a sin upon him. The toen always had in addition the title of bagatyr (valorous) and in the popular conception his traits of character had to correspond with those demanded of a hero. But he would not wander by himself, nor look for adventures, but would always live where the clan was and only leave in time of war, at the head of the mounted and armed detachment.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 718§REF§ 'We can judge how large these unions sometimes were by the fact that in 1634 600 Yakut warriors under the leadership of prince Mymak took part in a battle on the right bank of the Lena, in which the army of ataman Galkin was crushed and all his horses were lost.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 760§REF§ 'At this period, however, the clan-tribal structure was already in a state of decomposition. The tribes and clans were headed by the military aristocracy-the toyons. These possessed large herds of cattle and employed the labor of slaves and dependent fellow clansmen on their farms; they were also the military leaders. Heading detachments of armed servants and junior fellow clansmen, the toyons raided each other’s territory, and frequently looted the farms of the free members of the community, seizing their cattle and destroying their economic independence. These toyon wars and raids were one of the factors which speeded up the decomposition of the clan commune. The ruined members of the commune were reduced to the status of “balyksyts” (poor people without cattle, or fishermen), or else became the indentured slaves of the toyons. Most of the slaves (kuluts or bokans) originated in this way.' §REF§Tokarev, S. A., and Gurvich I. S. 1964. “Yakuts”, 270§REF§ We need to confirm whether any Sakha warriors joined the Russian military at the time. Accordingly the code may be in need of re-evaluation." }, { "id": 157, "polity": { "id": 521, "name": "eg_kushite", "long_name": "Egypt - Kushite Period", "start_year": -747, "end_year": -656 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 4, "military_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Estimated. Competent and organized enough to take conquer.<br>At the least something like:<br>1. Ruler<br>2. Army commanders(3. Captains)4. Individual soldiers" }, { "id": 158, "polity": { "id": 131, "name": "sy_umayyad_cal", "long_name": "Umayyad Caliphate", "start_year": 661, "end_year": 750 }, "year_from": 661, "year_to": 705, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": "In the beginning of the Umayyad Caliphate the Army was effectively a tribal institution supported by local auxiliaries and foreign military units that had deserted from the Caliph's enemies. Demarcating a distinct command is effectively impossible as it was non existent. Tribal loyalty determined who men would follow over a title. Following a period of Civil war, the military was reformed under the reign of 'Abd al-Malik (685 CE-705 CE)to a more permanent system. This was not the case with the guards of the provincial cities and the Caliph, as indicated below.<br>Domestic Guardsmen<br>The Shurta (police) and the Haras (guards) were responsible for the securing the capital and maintaining the security of the Caliph and his family. §REF§(Kennedy 2004, 49)§REF§<br>1. Caliph<br>2. Sahid-al-Shurta (provincial commander)<br>3. Common guardsman (661 CE-705 CE)<br>Military<br>The layout below is an oversimplification. In the earlier period of the Umayyad Caliphate the Caliphs had relied on the service of Arab tribes originally from Arabia, and subsequently settled in garrison cities in newly conquered lands. As the empire expanded this system changed to an increasingly professional army paid for in cash rather than a tribal nation in arms. The was also geographic variation. In Syria, Permanent garrisons differed from the temporary Arabic cohorts used for Jihad campaigns. §REF§(Kennedy ????, 12-51)§REF§<br>661-705 CE<br>1. Caliph<br>2. Amir<br>3. Muqualtila (fighting men)§REF§(Kennedy ????, 5-6, 18-19)§REF§<br>705-750 CE<br>1. Amir al-mu' minin (official title of the Caliph)<br>2. Amir (commander or governor of a province or army)<br>3. Qa-id (military officer)<br>4. Arif (leader of a militay unit of ten to fifteen soldiers)<br>5. Muquatila (Muslim soldiers paid a salary)" }, { "id": 159, "polity": { "id": 131, "name": "sy_umayyad_cal", "long_name": "Umayyad Caliphate", "start_year": 661, "end_year": 750 }, "year_from": 705, "year_to": 750, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 5, "military_level_to": 5, "comment": null, "description": "In the beginning of the Umayyad Caliphate the Army was effectively a tribal institution supported by local auxiliaries and foreign military units that had deserted from the Caliph's enemies. Demarcating a distinct command is effectively impossible as it was non existent. Tribal loyalty determined who men would follow over a title. Following a period of Civil war, the military was reformed under the reign of 'Abd al-Malik (685 CE-705 CE)to a more permanent system. This was not the case with the guards of the provincial cities and the Caliph, as indicated below.<br>Domestic Guardsmen<br>The Shurta (police) and the Haras (guards) were responsible for the securing the capital and maintaining the security of the Caliph and his family. §REF§(Kennedy 2004, 49)§REF§<br>1. Caliph<br>2. Sahid-al-Shurta (provincial commander)<br>3. Common guardsman (661 CE-705 CE)<br>Military<br>The layout below is an oversimplification. In the earlier period of the Umayyad Caliphate the Caliphs had relied on the service of Arab tribes originally from Arabia, and subsequently settled in garrison cities in newly conquered lands. As the empire expanded this system changed to an increasingly professional army paid for in cash rather than a tribal nation in arms. The was also geographic variation. In Syria, Permanent garrisons differed from the temporary Arabic cohorts used for Jihad campaigns. §REF§(Kennedy ????, 12-51)§REF§<br>661-705 CE<br>1. Caliph<br>2. Amir<br>3. Muqualtila (fighting men)§REF§(Kennedy ????, 5-6, 18-19)§REF§<br>705-750 CE<br>1. Amir al-mu' minin (official title of the Caliph)<br>2. Amir (commander or governor of a province or army)<br>3. Qa-id (military officer)<br>4. Arif (leader of a militay unit of ten to fifteen soldiers)<br>5. Muquatila (Muslim soldiers paid a salary)" }, { "id": 160, "polity": { "id": 44, "name": "th_ayutthaya", "long_name": "Ayutthaya", "start_year": 1593, "end_year": 1767 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 6, "military_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels. \"Ranks and titles were conferred on the bureaucratic and military nobility until the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932, a rank and title usually being associated with an office. The <i>chaophraya</i> were highest on the list, the equivalents of cabinet ministers, generals, and the governors of the most important provincial cities. On a descending scale came <i>phraya</i>, <i>phra</i>, <i>luang</i>, and <i>khun</i>.\" §REF§(Wyatt 1984, p. xviii)§REF§<br>1. Chaophraya<br>2. Phraya<br>3. Phra<br>4. Luang<br>5. Khun" }, { "id": 161, "polity": { "id": 45, "name": "th_rattanakosin", "long_name": "Rattanakosin", "start_year": 1782, "end_year": 1873 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 5, "military_level_to": 5, "comment": null, "description": " levels. \"Ranks and titles were conferred on the bureaucratic and military nobility until the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932, a rank and title usually being associated with an office. The <i>chaophraya</i> were highest on the list, the equivalents of cabinet ministers, generals, and the governors of the most important provincial cities. On a descending scale came <i>phraya</i>, <i>phra</i>, <i>luang</i>, and <i>khun</i>.\" §REF§(Wyatt 1984, p. xviii)§REF§<br>1. Chaophraya<br>2. Phraya<br>3. Phra<br>4. Luang<br>5. Khun" }, { "id": 162, "polity": { "id": 160, "name": "tr_konya_eba", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Early Bronze Age", "start_year": -3000, "end_year": -2000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 2, "military_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": "1. Ruler<br>2.3. Individual soldier<br>Many sites of this period were well fortified. Proof of wooden palisades and stone walls was found in Karataş-Semayük, and just stone walls in for example Taurus and Demircihöyük. At Alişar Hüyük, complex fortifications were excavated - a well constructed stronghold wall, and 10 meters of fortification on the terrace. One of these walls was set behind the other, and onto it rectangular-shaped bastions were constructed. A lot of handheld weapons were also found in Central Anatolia Plateau, for example: swords, daggers, pikes, halberds, spears, battle axes and warclubs.<br>" }, { "id": 163, "polity": { "id": 161, "name": "tr_central_anatolia_mba", "long_name": "Middle Bronze Age in Central Anatolia", "start_year": -2000, "end_year": -1700 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": "1. Chief<br>2.3.4. Individual soldier<br>The same situation as in the case of priests - cuneiform tablets do not inform about military hierarchy in Anatolian kingdoms. The only thing we have is a position of 'chief of man' called <i>rabi şabim</i>, who is thought to have been responsible for workforce in harvesting and building, and it is assumed also in military force.§REF§Dercksen J. G. 2004. Some Elements of Old Anatolian Sofiety in Kaniš. [in:] J. G. Dercksen (ed.) <i>Assyria and beyond: studies presented to Mogens Trolle Larsen</i>. Leiden: NINO, pg. 151-153§REF§" }, { "id": 164, "polity": { "id": 158, "name": "tr_konya_eca", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Early Chalcolithic", "start_year": -6000, "end_year": -5500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 1, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " For the period of the Early Chalcolithic, we do not know of any specific conflicts between different social groups or cultures. We have no evidence of archaeological or historical warfare. However, the lack of such evidence does not mean we can exclude the potential of warfare taking place. The listed handheld weapons have been placed in the category of warfare because we have no archaeological evidence for the purposes for which they were used - whether they were used only for hunting or for hypothetical battles. PF: However, the presence of finds such as a large copper mace head from Can Hasan I, the removal and caching of plastered human skulls from Kösk Höyük suggest a socially competitive environment§REF§Arbuckle, B. S. \"Animals and inequality in Chalcolithic central Anatolia.\" Journal of Anthropological Archaeology 31.3 (2012): 303§REF§" }, { "id": 165, "polity": { "id": 156, "name": "tr_konya_mnl", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Ceramic Neolithic", "start_year": -7000, "end_year": -6600 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 1, "military_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " unknown" }, { "id": 166, "polity": { "id": 155, "name": "tr_konya_enl", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Early Neolithic", "start_year": -9600, "end_year": -7000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 1, "military_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 167, "polity": { "id": 157, "name": "tr_konya_lnl", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Late Neolithic", "start_year": -6600, "end_year": -6000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 1, "military_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " unknown" }, { "id": 168, "polity": { "id": 173, "name": "tr_ottoman_emirate", "long_name": "Ottoman Emirate", "start_year": 1299, "end_year": 1402 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 6, "military_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": "C. IMBER, The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1650: The Structure of Power. Basingstoke 2009, and Rh. Murphey, Ottoman Warfare 1500-1700. New Brunswick, New Jersey 1999 (esp. for the classical period).§REF§Personal communication. Johannes Preiser-Kapeller. 2016. Institute for Medieval Research. Division of Byzantine Research. Austrian Academy of Sciences.§REF§<br>Emir Orhan: \"A regularly paid force of Muslim and Christian cavalry and infantry was created by his vizier, Allah al Din. The horsemen were known as müsellems (tax-free men) and were organised under the overall command of sancak beys into hundreds, under subaşis, and thousands, under binbaşis. The foot-soldiers, or yaya, were comparably divided into tens, hundreds and thousands. These infantry archers occasionally fought for Byzantium, where they were known as mourtatoi. Müsellems and yayas were at first paid wages, but by the time of Murat I (1359) they were normally given lands or fiefs in return for military service, the yayas also having special responsibility for the protection of roads and bridges.\" §REF§(Nicolle 1983, 9)§REF§<br>1. Sultan<br>2. sancak beys3. Thousands4. Hundreds5. Tens6. Individual soldier (yaya or müsellems)" }, { "id": 169, "polity": { "id": 175, "name": "tr_ottoman_emp_2", "long_name": "Ottoman Empire II", "start_year": 1517, "end_year": 1683 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 9, "military_level_to": 9, "comment": null, "description": "\"On mobilization, one of every ten sipahis remained at home to maintain law and order. The rest formed into alay regiments under their çeribaşi, subaşi and alay bey officers. These led them to theş local sancak bey's two-horse-tail standard. The men of each sancak then assembled around a provincial governor or beylerbeyi before riding to the Sultan's camp.\"§REF§(Nicolle 1983, 12)§REF§<br>Janissaries were organized into ortas (regiments) of 100 - 3,000 men.§REF§(Nicolle 1983, 10)§REF§<br>1. Sultan<br>2. Commander in chief3. Beylerbeyi4. Sancak bey5. çeribaşi, subaşi and alay bey officers of the alay (regiment)6.7.8. Individual sipahissipahis (timar holders).<br>9. cebeluslarger timar holders of zeamets could equip mounted retainers (cebelus).§REF§(Nicolle 1983, 12)§REF§<br>Version based on Shaw (the following structure was the same for the administration and military)§REF§(Shaw 1976, 24)§REF§ implies that the çeribaşi and subaşi Nicolle mentions are below the alay beys.<br>1. Sultan<br>2. Commander in chief3. eyalets lead by beylerbeyis or \"beys of beys\", ruled provinces4. sancak or liva commanded by sancek bays (who ruled local administration. They appointed police chiefs. Religious judges - kadis - oversaw justice).5. alay regiment, commanded by alay beys6. sipahitimar or fief holder (mounted soldier). Siphai had no rights of ownership, he was the Sultan's representative, whose job was to maintain order, over-see agriculture and collect taxes from the peasants. Distribution most concentrated in Balkans and Anatolia.<br>7. Man-at-armsAccording to an Albanian register of 1431-1432 CE one timar holder had to be present on campaign together with one man-at-arms.§REF§(Imber 2002, 198) Imber, Colin. 2002. The Ottoman Empire, 1300-1650. The Structure of Power. PalgraveMacmillan. Basingstoke.§REF§<br>" }, { "id": 170, "polity": { "id": 176, "name": "tr_ottoman_emp_3", "long_name": "Ottoman Empire III", "start_year": 1683, "end_year": 1839 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 9, "military_level_to": 9, "comment": null, "description": "\"On mobilization, one of every ten sipahis remained at home to maintain law and order. The rest formed into alay regiments under their çeribaşi, subaşi and alay bey officers. These led them to theş local sancak bey's two-horse-tail standard. The men of each sancak then assembled around a provincial governor or beylerbeyi before riding to the Sultan's camp.\"§REF§(Nicolle 1983, 12)§REF§<br>Janissaries were organized into ortas (regiments) of 100 - 3,000 men.§REF§(Nicolle 1983, 10)§REF§<br>1. Sultan<br>2. Commander in chief3. Beylerbeyi4. Sancak bey5. çeribaşi, subaşi and alay bey officers of the alay (regiment)6.7.8. Individual sipahissipahis (timar holders).<br>9. cebeluslarger timar holders of zeamets could equip mounted retainers (cebelus).§REF§(Nicolle 1983, 12)§REF§<br>Version based on Shaw (the following structure was the same for the administration and military)§REF§(Shaw 1976, 24)§REF§ implies that the çeribaşi and subaşi Nicolle mentions are below the alay beys.<br>1. Sultan<br>2. Commander in chief3. eyalets lead by beylerbeyis or \"beys of beys\", ruled provinces4. sancak or liva commanded by sancek bays (who ruled local administration. They appointed police chiefs. Religious judges - kadis - oversaw justice).5. alay regiment, commanded by alay beys6. sipahitimar or fief holder (mounted soldier). Siphai had no rights of ownership, he was the Sultan's representative, whose job was to maintain order, over-see agriculture and collect taxes from the peasants. Distribution most concentrated in Balkans and Anatolia." }, { "id": 171, "polity": { "id": 166, "name": "tr_phrygian_k", "long_name": "Phrygian Kingdom", "start_year": -900, "end_year": -695 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 4, "military_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": "Likely had at the least king - commander - officer - individual soldier." }, { "id": 172, "polity": { "id": 71, "name": "tr_roman_dominate", "long_name": "Roman Empire - Dominate", "start_year": 285, "end_year": 394 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 6, "military_level_to": 8, "comment": null, "description": "Crisis of the third century broke army structure. What was reconstituted after 293 CE was very different, although heavy legion infantry remained its core.<br>\"Military command structure of the late Roman Empire\"§REF§(Abels <a class=\"external autonumber\" href=\"http://usna.edu/Users/history/abels/hh381/late_roman_barbarian_militaries.htm\" rel=\"nofollow\">[7]</a>)§REF§<br>1. Senate<br>\"wholly nominal role\"<br>1. Emperor in the West<br><br>2. Master of the Troops (Magister militum) <i>how distinct are these levels 2-4? are these ranks really at different levels of command or at the same level? - need to check with expert</i>Eastern empire had two field armies commanded by general called magister militum. Below there were three regional field armies. Legion units had different status: 24 Palatine, 69 Comitatenses, 37 Pseudocomitatenses. Field armies also had auxiliary and cavalry vexillations of Palatine level. §REF§(Pollard and Berry 2012, 216)§REF§<br>Western empire field army commanded by magister peditum, who commanded legions and auxilia Palatina. Cavalry in western empire had separate commander, magister equitum. §REF§(Pollard and Berry 2012, 216)§REF§<br>3. Master of foot / Master of horse<br>4. General in charge of 2 or more legions (Dux)\"The limitanei were to watch the frontiers only. They protected the borders, never moving from their area unless specifically ordered to do so in support of some other limitanei body that was threatened by attack. While the limitanei did not move, the comitatenses, the main field army near the emperor or under the command of his prefects, was always on the march. Each comitatensis was composed of legiones palatinae (the PALATINI) and the vexillationes palatinae. The legions, as they had been known, were replaced by the 1,000-1,500-man legiones palatinae, grouped five at a time into a comitatenses. Joining them was the cavalry, now called the vexillationes, probably numbering the same.\"§REF§(Bunson 2009, 310)§REF§<br>Notitia Dignitatum compiled c420 CE. Data for east empire c395 CE, western empire c400-420 CE. Frontier garrisons (limitanei or ripenses, 50 legionary units) and regional/field armies (comitatus, 120 legionary units). Commanded by senior generals, soldiers called comitatenses. The distinction apparent by 325 CE from the Theodosian Code, but possibly back as far as Diocletian. New cavalry units called vexillations (same name as legionary detachment from earlier period), same privileges as legions. §REF§(Pollard and Berry 2012, 215-216)§REF§<br>5. Legionary commander (Legate)<br>6. Individual soldier<br>" }, { "id": 173, "polity": { "id": 167, "name": "tr_tabal_k", "long_name": "Tabal Kingdoms", "start_year": -900, "end_year": -730 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>The Assyrians in 836 BCE found the local settlements fortified \"so it is likely that fortifications were built in response to local conditions, rather than foreign invasion.\"§REF§(Melville 2010, 87-109) Melville, Sarah. \"Kings of Tabal: Politics§REF§ §REF§Competition, and Conflict in a Contested Periphery.\" in Richardson, Seth. ed. 2010. Rebellions and Peripheries in the Mesopotamian World. American Oriental Series 91. Eisenbrauns. Winona Lake.§REF§ The armed forces, likewise, might equally have been well-organized, albeit on a small scale.<br>1. King<br>2. Chief officer, general, or head retainer3. Another level of command?4. Individual soldier<br>" }, { "id": 174, "polity": { "id": 32, "name": "us_cahokia_1", "long_name": "Cahokia - Lohman-Stirling", "start_year": 1050, "end_year": 1199 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 2, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>" }, { "id": 175, "polity": { "id": 33, "name": "us_cahokia_2", "long_name": "Cahokia - Moorehead", "start_year": 1200, "end_year": 1275 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 2, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>Some kind of military society at this time.<br>" }, { "id": 176, "polity": { "id": 30, "name": "us_early_illinois_confederation", "long_name": "Early Illinois Confederation", "start_year": 1640, "end_year": 1717 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 2, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>1. War chief\"The Illinois also had war chiefs, men who planned and directed raids on other tribes. Any aspiring warrior could become a war chief, but only if he could convince his fellow warriors that his personal animal spirit (war manitou) would protect the war party and ensure victory. The authority of a war chief was strictly limited to the duration of his expedition, and he was allowed to lead new expeditions only if his previous raids were successful\" §REF§Illinois State Museum, The Illinois: Society: Leaders (2000), <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.museum.state.il.us/muslink/nat_amer/post/htmls/soc_leaders.html\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.museum.state.il.us/muslink/nat_amer/post/htmls/soc_leaders.html</a>§REF§.<br>2. Warriors" }, { "id": 177, "polity": { "id": 101, "name": "us_haudenosaunee_1", "long_name": "Haudenosaunee Confederacy - Early", "start_year": 1566, "end_year": 1713 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(3) the Warrior Council; (2) War-Leaders (non-hereditary); (1) Warrior Volunteers or Citizen-Soldiers;<br>The political organization distinguished between villages, tribes, and the common confederate level: 'THE POLITICAL ORGANIZATION of the Iroquois--the system by which decisions were made about problems affecting village, tribe, or confederacy --had three levels. The town or village itself decided local issues like the use of nearby hunting lands, the relocation of houses and cornfields, movement to another site, the acceptance or rejection of visitors, and the raising of war parties. There was a village chiefs' council, numbering up to twenty men, formally organized with a chairman and one or more representatives for each clan. These chiefs were influential men and women, who might be League sachems, warcaptains, warriors, or simply old men who were looked up to and consulted. The council generally met in the presence of the warriors and the women, and rarely diverged in its decisions from the popular consensus, or at least the majority view. This council met in the village's ceremonial longhouse, which usually was merely a large dwelling.' §REF§Wallace, Anthony F. C., and Sheila K. Steen 1969. “Death And Rebirth Of The Seneca”, 39§REF§ Distinguished war-leaders were eligible for non-hereditary chieftainships: 'The powers and duties of the sachems and chiefs were entirely of a civil character, and confined, by their organic laws, to the affairs of peace. No sachem could go out to war in his official capacity, as a civil ruler. If disposed to take the war-path, he laid aside his civil office, for the time being, and became a common warrior. It becomes an important inquiry, therefore, to ascertain in whom the military power, was vested. The Iroquois had no distinct class of war-chiefs, raised up and set apart to command in time of war; neither do the sachems or chiefs appear to have possessed the power of appointing such persons as they considered suitable to the post of command. All military operations were left entirely to private enterprise, and to the system of voluntary service, the sachems seeking rather to repress and restrain, than to encourage the martial ardor of the people. Their principal war-captains were to be found among he class called chiefs, many of whom were elected to this office in reward for their military achievements. The singular method of warfare among the Iroquois renders it extremely difficult to obtain a complete and satisfactory explanation of the manner in which their varlike operations were conducted. Their whole civil policy was averse to the concentration of power in the hands of any single individual, but inclined to the opposite principle of division among a number of equals; and this policy they carried into their military as well as through their civil organization. Small bands were, in the first instance, organized by individual leaders, each of which, if they were afterwards united upon the same enterprise, continued under its own captain, and the whole force, as well as the conduct of the expedition, was under their joint management. They appointed no one of their number to absolute command, but the general direction was left open to the strongest will, or the most persuasive voice.' §REF§Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 67§REF§ 'When the power of the Ho-de[unknown] -no-sau-nee began to develop, under the new system of oligarchies within an oligarchy, there sprang up around the sachems a class of warriors, distinguished for enterprise upon the war-path, and eloquence in council, who demanded some participation in the administration of public affairs. The serious objections to the enlargement of the number of rulers, involving, as it did, changes in the framework of the government, for a long period enabled the sachems to resist the encroachment. In the progress of events, this class became too powerful to be withstood, and the sachems were compelled to raise them up in the subordinate station of chiefs. The title was purely elective, and the reward of merit. Unlike the sachemships, the name was not hereditary in the tribe or family of the individual, but terminated with the chief himself; unless subsequently bestowed by the tribe upon some other person, to preserve it as one of their illustrious names. These chiefs were originally invested with very limited powers, their principal office being that of advisers and counsellors of the sachems. Having thus obtained a foothold in the government, this class, to the number of which there was no limit, gradually enlarged their influence, and from generation to generation drew nearer to an equality with the sachems themselves. By this innovation the government was liberalized, to the sensible diminution of the power of the sachems, which, at the institution of the League, was extremely arbitrary.' §REF§Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 94§REF§ Warriors were represented in their own councils: 'Closely allied with the Council of Elders was the women's council who brought the matters up before the council. Lafitau maintained: Separate from both the women's and elder's councils was the warriors' council which sought to influence authority decisions of the council of elders because they were the soldiers or ‘police’ of the village. Their internal affairs idsally were limited to military raids, games, and carrying out the military policy of the council of elders or League Council. In addition to the various councils, asseciations of men and women possibly existed for curing. Lafitau noted “I have been told that they have several sorts of private associations like fraternities” (Ibdd.:476). Fenton speculated that these associations were procursers of the “medicine societies” (Lafitau, 1724, 1:476). However, these associations seem to be the actual medicine societies and as such would have been village groups that criss-cross lineage, clan and moiety statuses.' §REF§Foley, Denis 1994. “Ethnohistoric And Ethnographic Analysis Of The Iroquois From The Aboriginal Era To The Present Suburban Era”, 24§REF§" }, { "id": 178, "polity": { "id": 102, "name": "us_haudenosaunee_2", "long_name": "Haudenosaunee Confederacy - Late", "start_year": 1714, "end_year": 1848 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 3, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(3) the Warrior Council; (2) War-Leaders (non-hereditary); (1) Warrior Volunteers or Citizen-Soldiers;<br>The political organization distinguished between villages, tribes, and the common confederate level: 'THE POLITICAL ORGANIZATION of the Iroquois--the system by which decisions were made about problems affecting village, tribe, or confederacy --had three levels. The town or village itself decided local issues like the use of nearby hunting lands, the relocation of houses and cornfields, movement to another site, the acceptance or rejection of visitors, and the raising of war parties. There was a village chiefs' council, numbering up to twenty men, formally organized with a chairman and one or more representatives for each clan. These chiefs were influential men and women, who might be League sachems, warcaptains, warriors, or simply old men who were looked up to and consulted. The council generally met in the presence of the warriors and the women, and rarely diverged in its decisions from the popular consensus, or at least the majority view. This council met in the village's ceremonial longhouse, which usually was merely a large dwelling.' §REF§Wallace, Anthony F. C., and Sheila K. Steen 1969. “Death And Rebirth Of The Seneca”, 39§REF§ Distinguished war-leaders were eligible for non-hereditary chieftainships: 'The powers and duties of the sachems and chiefs were entirely of a civil character, and confined, by their organic laws, to the affairs of peace. No sachem could go out to war in his official capacity, as a civil ruler. If disposed to take the war-path, he laid aside his civil office, for the time being, and became a common warrior. It becomes an important inquiry, therefore, to ascertain in whom the military power, was vested. The Iroquois had no distinct class of war-chiefs, raised up and set apart to command in time of war; neither do the sachems or chiefs appear to have possessed the power of appointing such persons as they considered suitable to the post of command. All military operations were left entirely to private enterprise, and to the system of voluntary service, the sachems seeking rather to repress and restrain, than to encourage the martial ardor of the people. Their principal war-captains were to be found among he class called chiefs, many of whom were elected to this office in reward for their military achievements. The singular method of warfare among the Iroquois renders it extremely difficult to obtain a complete and satisfactory explanation of the manner in which their varlike operations were conducted. Their whole civil policy was averse to the concentration of power in the hands of any single individual, but inclined to the opposite principle of division among a number of equals; and this policy they carried into their military as well as through their civil organization. Small bands were, in the first instance, organized by individual leaders, each of which, if they were afterwards united upon the same enterprise, continued under its own captain, and the whole force, as well as the conduct of the expedition, was under their joint management. They appointed no one of their number to absolute command, but the general direction was left open to the strongest will, or the most persuasive voice.' §REF§Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 67§REF§ 'When the power of the Ho-de[unknown] -no-sau-nee began to develop, under the new system of oligarchies within an oligarchy, there sprang up around the sachems a class of warriors, distinguished for enterprise upon the war-path, and eloquence in council, who demanded some participation in the administration of public affairs. The serious objections to the enlargement of the number of rulers, involving, as it did, changes in the framework of the government, for a long period enabled the sachems to resist the encroachment. In the progress of events, this class became too powerful to be withstood, and the sachems were compelled to raise them up in the subordinate station of chiefs. The title was purely elective, and the reward of merit. Unlike the sachemships, the name was not hereditary in the tribe or family of the individual, but terminated with the chief himself; unless subsequently bestowed by the tribe upon some other person, to preserve it as one of their illustrious names. These chiefs were originally invested with very limited powers, their principal office being that of advisers and counsellors of the sachems. Having thus obtained a foothold in the government, this class, to the number of which there was no limit, gradually enlarged their influence, and from generation to generation drew nearer to an equality with the sachems themselves. By this innovation the government was liberalized, to the sensible diminution of the power of the sachems, which, at the institution of the League, was extremely arbitrary.' §REF§Morgan, Lewis Henry, and Herbert M. Lloyd 1901. “League Of The Ho-De’-No-Sau-Nee Or Iroquois. Vol. I”, 94§REF§ Warriors were represented in their own councils: 'Closely allied with the Council of Elders was the women's council who brought the matters up before the council. Lafitau maintained: Separate from both the women's and elder's councils was the warriors' council which sought to influence authority decisions of the council of elders because they were the soldiers or ‘police’ of the village. Their internal affairs idsally were limited to military raids, games, and carrying out the military policy of the council of elders or League Council. In addition to the various councils, asseciations of men and women possibly existed for curing. Lafitau noted “I have been told that they have several sorts of private associations like fraternities” (Ibdd.:476). Fenton speculated that these associations were procursers of the “medicine societies” (Lafitau, 1724, 1:476). However, these associations seem to be the actual medicine societies and as such would have been village groups that criss-cross lineage, clan and moiety statuses.' §REF§Foley, Denis 1994. “Ethnohistoric And Ethnographic Analysis Of The Iroquois From The Aboriginal Era To The Present Suburban Era”, 24§REF§ The code may more accurately reflect the pre-reservation period." }, { "id": 179, "polity": { "id": 20, "name": "us_kamehameha_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Hawaii - Kamehameha Period", "start_year": 1778, "end_year": 1819 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": " There does not seem to have been a separate military hierarchy, so this estimate is based on a modified version of the administrative hierarchy, in which the kalaimoku is given greater weight because of his role as adviser in times of war.<br>1. Ali'i nui\"At the apex of the polity sat the king, the ali'i nui or 'great ali'i,' [...]. The al'i nui ruled over the entire mokupuni [island], assisted by various administrative aides.\" §REF§(Kirch 2010, 48)§REF§<br>2. Kalaimoku\"The kālaimoku was charged with advising the king on all secular affairs, including war. Among his chief duties was to oversee the royal storehouses 'in which to collect food, fish, tapa [barkcloth], malo [loincloths], pa-u [female skirts], and all sorts of goods' (Malo 1951:195). Only the kālaimoku had the regular privilege of holding secret meetings with the king, and he controlled the access of other al'i to royal audiences.\" §REF§(Kirch 2010, 50)§REF§<br>3. Governors <i>inferred</i> ???<br>3. Ali'i-'ai-moku\"The districts (moku) into which the kingdom was divided were each under the control of a major chief of high rank, called the ali'i-'ai-moku. The operative term 'ai in this compound term has the core meaning of both 'food' and 'eat' but with metaphoric extensions connoting to 'consume,' 'grasp,' or 'hold onto' (Pukui and Elbert 1986:9). Thus the figurative extension of 'ai includes 'to rule, reign, or enjoy the privileges and exercise the responsibilities of rule.' The term ali'i-'ai-moku might thus be simply translated 'ruler of the moku,' but as in many Hawaiian expressions there are layers of kaona, 'hidden meanings', folded in. He is as well the chief who 'eats' the district (recall the metaphor of the chief as land shark), and literally 'eats from' its productions.\" §REF§(Kirch 2010, 48)§REF§<br>4. Ali'i-'ai-ahupua'a\"[T]he more numerous ahupua'a territories were apportioned to chiefs who were called the ali'i-'ai-ahupua'a, the chiefs who “ate” the ahupua'a. Low-ranked chiefs might hold just a single, marginal land unit, but more powerful and higher-ranked ali'i frequently held more than one ahupua'a.\" §REF§(Kirch 2010, 48)§REF§" }, { "id": 180, "polity": { "id": 28, "name": "us_cahokia_3", "long_name": "Cahokia - Sand Prairie", "start_year": 1275, "end_year": 1400 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 2, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>" }, { "id": 181, "polity": { "id": 29, "name": "us_oneota", "long_name": "Oneota", "start_year": 1400, "end_year": 1650 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 1, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels. AD: coded as range to allow for the presence of war chiefs.<br>1. War chiefs?<br>2. Individual warriors." }, { "id": 182, "polity": { "id": 296, "name": "uz_chagatai_khanate", "long_name": "Chagatai Khanate", "start_year": 1227, "end_year": 1402 }, "year_from": 1300, "year_to": 1300, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 4, "military_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels. <i>typically decimal system used.</i><br>1. Khan<br>2. General of 10,000 soldiers3. (General of 1,000 soldiers?)4. 1005. 106. Individual soldier<br>\"In accordance with Mongol tradition, Kebek Khan divided Transoxania into military-administrative districts, or tümens (in Per- sian orthography, tu ̄ma ̄n), that is, ‘10,000’ (the original meaning being a group of 10,000 fighting men or a territory providing that number of warriors). The holdings of many local landowners became tümens, and the landowners themselves hereditary governors.\" §REF§(Ashrafyan 1998, 324)§REF§<br>\"Along with this land Chaghadai was given a portion of the army,including four regiments of a thousand, each led by an important tribal commander.2\"§REF§(Forbes Manz 1983, 81)§REF§<br>\"The early Chaghadayid khans and their followers lived out in the steppe, but in the early fourteenth century the Chaghadayid Khan Kebeg (1318-1326) took up his residence in Transoxiana and began to take a more direct interest in the settled population. Kebeg undertook a number of reforms and is credited with organizing Transoxiana into tümens, regions supporting ten-thousand soldiers, of which seven were in the Samarqand region and nine in Ferghana.3\" §REF§(Forbes Manz 1983, 81)§REF§" }, { "id": 183, "polity": { "id": 469, "name": "uz_janid_dyn", "long_name": "Khanate of Bukhara", "start_year": 1599, "end_year": 1747 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 5, "military_level_to": 7, "comment": null, "description": " levels. The quote below denotes a very hierarchical system without detailing the types of military ranks. Therefore, they have been coded as a range.<br>1. Khan<br>2. General<br>3. Captains<br>4.<br>5. Individual soldiers<br>\"Individuals belonging to the official hierarchy also participated actively in military campaigns. At government meetings and receptions, each official occupied a set place, according to his rank. Some sat and others stood; some were permitted to leave the palace on horseback, while others had to leave on foot. §REF§(Mukminova 2003, 53)§REF§" }, { "id": 184, "polity": { "id": 464, "name": "uz_koktepe_1", "long_name": "Koktepe I", "start_year": -1400, "end_year": -1000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 1, "military_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels." }, { "id": 185, "polity": { "id": 468, "name": "uz_sogdiana_city_states", "long_name": "Sogdiana - City-States Period", "start_year": 604, "end_year": 711 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 3, "military_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>1. Ruler<br>2. Head guard officer3. Member of the Guard4.<br>2. Dihqan\"class of dihqans, aristocratic landholders who lived in fortified castles.\" §REF§(Golden 1992, 189)§REF§<br>3. Head retainer of Dihqan4. Member of Dihqan's guard<br>“The rulers and great merchants also maintained personal retinues or guards called Cakirs (Chin. Che-chieh, Arab. sâ.kariyya). In these guards, who, perhaps, were drawn from the sons of the aristocracy, one may see a possible source for the later gulam/mamluk system of the lslamic world (see below).4 §REF§(Golden 1992, 190)§REF§" }, { "id": 186, "polity": { "id": 354, "name": "ye_himyar_2", "long_name": "Himyar II", "start_year": 378, "end_year": 525 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 6, "military_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>The force was divided into units for a campaign after it had assembled.§REF§(Syvanne 2015, 136) Ilkka Syvanne. 2015. Military History of Late Rome 284-361. Pen and Sword. Barnsley.§REF§<br>\"The ancient Yemeni military structure consisted of four different elements: 1) the national troops called the Khamis under the king, or one of his generals; 2) levied troops from the highland communities; 3) cavalry (light and heavy); and 4) Bedouin allies/mercenaries.\"§REF§(Syvanne 2015, 134) Ilkka Syvanne. 2015. Military History of Late Rome 284-361. Pen and Sword. Barnsley.§REF§<br>\"By Roman standards the sizes of the Sabaean and Himyarite armies were modest ... thousands of men at its disposal. Most of the evidence (mainly inscriptions with some scattered literary evidence) suggests that the typical size for the army in Yemen was less than one thousand men. The inscriptions mention raiding forces or armies of 40, 50, 203, 250, 270, 670 .... 1026, and 2500, but there is also evidence for the use of larger armies. ... From later evidence, including the military treatise, we know that the Muslim military organization (16, 32, 64, 128, 256, 512, 1024, 2048, 4096, 8192, 16284) was based on Hellenistic Greek practices and it is therefore quite possible that the 16,000 men in question consisted of the Himyar tribal levy/phalanx.\"§REF§(Syvanne 2015, 134) Ilkka Syvanne. 2015. Military History of Late Rome 284-361. Pen and Sword. Barnsley.§REF§ \"the combined army consisting of the three Khamis (Saba, Himyar, Hadramawt) would have had about 9,000-12,000 men in addition to which came the feudal forces, levies and Bedouins. The full potential of the Himyarite forces in Yemen alone cannot have been much lower than 30,000-40,000 men in addition to which came the forces of the various client kingdoms (60,000?).\"§REF§(Syvanne 2015, 135) Ilkka Syvanne. 2015. Military History of Late Rome 284-361. Pen and Sword. Barnsley.§REF§<br>A khamis was an organizational unit. Sabaean Khamis may have had about 3,000-4,000 men.§REF§(Syvanne 2015, 135) Ilkka Syvanne. 2015. Military History of Late Rome 284-361. Pen and Sword. Barnsley.§REF§<br>1. King<br>2. General3. Tribal or Khamis leader\"the combined army consisting of the three Khamis (Saba, Himyar, Hadramawt) would have had about 9,000-12,000 men in addition to which came the feudal forces, levies and Bedouins.\"§REF§(Syvanne 2015, 135) Ilkka Syvanne. 2015. Military History of Late Rome 284-361. Pen and Sword. Barnsley.§REF§<br>4. Leader of 1000?\"From later evidence, including the military treatise, we know that the Muslim military organization (16, 32, 64, 128, 256, 512, 1024, 2048, 4096, 8192, 16284) was based on Hellenistic Greek practices\"§REF§(Syvanne 2015, 134) Ilkka Syvanne. 2015. Military History of Late Rome 284-361. Pen and Sword. Barnsley.§REF§<br>5. Leader of ?6. Individual soldier" }, { "id": 187, "polity": { "id": 541, "name": "ye_qasimid_dyn", "long_name": "Yemen - Qasimid Dynasty", "start_year": 1637, "end_year": 1805 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 4, "military_level_to": 4, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>(4) Imams and their advisers; (3) retainers; (2) Shaykhs and other tribal leaders; (1) Armed tribesmen<br>Political and military authority was loose and fluid. Accordingly, it is difficult to establish precise hierarchies and the code provided is only a rought approximation. Dresch describes the emergence of the Qasimid court, including the establishment of a retainer army: 'Besides the wealth to be extracted from the southern peasantry, the Imams of the period also had available, if they could retain control, taxes from a burgeoning coffee trade. The rise and fall of the Yemeni coffee trade with Europe matches almost exactly the trajectory of the Imamate's wealth (see Boxhall 1974; Niebuhr 1792). The English and Dutch established factories at Mocha in 1618; the trade was probably at its height around 1730; and the world price of coffee finally crashed at the start of the nineteenth century, at which point one gets mention of Imams debasing the currency (al-'Amri 1985: 59). This wealth, however, had always to be fought for; the rulers became wealthier and more powerful than hitherto, but still were liable to dispute among themselves.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 200§REF§ 'The state the Qasimis formed in the midst of this was none the less impressive (for the rulers' genealogy see Fig. 6.1). Al-Qasim himself, who early in his fight against the Turks had wept over his children starving at Barat, was wealthy when the truce was signed. He built the mosque at Shaharah, then built houses for himself and his followers, planted coffee in al-Ahnum, and amassed more land than the public treasury (Nubdhah: 258, 334-6). The court expanded with the southern conquests. Al-Mutawakkil received an embassy from Ethiopia and exchanged gifts of fine horses with Aurangzib of India (Serjeant 1983: 80-1), while his relatives expressed concern about his monthly demands for funds from Lower Yemen. Further criticism of his taxation policy came from Muhammad al-Ghurbani at Barat, but in 1675 the levies on Lower Yemen were redoubled (ibid. 82). Under Muhammad Ahmad, 'He of al-Mawahib'\" (1687-1718), the exactions became more severe still, in support of a grandiose court and a large standing army complete with slave soldiers (ibid., Zabarah 1958: 451, 457; alShawkani 1929: ii. 98).' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 200§REF§ Leading shaykhly families rose to prominence in this period, partly due to the military support they had provided to the Qasimids in their anti-Ottoman campaigns: 'At precisely this period, and in the space of a decade, the names of several great shaykhly families important nowadays all appear for the first time: al-Ahmar of Hashid, for instance, juzaylan of Dhu Muhammad, ani Hubaysh of Sufyan, Some of the lesser shaykhly houses, such as al-Ziyadi, al-Rarnmah, 'Irnran, ~lGhashrni, and al-Barawi, are attested as much as a century earlier (see e.g, Nubdhah: III, 121, 123, 175, 453). Many of the tribal divisions familiar nowadays had been present far longer, as readers will have gathered from Chapter 5, but the leading families now identified with them appear only at this later date. They were associated with the state and with events elsewhere than in tribal territory.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 202§REF§ The relationship between imams and tribal leaders could be supportive as well as hostile, in both political and military terms: 'Sali1}. Hubaysh of Sufyan is first mentioned in 1698 as putting down a revolt of Raymah and Wa~ab (south-west of San'a') against al-Mawahib's governor: women's earrings taken by his men were sold in San'a' with fragments of ear still attached, provoking certain 'ulama's» preach against Hubaysh's cruelty (Zabarah 195 8: 670). Then, after a disastrous attempt on Yafi' (in what is nowadays South Yemen), which resulted in Ibb being lost to the tribes of the eastern desert, al-Mawahib called to account the northern tribes who had failed him. In 1702 he sent his nephew to deal with 'Hamdan and their chief Ibn Hubaysh', but a truce was made instead (ibid. 428; Zabarah 1941: 297). Five years later, after another failure in Yafi', al-Mawahib sent al-Qasim b. al-Husayn and Sali1}. Hubaysh to Khamir to deal with Hashid, where the two fell out. In 1709 Hubaysh was again sent to Khamir by alMawahib, this time to deal with al-Qasim, but Hubaysh was finally tricked and killed there (ibid. 778-80; Zabarah 1958: 357)·' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 202§REF§ 'In the intervening period he had been placed in charge of an army to fight the tribes of the east and Yafi'. Al-Mawahib had ordered his minister to strike a balance between Hubaysh and Bin juzaylan of Dhii Muhammad (again, this is the earliest clear reference to this famous family), but the governor's own aim was to balance the pair of them with the eastern tribes whom the Imam wanted conquered. The result of his intrigue was that the two Bakil chiefs opposed each other and the easterners won (ibid. 875; Zabarah 1941: 773). Soon after this Hubaysh was sent with al-Qasim b. al-Husayn to Hiith, and the Imam's men razed a house nearby which belonged to Muhammad 'Ali al-Gharibi of Hashid (ibid. 778-80; id. 1958: 684; al-Shawkani 1929: ii. 46), who, as we shall see, is probably Bayt al-Ahmar's immediate forebear.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 202p§REF§ Conflict between rival imams also occurred and tribal military support could be decisive for the outcome: 'A few years later, in 1713, al-Husayn b. al-Qasim declared himself Imam in opposition to al-Mawahib, and 'Ali Hadi Hubaysh (probably Sali1}.'s brother) supported him (Zabarah 1941: 601-9). 'Ali al-Ahmar of al-Usayrnat was sent by al-Mawahib to oppose him (again, this is the first mention of the family by name), but the tribes preferred the new claimant (ibid. 356,607). The country was at one point divided among several of these rival Imams-although, significantly, none of them claimed control of the major tribes (ibid. 616)-and the struggle between.the different Qasimis dragged on, with the shaykhs holding the balance, until al-Mawahib died in 1718.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 203§REF§ 'Al-Mutawakkil al-Qasim then took the Imamate (Serjeant 1983: 84), and at this stage al-Ahmar was apparently on good terms with al-Husayn, the new Imam's son (Zabarah 1941: 539); but when alNasir Muhammad made a rival claim in 1723 al-Ahrnar and many other shaykhs went over to him. The leading sayyids were meanwhile divided among themselves over the perennial problem of taxation (ibid. 289). In 1726 the Dhayban section of Arhab cut the roads, and a group of them made trouble in San'a' itself (Zabarah 1958: 359). The Imam had them hunted through the streets, in response to which \"Arhab tribesmen invited Hashid and Bakil to join them in taking revenge and wiping out the dishonour they had sustained. The tribes responded. 'All b. Qasim al-Ahmar, Paramount Shaykh of Hashid, and Nasir b. juzaylan, Paramount Shaykh of Bakil, proceeded to 'Amran where they met al-Husayn, the Imam's son, whom they persuaded to join them ... (al]iriifi 1951: 181, trans. Stookey 1978: 151-2).' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 203§REF§ 'As Stookey points out, al-Husayn's combination with the tribes against his father availed him little since when his father died, in the following year, and he claimed the Imamate himself under the title al-Mansiir, they supported his cousin, al-Nasir Muhammad.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 203§REF§ 'But al-jirafi goes on, more importantly, to relate that al-Ahmar wrote al-Mansur al-Husayn a brusque letter demanding a meeting. The Imam feared an attempt at assassination; so he'assassinated alAhmar first, stuck his head on a lance, and galloped off with it through a hail of bullets from the shaykh's enraged tribesmen (aljirafi 1951: 182). In fact, al-Ahrnar, accompanied by Bin juzaylan of DhU Muhammad and by Ahmad Muhammad Hubaysh of Sufyan, seems to have come to 'Asir, just outside San'a', to seek a settlement (Zabarah 1941: 539 and 1958: 486). The details are probably lost forever, and we are told only that al-Ahmar 'had wished to make independent his own rule of part of the country' (ibid.), which he very well may have done; but al-Mansur alHusayn's view of the matter, as recorded in the histories, has all the vigorous clarity of the Zaydi tradition. The taunt to the tribesmen at the time was, typically, that they were no better than polytheists: he brandished al-Ahmar's head on his spear and cried 'this is the head of your idol'.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 203p§REF§ Dresch also mentions millenarian militant movements: 'In 175I, however, a millenarian rising broke out in the western mountains, led by Abu 'AIamah, a black 'magician' who preached a puritanical renewal of Islam. Accounts of the rising mention several forts in the west being taken from Bayt al-Ahmar: al-Qahirah at alMahabishah was lost, then Qaradah and al-Gharnuq at Najrah, just south of Hajjah, then Sabrah, and finally the fort near alMadayir that al-Mansur had bought several years earlier (Zabarah 1941: 53-5). During the forty years since al-Mansur al-Husayn b. al-Qasim (a rival of al-Mawahib) came to power in 1712, says a contemporary witness, the state had counted for little: \"The rule of 'All al-Ahmar and his sons after him and of other tribesmen from Hashid remained over-great and excessive until God destroyed what they had built and extinguished their flame, proclaiming their weakness and perdition by the appearance of this dervish. (Quoted ibid. 54)' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 206§REF§ Tribal leaders held lands, collected taxes, and defended forts, enabling them to form a power base in their own right: 'Whatever setbacks they suffered, however, Bayt al-Ahmar were not displaced permanently. In the year after Abu 'Alamah's rising, when the Sharif of Abu 'Arish and a rival claimant to the Imamate were active in the north-west, they were again a power to be reckoned with.\" Certainly they collected taxes as well as rents in the nineteenth century, and local memory credits them with taking revenue even from coastal towns in the north Tihamah, They retain considerable lands in the west to the present day.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 206§REF§ 'Nor were Bayt al-Ahrnar of Hashid the only shaykhly family in the area: Nasir juzaylan of Dhu Muhammad lost forts to Abu 'Alamah at al-Masiih, and a garrison from Dhii Husayn were chased out of al-Sha'iq in Bani 'Awam (again near Hajjah), but the shaykhly families of Barat retained or re-established a hold there. Al al-Shayif of Dhfi Husayn, for example, still own land in Hajjah province, and Bayt Hubaysh of Sufyan have considerable holdings near al-Mahwit (Tutwiler 1987). The picture which emerges between the lines of eighteenth-century histories and tariijim is of myriad forts in the western mountains, each garrisoned by twenty or thirty tribal soldiers and controlling an area for some shaykh of the northern plateau. As the eighteenth century wears on, so the same pattern comes more clearly to light in Lower Yemen too: in his entry for 1752, for example, al-jirafi records for the first time what will punctuate his history thereafter, Barat tribesmen at odds with the Imam south of San'a' (al-jirafi 195I: 183). They continued to appear there into the present century, leaving behind great numbers of tribal families and large shaykhly holdings of land outside tribal territory.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 206p§REF§ However, written records are often silent on these matters: 'These shaykhs are not the subject of Imamic history. Although the Imamate could not have functioned as it did without them, and although the granting of 'fiefs' to them went on for centuries, the details of their financial and administrative position are nowhere written up. Nor has local documentation come to light. Until it does, we must form what estimate we can by looking at the great shaykhly houses nowadays.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 209§REF§ In addition, sayyids also quarreled amongst themselves: 'AI-Mahdi al-iAbbas (1748-75) was very much a Sanani Imam, being based on the city throughout his reign. Among learned San'anis he retained a high reputation (al-Shawkani 19 29: 310-12; Serjeant 1983: 85 ff.), but it is plain that all was not well elsewhere. Abu 'Alamah's 175I rising in the north-west has already been mentioned. Two years earlier a campaign had been fought in Lower Yemen against a 'sorcerer' who promised his followers immunity against sword wounds and gun shots.V In the year before that, Hasan al-Tlkarn, of the qadi family from Barat and the north-east, was leading tribesmen at odds with the new Imam in Lower Yemen (Zabarah 1958: 684)Y In both the west and the south, the incursion of tribesmen over the preceding generation had not been quietly absorbed, and the affairs of the Barat tribes in particular (Dhii Muhammad and Dhu Husayn) became involved with those of the Imam's capital at San'a'.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 212§REF§ 'The connections of learning which were often important in an Imam's rise to power (Ch. 5) could also readily generalize a threat to that power if one emerged; and the language of equality, justice, and religious probity linked the learned with the tribesmen also. In 17 68, for instance, the 'ulamd' of Barat (particularly Bayt al-'Ansi) wrote to Zaydi centres such as Huth and Dhamar, calling for the expulsion of al-Mahdi al-Abbas and his Qasimi relatives on doctrinal grounds (al-jirafi 1951: 187; Zabarah 1958: 521-2; al-Shawkani 1929: ii. 134-5), though the Barat tribes' incursions in preceding years suggest that doctrinal detail was not the main motive force (see e.g. Zabarah 1958: 13).' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 212p§REF§ 'The Qasimis were accused of 'innovations' (bida'). Zaydism had always recognized ijtihad (the formation of new law by extrapolation from scripture), but in the mid-eighteenth century a pronounced movement of criticism was under way. Ibn al-Amir, for instance, a Zaydi scholar who kept his political distance from the Imamate, blurred the distinction between his own school and the Shafi'i,14 with the result that conspicuous details, such as postures of prayer, became matters of contention among those less learned than he. The Barat qadis blamed the Qasimis for supporting him. On at least one occasion, an intestine squabble among San'ani 'ulamd' over mosque appointments, phrased in these terms, led one faction to demand arbitration from al-'Ansi, 'the qadi of Hashid and Bakil' (Zabarah 1941: 617), rather than from their Qasimi rulers.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 213§REF§ Imams were often reduced to negotiate protection money with tribes under the threat of military incursions: 'Hasan al-'Ansi and the Barat tribes appeared outside San'a' in 1770. They were successfully driven off, which provoked some vainglorious poetry from the victors (Serjeant 1983: 86; d. alShawkani 1929: i. 459), but elsewhere al-Shawkani suggests (ibid. ii. 136) how this was achieved: an addition to the tribesmen's stipend of 20,000 riyals per annum, the implication being that they already received regular payment. These incursions and payments continued for several decades.P and the Barat tribes remained active in Lower Yemen until the Turks took the area in the late nineteenth century.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 213§REF§ 'Al-Mansiir 'All b. al-Mahdi (1775-1809) was, like his father, a San'ani Imam, and from the city's point of view was at first a considerable success (Serjeant 1983: 86-7; al-Shawkani 1929: i. 359 ff.). But at the state's periphery, Sharif Harniid of Abu Arish was forced south by the Nejd Wahhabis into territory the Imamate had held or at least had part access to. The resulting loss of port revenue was almost certainly serious. I? From now on, the Imams' ability to buy off the tribes declined sharply.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 214§REF§ 'At the centre, al-Mansur's grip on affairs failed when his sons fell out with each other, and the qadis of Bayt al-'Ulufi fell out with those of Bayt al-'Ansi, in part over stipends to the tribes (al-jirafi 1951: 192; al-tAmri 1985: 52-64; al-Hibshi 1980: 4; Zabarah 1929: i, 343-4). In 1818, in the time of the Imam al-Mahdi, a large body of tribesmen from Barat arrived at the capital in search of pay to fight in the Tiharnah (al-Hibshi 1980: 18). The Imam, having collected support of his own from Khawlan and Nihm, had 'All 'Abdullah al-Shayif of Dhii Husayn beheaded and the body strung up for three days, then thrown in the rubbish ditch outside Bab Sha'ub (ibid. 20-1; Zabarah 1929: ii. 66). But Bayt al-Shayif's call for support to avenge this was answered by Wa'ilah, Hashid, al' Amalisah, Sufyan, and Arhab, among others; in short, by tribes from as far away as what is now the Saudi border. They looted the city's outskirts and carried off enough plunder 'to suffice the son's son' (ibid. 23-4; al-Arnri 1985: 88-91).' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 214p§REF§ This lead to a gradual break-down of imamic authority: 'In 1823 a severe drought in the east forced a meeting of tribes at Jabal Barat, where they decided to seek aid from the Imam. When he refused and they turned on Lower Yemen, he seems to have been able to do nothing but warn others they were coming. 'When they reached Sarnarah [the pass that is sometimes taken to define Lower Yemen's border; see Chapter I], each put down his pledge on a place, and they divided it all up as if their father had left them the land as inheritance' (al-Hibshi 1980: 34). It is quite possible, of course, that many had indeed been left inheritance there, either property or presumed rights to 'fiefs' (quta'): they had been involved with the area for the best part of a century. From 1823 onwards, though, they are said to have held the area unopposed: 'they took control of it by force and coercion, then settled there, married there, and forgot the east until the Faqih Sa'Id threw them out in [1840]' (ibid.i.l\" Even that was not sufficient, and when a further drought struck in 1835, Dhii Husayn, under Muhsin 'Ali alShayif, began raiding the north-west, while their women and children moved westwards by themselves in great numbers (ibid. 60-2). The Tiharnah had meanwhile fallen to the Egyptians.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 215§REF§ 'At the centre, in San'a', the Imamate under al-Mansiir 'All b. alMahdi 'Abdullah lost not only its resources but its ~oral vigour: 'drunkenness was the prevailing vice among the higher orders, and ... the corpses of men, women and children lay about the streets, no one taking the trouble to bury them .. .' (Playfair 1859: 145)· Al-Mansiir squabbled with one of his relatives, who fled to Ta'izz and handed it over to the Egyptians. Al-Nasir 'Abdullah Ahsan was then raised to the Imamate by the soldiers in San'a', only to be assassinated at Wadi Dahr in 1840.19 Al-Hadi Muhammad took the throne and succeeded briefly in regaining Mocha and Ta'izz, but when the Egyptians withdrew-under indirect pressure from Britain (Baldry 1976: I6I)-the Tiharnah fell under the control of Sharif Husayn.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 215§REF§ 'The geographical pattern of power had now changed beyond recognition. Hashid (led in part by the qadis of Bayt Hanash), were in Raymah, as well as further north in the western mountains, Dhii Muhammad and Dhii Husayn were in the south, as well as in the Tihamah, and all were involved with Yam, whose homeland in Najran had usually been outside the field of Yemeni events but whose presence in Haraz and the Tiharnah was nothing new. The land of Hashid and Bakil, on the northern plateau, was itself a dead centre to the whirl of events involving tribesmen elsewhere. Sharif Husayn's movements in 1845 make the point: starting from the north-west, in the Tihamah, he moved to the south, around Ta'izz, then to Barat, in the extreme north-east (al-Hibshi 1980: 120-31). The Imamate, at San'a', retained a mere rump of territory.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 215p§REF§ 'There was -violence enough in the north itself, particularly in times of drought (see e.g. ibid. 306); but the tribal divisions, one should note, changed very little, and then rather in a longue duree than in the order of events recorded year by year. As we shall see in Chapter 9, the geographical detail even of sections within tribes changes hardly at all from al-Qasim's time (early seventeenth century) to our own, and where change occurs it does so by recognizable quanta. Inequality and movement alike are registered in other terms. The prominence of major shaykhs, for instance, whom the tribesmen followed much as they did Imams, derived from wealth in the west and in Lower Yemen, and this is also where the great non-quantum shifts in territorial control resulted from tribesmen fighting each other. Inequality, power, and geographical change all attach, not to tribal self-definition, but to the history of successive Imams, to the history of a tradition or of a dynasty; and the dynasty had, by this point, collapsed because it had lost control of non-tribal land.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 216§REF§ 'The Imams' attempts to regain the south met with little success. Ahmad Salih Thawabah of Dhu Muhammad, who had controlled a large ;wa~he of Lower Yemen, was defeated by al-Mutawakkil Muhammad and finally executed in 1848, to the delight of the Imam's supporters (Dresch 1987b). Within three years, however, his sons were formally granted land in much the same area (al-Hibshi 1980: 166). In the interim the Imam had been forced to send Dhii Muhammad horses as slaughter-beasts ('aqa'ir), which they took but did not have killed, and then pay them to fight again in the south (ibid. 146).20 Dhu Muhammad, Dhii Husayn, Arhab, Khawlan, and Hashid were also all fighting in the west, on the Imam's side, the Sharif's, or both; but the Ottoman Turks now seized the Tihamah. Hufash, near al-Mahwit, and al-Haymah were both contested, and several rival claimants to the Imamate appeared at once.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 216p§REF§ This enabled the eventual Ottoman re-conquest: 'In despair al-Mutawakkil asked the Turks to intervene in the highlands. They arrived at San'a' in 1849 with 1,200 foot and 500 horse, but a riot ensued and they withdrew after only three weeks (Zabarah 1929: ii, 346 ff.; al-Sayaghi 1978: 25-7). AlMutawakkil was killed by his rivals. One of the Ashraf of the northern Tihamah, supported by 'a large following from Hashid, was then bought off with a gift of 2,000 riyals, robes of honour, and a horse (al-Sayaghi 1978: 31). The combination of a Tihamah Sharif and Hashid at the gates of San'a' is symptomatic enough of the Imamate's weakness.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 217§REF§ 'From the summary histories one forms an impression of steadily increasing disorder through the next twenty years, until 'the people of San'a' and others' invited the Turks again to take the city 'after they had tired of the chaos which prevailed there, the dominion of men from the tribes, the cutting of the roads, and the lack of any ordered security' (al-jirafi 1951: 205-6). A more recently available, and more detailed, source gives a different impression (al-Hibshi 19 80: 29 6 ff.). But the Turks seem in any case to have had designs on the highlands: they had increased their forces on the coast 'until stores were coming ashore with San'a' printed on every load' (ibid. 315), and when they finally arrived, in 1872, they demanded the tax registers which would reveal to them the administration and resources of the whole country (al-Wasi'I 1928: IIO). They were to remain in highland Yemen until 19 18.' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 217§REF§ 'For much of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, then, Yemen had been plagued by disputes between rival Imams and by tribal disorder. The Imamate had taken the form of an elaborate dynastic state, yet failed to secure the means to support itself or to transmit authority without dispute. Al-Shamahi credits the Qasimi dawlah with surviving until the middle of the nineteenth century. In name it did. He rationalizes the great decline of its power by saying that al-Mu'ayyad Muhammad (d. 1686) was the last of the Qasimis to possess all the qualities needed of an Imam, and that the rulers after him were more like kings (al-Shamahi 1972: 144-6). Similarly, al-Wazir (1971: 50) attributes the collapse of the state to the appearance of 'evil Imams'. Authors writing nearer the time each choose some point at which the real decline starts, always simply by reference to the actions or fate of a particular Imam (e.g. al-Hibshi 1980: 193).' §REF§Dresch, Paul 1989. \"Tribes, Government and History in Yemen\", 217p§REF§" }, { "id": 188, "polity": { "id": 151, "name": "jp_azuchi_momoyama", "long_name": "Japan - Azuchi-Momoyama", "start_year": 1568, "end_year": 1603 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 5, "military_level_to": 5, "comment": null, "description": "\"by 1623, Ieyasu’s force consisted of 12 companies. The companies were headed by a single captain, four lieutenants, and 50 guards. There was extensive variation in the ways troops were structured for battle and the hierarchy of command that directed the troops.\"§REF§Deal, William E. 2005. Handbook to Life in Medieval and Early Modern Japan. Oxford University Press.p.174.§REF§<br>1. Shogun<br>2. Captain3. Lieutenant4. Guards5. Individual soldier" }, { "id": 189, "polity": { "id": 486, "name": "ir_susiana_formative", "long_name": "Formative Period", "start_year": -7200, "end_year": -7000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 1, "military_level_to": 1, "comment": null, "description": " levels." }, { "id": 190, "polity": { "id": 109, "name": "eg_ptolemaic_k_1", "long_name": "Ptolemaic Kingdom I", "start_year": -305, "end_year": -217 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 9, "military_level_to": 9, "comment": null, "description": "Follow-up reference<br>EWA: The ref is Christelle Fischer-Bovet has the standard book (Army and society in Ptolemaic Egypt) which is just published. 2014. Cambridge University Press.<br>Infantry III BCE before the reforms of the II/I BCE §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134, 144)§REF§<br>1. King<br>\"The highest-ranking individuals [of the royal guard elite unit] were somatophylakes or 'bodyguards,' who were also in charge of the upper-level military administration, perhaps like the seven or eight chiefs of the army of Alexander the Great.\"§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 150)§REF§<br>2. Military strategoi?\"Traditionally, the highest command in a Greek army belonged to one or more strategoi, 'generals,' or to the king. The common view is that in Hellenistic armies, the strategos commanded four chiliarchies ... It is more difficult to define the position of the military strategoi in the Ptolemaic army, as they too appear at more than one level and no source specifies how many men they have under their command.\" §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 156)§REF§<br>3. Chiliarchies 1024 men commanded by chillarchoi §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§<br>4. Pentakosiarchos c.512 men §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§<br>5. Syntagma c. 256 men commmanded by Syntagmatarches §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§<br>6. Taxeis commanded by taxiarchoi c.128 men §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§<br>7. hekatontarchiai c.50 men §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 144)§REF§<br>8. \"16 units of 50 men, that is 2 per hekatontarchia\" §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§<br>9. Individual soldier<br>It is very difficult to provide one set of data for this variable. First of all there is a crucial difference between the standing army and the cleruchs. The core of the standing army was formed by the cavalry, although there was also an important navy component. The cleruchs counted both cavalry and infantry. Do we need to code for all these components separately? Secondly, we need to take into account the Egyptians within the army. The Egyptians were at the same time separated from the Greeks as integrated within the same army. Thirdly, the Ptolemaic army was subjected to important changes over the course of the period. We therefore need time sensitive data. Joe will get back to us about these questions after having consulted with his former postgraduate student.<br>Cavalry- Hipparchies c.400-500 men commanded by hipparchoi§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 125)§REF§- Hipparchia divided into two ilai. Ile c.200-250 men headed by an ilarchoi§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 125)§REF§- Ile divided into two lochoi. Lochos c.100-125 men headed by epilochagos or lochagos§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 125)§REF§- Dekanikos c10-15 men? §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 125)§REF§- Individual soldier<br>Elite troops- Cavalry of the guard. Wore \"composite cuirass, and probably a Boeotian helmet\", and later a muscle cuirass perhaps made of bronze and a so-called Thracian helmet. Their offensive and defensive weapons were a long spear, a sword slung on a baldric and a round shield.\" §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 150)§REF§- Royal guard.- agema." }, { "id": 191, "polity": { "id": 370, "name": "uz_timurid_emp", "long_name": "Timurid Empire", "start_year": 1370, "end_year": 1526 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 6, "military_level_to": 7, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>1. Sultan<br><br>2. Diwan-i tovachi\"dealt with military affairs and was controlled by the Barlas tribe\"§REF§(Subtelny 2007, 68) Subtelny, Maria. 2007. Timurids in Transition: Turko-Persian Politics and Acculturation in Medieval Iran. BRILL.§REF§<br>2. Tarkhan\"The most senior officers were granted the ultimate title of tarkhan, a position harking back to the days of Genghis Khan. This conferred on them a number of important privileges, among which the most valuable was the permanent exemption from taxes. Unlike any other soldier in Temur's armies, the tarkhan was entitled to keep everything he plundered. Everyone else had to make over a share of the spoils to the emperor. The Tarkhan was also immune from criminal prosecution. Only after he had committed the same crime nine times was he answerable to justice. Perhaps the ultimate prize was his access to Temur at all times.\"§REF§(Marozzi 2004, 100) Marozzi, J. 2004. Tamerlane. HarperCollinsPublishers. London.§REF§<br>2. Amir of a tumanTuman was 10,000 men.§REF§(Marozzi 2004, 99) Marozzi, J. 2004. Tamerlane. HarperCollinsPublishers. London.§REF§<br>3. Binbashi of a binlik1000 troops.§REF§(Marozzi 2004, 99) Marozzi, J. 2004. Tamerlane. HarperCollinsPublishers. London.§REF§<br>4. Yuzbashi of a yuzlikTen onliks in a yuzlik.§REF§(Marozzi 2004, 99) Marozzi, J. 2004. Tamerlane. HarperCollinsPublishers. London.§REF§<br>5. Onbashi of an onlik\"The smallest unit of men was ten soldiers, an onlik, led by an onbashi.\"§REF§(Marozzi 2004, 99) Marozzi, J. 2004. Tamerlane. HarperCollinsPublishers. London.§REF§<br>6. Individual soldier" }, { "id": 192, "polity": { "id": 289, "name": "kg_kara_khanid_dyn", "long_name": "Kara-Khanids", "start_year": 950, "end_year": 1212 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 6, "military_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Based on likely Abbasid or Samanid structure - about six levels. If structure nomadic, based on cavalry, then could be decimal 10, 100, 1000, 10000 which would be six levels including individual soldier.<br>\"A common image of Islamic armies consisting almost entirely of cavalry is very misleading. In reality these forces reflected their places of origin, patterns of recruitment and the military heritage of their ruling elite. None relied soley on horse-archers...\"§REF§(Nicolle 2001, 51) Nicolle, David. 2001. The Crusades. Osprey Publishing.§REF§<br>However, the military heritage of the Kara-Khanids was nomadic so one might suspect that cavalry was the main force. Did the Karakhanids maintain a standing army of slave forces?<br>There was some continuity with the Samanids: \"Certain leading representatives of the military and bureaucratic class assisted the Karakhanids, and the dihqans (major landowners) also took their side.\"§REF§(Davidovich 1997, 129) Davidovich, E A. in Asimov, M S and Bosworth, C E eds. 1997. History of Civilizations of Central Asia. Volume IV. Part I. UNESCO.§REF§<br>{the following infers continuity with Abbasid hierarchy):<br>1. Amir al-mu' minin (official title of the Caliph)<br>2. Amir (commander or governor of a province or army)<br>3. Qa-id (military officer)<br>4. Arif (leader of a militay unit of ten to fifteen soldiers)<br>5. Muquatila(Muslim soldiers paid a salary); Malwa(rank and file Turkish soldier)<br>6. Arrarun (irregular volunteers) §REF§Kennedy, The Armies of the Caliphate pp. 209-210§REF§" }, { "id": 193, "polity": { "id": 199, "name": "eg_new_k_2", "long_name": "Egypt - New Kingdom Ramesside Period", "start_year": -1293, "end_year": -1070 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 7, "military_level_to": 7, "comment": null, "description": "Brier and Hobbs (2008, 72)- Diagram \"Government organization at the time of the New Kingdom.\"§REF§(Brier and Hobbs 2008, 72) Brier, Bob. Hobbs, H A. 2008. Daily Life of the Ancient Egyptians. Greenwood Publishing Group.§REF§<br>1. Pharaoh (not included in diagram)<br>2. Great Overseer of the Army3. Overseer of the North Armies4. General officers<br>3. Overseer of the South Armies4. General officers<br>EWA: This is based upon the cavalry as this is better known and represents likely the longest chain of command: 7 Pharaoh (Commander-in-Chief), 6 South and North Chief deputy, 5 Chief of army/general (leads expedition or building work), 4 Intermediate officer (equivalent of batalion) , 3 Commander of Company, 2 Commander of Platoon, 1 Soldiers<br>1. Pharaoh<br>2. South and North Chief Deputy3. Chief of army/General4. Intermediate officer5. Commander of company6. Commander of platoon7. Individual soldier<br>Schulman's New Kingdom hierarchy - does not include scribal ranks §REF§(Spalinger 2013, 400)§REF§<br>1. General (Commander of a host)<br>2. Chief of troops<br>3. Troop commanders<br>4. Adjutants4a. Standard bearers<br>4b. Chariot warriors were supervised by chiefs who had the rank of standard bearers. (18th Dynasty). §REF§(Spalinger 2013, 401)§REF§Became Charioteer and Shieldbearer. Shieldbearer commanders. Chariotry commanders.<br>5. Adjutants of a company<br>6. Platoon leaders<br>Infantrymen<br>Pharaoh. Commander-in-chief. Chief deputy of the northern corps/Chief deputy of the southern corps. Division general/Military commander (5000 men). Host (? men). Company (250 men). Platoon (50 men). Squad (?).<br>Noncommissioned officer headed the smallest army unit (50 men). Troop commander had authority over five of these units (250 men), which amounted to a company. A division of 20 companies (5,000 men) was headed by a military commander. There were 4 divisions - named after the royal gods Amun, Re, Ptah, and Seth and the four bases Thebes, Heliopolis, Memphis, and Piramesse - in the entire army (20,000 men).§REF§(Gnirs 2001)§REF§<br>Fortresses had commanders. §REF§(Van Dijk 2000, 285-286)§REF§<br>In New Kingdom the King became a more active military leader. Most military men were soldier-farmers, in a “kleruchic” system, where they could be mobilized when needed. Foreign mercenaries also used. §REF§(Manning 2012, 76)§REF§" }, { "id": 194, "polity": { "id": 239, "name": "eg_mamluk_sultanate_3", "long_name": "Egypt - Mamluk Sultanate III", "start_year": 1412, "end_year": 1517 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 7, "military_level_to": 7, "comment": null, "description": "1. Sultan<br><br>2. Commander of Army<br>3. Naib al-Saltana (Viceroys of Egypt, Damascus etc.)<br>4. Emirs of a thousand<br>5. Emirs of a hundred<br>6. Emirs of forty<br>7. Emirs of ten<br>8. Junior officer<br>_ Nicolle (1996)_<br>Sultan<br>Commander of Army<br>Mamluk I: Naib al-Saltana (Viceroys of Egypt, Damascus etc.)<br>Mamluk II: Atabak al-asakir (Father of the Leader of Soldiers)<br>Mamluk III: Other titles with largely non-military status functions<br>Mamluk IV: Regular Mamluks<br>Mamluk V: Junior officer.<br>Rajjala I: Janib unit infantry leader<br>Rajjala II: Tulb unit infantry leader<br>Rajjala III: Jarida unit infantry leader<br>Mamluk army \"essentially the same\" as Ayyubid.<br>Professional haqa with an elite of slave-recruited Mamluks, called Royal Mamluks. Under Ayyubids, infantry was organized within the Rajjala. There was a military unit called a janib. The tulb was a smaller unit. A jarida was a small unit. A sariya was used in ambushes.§REF§(Nicolle 1996, 135-181)§REF§<br>_ Oliver (1977) describes the army structure this way _<br>Royal Mamluks<br>Of the Former Sultan<br>Of the Reigning Sultan<br>Of the Bodyguard and Pages<br>Of the Amirs<br>Mamluks of the Amirs<br>Of 100<br>Of 40<br>Of 10<br>Sons of Amirs and local population: Halqa. Initially knights of non-slave origin but eventually disappeared as military became a force of purely slave origin soldiers.§REF§(Oliver 1977, 39-67)§REF§<br>_ Army structure according to Raymond§REF§(Raymond 2000, 113)§REF§ _<br>Sultan's Mamluks (elite corps)<br><br>The troops of the emirs<br>emirs ranked in a hierarchy rank determined how many men under thememirs of a thousand §REF§(Raymond 2000, 187)§REF§<br>emirs of a hundred<br>emirs of forty<br>emirs of ten<br>The halqa<br>" }, { "id": 195, "polity": { "id": 207, "name": "eg_ptolemaic_k_2", "long_name": "Ptolemaic Kingdom II", "start_year": -217, "end_year": -30 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 7, "military_level_to": 8, "comment": null, "description": "Follow-up reference<br>EWA: The ref is Christelle Fischer-Bovet has the standard book (Army and society in Ptolemaic Egypt) which is just published. 2014. Cambridge University Press.<br>Infantry II/I BCE §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134, 144-145)§REF§ reformed by mid 2nd BCE§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 146)§REF§ (Pentakosiarchos and Taxeis drop out).<br>1. King<br>\"The highest-ranking individuals [of the royal guard elite unit] were somatophylakes or 'bodyguards,' who were also in charge of the upper-level military administration, perhaps like the seven or eight chiefs of the army of Alexander the Great.\"§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 150)§REF§<br>2. Military strategoi?\"Traditionally, the highest command in a Greek army belonged to one or more strategoi, 'generals,' or to the king. The common view is that in Hellenistic armies, the strategos commanded four chiliarchies ... It is more difficult to define the position of the military strategoi in the Ptolemaic army, as they too appear at more than one level and no source specifies how many men they have under their command.\" §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 156)§REF§<br>3. 1,000 men lead by a chilarchos<br>4. syntagma or semeion - 250 men lead by a hegemon (also: 5. herald of the army and 6. a standard bearer)<br>5. hekatontarchia of 100 men led by a hekatontarches, 50-man rear unit lead by an ouragos (same level)<br>6. 50-man unit lead by a pentekontarches<br>7. Another level below 50-man unit leader that is not mentioned?<br>7-8. Individual soldier<br>It is very difficult to provide one set of data for this variable. First of all there is a crucial difference between the standing army and the cleruchs. The core of the standing army was formed by the cavalry, although there was also an important navy component. The cleruchs counted both cavalry and infantry. Do we need to code for all these components separately? Secondly, we need to take into account the Egyptians within the army. The Egyptians were at the same time separated from the Greeks as integrated within the same army. Thirdly, the Ptolemaic army was subjected to important changes over the course of the period. We therefore need time sensitive data. Joe will get back to us about these questions after having consulted with his former postgraduate student.<br>Cavalry- Hipparchies c.400-500 men commanded by hipparchoi§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 125)§REF§- Hipparchia divided into two ilai. Ile c.200-250 men headed by an ilarchoi§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 125)§REF§- Ile divided into two lochoi. Lochos c.100-125 men headed by epilochagos or lochagos§REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 125)§REF§- Dekanikos c10-15 men? §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 125)§REF§- Individual soldier<br>Elite troops- Cavalry of the guard. Wore \"composite cuirass, and probably a Boeotian helmet\", and later a muscle cuirass perhaps made of bronze and a so-called Thracian helmet. Their offensive and defensive weapons were a long spear, a sword slung on a baldric and a round shield.\" §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 150)§REF§- Royal guard.- agema." }, { "id": 196, "polity": { "id": 361, "name": "eg_thulunid_ikhshidid", "long_name": "Egypt - Tulunid-Ikhshidid Period", "start_year": 868, "end_year": 969 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 6, "military_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels. Coding same as Abbasid Caliphate as a \"placeholder\" although since the Abbasid Caliphate is a part of this period (Tulunids-Abbasids-Ikshidids) we could simply use the Abbasid code.<br>Abbasid hierarchy (note: may be oversimplified:<br>1. Amir al-mu' minin (official title of the Caliph)<br>2. Amir (commander or governor of a province or army)<br>3. Qa-id (military officer)<br>4. Arif (leader of a militay unit of ten to fifteen soldiers)<br>5. Muquatila(Muslim soldiers paid a salary); Malwa(rank and file Turkish soldier)<br>6. Arrarun (irregular volunteers) §REF§Kennedy, The Armies of the Caliphate pp. 209-210§REF§" }, { "id": 197, "polity": { "id": 258, "name": "cn_northern_wei_dyn", "long_name": "Northern Wei", "start_year": 386, "end_year": 534 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 5, "military_level_to": 6, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>Multiple levels of hierarchy: \"In addition to the headquarters fortress, each garrison controlled a network of lesser outposts (shu) and might also have military authority over surrendered tribal groups occupying the nearby grazing lands.\"§REF§(Graff 2002, 99)§REF§<br>1. King<br><br>2. Qibing (Board of War)§REF§(Xiong 2009, 405)§REF§ lead by a president (shangshu) §REF§(Xiong 2009, 182)§REF§<br>3. Generals?<br>4. Officers?<br>5. Zhen (territorial garrison) lead by a zhenjiang (commander) §REF§(Xiong 2009, 675)§REF§\"often set up at prefectural, commandery or county level, where the commander (zhenjiang) concurrently held the position of prefect, commandery governor, or county magistrate. It was also set up as an independent garrison.\"§REF§(Xiong 2009, 675)§REF§<br>6. Individual soldier" }, { "id": 199, "polity": { "id": 188, "name": "it_st_peter_rep_1", "long_name": "Republic of St Peter I", "start_year": 752, "end_year": 904 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 5, "military_level_to": 5, "comment": null, "description": "1. Pope<br>Pope was commander of the army. §REF§(Trevor 1869, 115)§REF§<br>Army of Rome.§REF§(Noble 2011, 17)§REF§<br>Army of Rome consisted of: inhabitants; small landowners in surrounding region; the magnates; the domuscultae, that is, military colonies on papal lands.<br>2. Superista of a DomuscultaeDomuscultae first known in Pontificate of Zacharias. Four of five domuscultae mentioned. Large agrarian estates where farmer-soldiers were responsible to a superista, a Papal official. §REF§(Barach 2013, 173)§REF§<br>Transformation in army structure in eighth century. (Do not have access to pages which explain what happened) §REF§(Richards 1979, 203)§REF§ but presumably it changed from Byzantine structure.<br>2. Dukes/Post-Byzantine equivalentItalian manpower in imperial Byzantine army \"raised up a new aristocracy with increasingly assertive local interests.\" There was secular support for the popes' efficient administration. §REF§(Daly 1986)§REF§<br>Within the Byzantine exarchate, dukes in theory had political and military authority in the dutchies. §REF§(Noble 2011, 6-7)§REF§<br>3. Tribunes/Counts of a numeriTribunes/Counts lead troop detachments called numeri. In practice, the armies of the separate dutchies within the exarch were autonomous.§REF§(Noble 2011, 6-7)§REF§<br>4. Militia leaders?Major cities had an urban militia of adult male citizens, who would volunteer or be pressed into service. §REF§(Noble 2011, 6-7)§REF§<br>5. Individual soldier" }, { "id": 200, "polity": { "id": 205, "name": "eg_inter_occupation", "long_name": "Egypt - Inter-Occupation Period", "start_year": -404, "end_year": -342 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 5, "military_level_to": 9, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>1. King<br>2. General (Greek)<br>\"Another development is the extensive use of Greek mercenaries to prevent another Persian invasion, notably with the help of the Athenian general Chabrias...\" §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 17)§REF§3. \"high commander\" §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 26)§REF§<br>This is the hierarchy below \"General\" or strategoi during the Ptolemaic period from about 294 BCE. The mercenary forces at time numbered 10,000-20,000§REF§(Lloyd 2000, 380)§REF§ and if they had their own general we could suggest it is likely they had their own command structure below him.<br>3. Chiliarchies 1024 men commanded by chillarchoi §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§4. Pentakosiarchos c.512 men §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§5. Syntagma c. 256 men commmanded by Syntagmatarches §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§6. Taxeis commanded by taxiarchoi c.128 men §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§7. hekatontarchiai c.50 men §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 144)§REF§8. \"16 units of 50 men, that is 2 per hekatontarchia\" §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 134)§REF§9. Individual soldier<br>Another possible code:<br>3. Mercenary captain4. Individual mercenary<br>3. Captain of the machimoi (militia)4. Militia men<br>3. Foreign general (ally) Spartan, Phoenician or Libyan.4. Cavalry or infantry captains5. Cavalry or infantry: individual soldiers.<br><i>Moved additional text to general description</i><br>There were also Egyptian, and Libyan forces in addition to those of the Greeks.<br>\"We therefore find Hakor putting together a large force of such troops in the 385 BC and Teos employing 10,000 picked mercenaries in 361/0 BC, while Nectanebo II is said to have had 20,000 when Artaxerxes III invaded the country in 343/2 BC.\"§REF§(Lloyd 2000, 380)§REF§<br>343 BCE 20,000 Greek mercenaries, 20,000 Libyans, 60,000 Egyptians under Nectanebo II fought Persians §REF§(Fischer-Bovet 2014, 25)§REF§" }, { "id": 201, "polity": { "id": 86, "name": "in_deccan_ia", "long_name": "Deccan - Iron Age", "start_year": -1200, "end_year": -300 }, "year_from": -999, "year_to": -600, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Military_level", "military_level_from": 1, "military_level_to": 2, "comment": null, "description": " levels.<br>weapons<br>\"Among the material changes documented in the Iron Age archaeological record are more complex and labor-intensive settlement designs, new mortuary practices, the production and consumption of a range of new slipped and polished ceramic wares as well as iron tools, weapons, and hardware. Most notably, there was significant transformation in the organization of social relations during the Iron Age that produced tangible social differences and inequalities.\"§REF§(Johansen 2014, 1-28) Johansen, P. 2014. The politics of spatial renovation: Reconfiguring ritual practices in Iron Age and Early Historic South India. Journal of Social Archaeology. 0(0).§REF§<br>Initially a given polity only consisted of a single settlement<br>\"At the smallest and least complex (in terms of population, geographic scale and decision-making arrangements) end of this continuum, chiefs with limited decision-making prerogatives probably presided over single settlements. In larger examples, more powerful leaders based in larger centers likely exerted varying degrees of control over multiple and varying numbers of settlements. Finally, at the most complex end of this continuum, paramount chiefs ruling from large regional centers with lesser chiefs as political subordinates dominated even larger polities containing numerous settlements and substantial populations. In the present context it seems most likely that chiefdoms of the first type were prevalent during the earlier phases of the Iron Age, with those of the latter two types developing with increasing frequency as time passed.\"§REF§R. Brubaker, Aspects of mortuary variability in the South Indian Iron Age, in <i>Bulletin of the Deccan College Post-Graduate & Research Institute</i> 60-61, pp. 253-302§REF§" } ] }