Theo Sync Dif Rel List

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    "count": 296,
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        {
            "id": 104,
            "polity": {
                "id": 100,
                "name": "us_proto_haudenosaunee",
                "long_name": "Proto-Haudenosaunee Confederacy",
                "start_year": 1300,
                "end_year": 1565
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "SSP",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "unknown",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "Based on the sources consulted, it seems that the earliest significant religious minorities emerged among the Iroquois in the 1640s, and Jesuit missionaries only began sustained conversion work in the late 1660s. However, given the traditional custom of \"adopting\" war captives from other tribes, it is entirely possible that captives continued to follow their own native beliefs and rituals, and that these mixed with those of their captors. Then again, given the significant timespans in question, it may be unwise to assume such a degree of continuity. \"Sustained work among Iroquois began late in the day; a quarter century of false starts and brief attempts intervened between a Jesuit's first appearance - Father Isaac Jogues' captivity among Mohawks in 1642 - and the dispatch of French missionaries to each of the Five Nations under peace agreements of 1665-1667. [...] During the \"Beaver Wars\" of the 1640s through the 1660s, disease ravaged families bolstered the Five Nations through the wholesale adoption of war captives. Many adoptees had encountered missionaries before and had developed strong opinions - pro or con - that, to the extent their perilous position allowed, they readily shared with their hosts. [...]  Throughout Iroquoia, clusters of Christian captives retained their faith and, despite the disapproval of adoptive relatives, met regularly for prayers. \"§REF§(Richter 1985: 2) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HPVINEVK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HPVINEVK </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 105,
            "polity": {
                "id": 471,
                "name": "cn_hmong_2",
                "long_name": "Hmong - Early Chinese",
                "start_year": 1895,
                "end_year": 1941
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "The following quotes suggest the sycretusm of Christianity and traditional Miao millenarianism, as well as the incorporation of Christianity into the cultural basis of Hua Miao ethnic identity. “The millennial nature of this movement is also reflected in other cases in which Hua Miao shamans played the role of prophets and announced that the end of the world was imminent (Pollard 1919:50; 1928:92–93). Although some of these messages were in the idiom of Christian millenarianism, it is clear that the beginning of the Hua Miao Christian movement modeled its shape upon traditional Miao millennial movements.” §REF§ Cheung, S. W. (1995). Millenarianism, Christian Movements, and Ethnic Change among the Miao in Southwest China. In Cultural encounters on China's ethnic frontiers. Available at:  https://uw.manifoldapp.org/read/f53eaa89-d3e1-42d9-a820-bce1265b853f/section/e692a3de-4f81-434d-aad6-85bba195d40a Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9AER5ZEK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9AER5ZEK </b></a> §REF§“There have been further historically documented instances of Hmong messianic movements which were consciously and specifically associated with the mobilization of cultural elements directly derived from Protestant Christianity. Thus in 1949, when  Protestant missionary work was resumed in Laos after the Japanese Occupation and the Second World War, about a thousand Hmong conversions were recorded in a single month in the province of Xieng Khouang. There were several instances of Hmong prophets declaring themselves to be Jesus (Smalley, 1956), and these mass conversions followed the announcement by a female shaman named Po Si of the imminent return of the Hmong Huab Tais or 'Emperor' (Barney, 1957). Later a movement known as the 'Meo Trinity' cult grew up, centring on three Hmong men claiming to represent the Holy Trinity. They travelled from village to village, mimicking the actions of the missionaries as they did so, burning household altars and removing 'fetishes' (such as the silver necklets the Hmong often wear), and performed special exorcisms of evil spirits. What is very clear in such cases is the extent to which indigenous messianic movements, based on partly assimilated Christian practices and doctrines, represent an attempt to control and ingest the alien belief system of Protestant Christianity.” §REF§ Tapp, N. (1989). The impact of missionary Christianity upon marginalized ethnic minorities: The case of the Hmong. Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, 20(1), 70-95. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BB3MHG9U\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BB3MHG9U </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 106,
            "polity": {
                "id": 470,
                "name": "cn_hmong_1",
                "long_name": "Hmong - Late Qing",
                "start_year": 1701,
                "end_year": 1895
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "The following quotes suggest the syncretism of Miao’s indigenous religion, Buddhism, Daoism, Chinese folk religion, and Christianity. “Mixed in with the basically indigenous religion just outlined are elements of folk Buddhism and Daoism and the worship of Chinese folk deities. It is uncertain whether ancestor worship, which seems to have a long history among the Miao, was borrowed from Chinese. [...] There is evidence that some Miao groups drew on Chinese folk-Buddhist millenarian ideas at a relatively early date. [...] Folk religion on the Chinese model played a significant part among the Miao who participated in the rebellion of 1854-1873, though less so than among the Chinese.” §REF§ (Jenks 1994, 63-64) Jenks. (1994). Unrest in Guizhou during the Ming and Qing and Its Relation to Folk Religion. In Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou (pp. 58–72). University of Hawaii Press. §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 107,
            "polity": {
                "id": 102,
                "name": "us_haudenosaunee_2",
                "long_name": "Haudenosaunee Confederacy - Late",
                "start_year": 1714,
                "end_year": 1848
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"The way in which the Jesuits usually employed fare and torture was to make Christian spirit model of the Iroquoian warrior. This made Christian spirits easier to understand and respect, superior powers were described and emphasized. [...] Vengeance was a major motivation for raids conducted by the traditional Huron and Iroquois (JR 17:65; Du Creux I95I-52:102-3; Trigger I976:68-69, I03). The instigator of such a raid was usually someone who had lost a person dear to him. The author of Instructions compared the motivation and actions of such a person with the attitude and behavior of God concerning sinners[...]. The Huron and Iroquois believed that the spirits of those captured in raids and tortured to death urged the living to seek vengeance in retaliatory raids. For that reason, the Huron made a great effort to drive those spirits away from their longhouses \"with horrible and universal noise, after the sunset of the day when they have put them to death\" (JR 39: z9). Father Pierson used his knowledge of this belief when he tried to persuade the Iroquois to stop torturing people to death. Significantly, he did not attempt this with pacifist arguments, but with the threat of a great Christian warrior spirit. In De Religione the spirits of the prisoners tortured by the Iroquois urged God (termed here as elsewhere \"the master\") to exact revenge upon the Iroquois, both in military defeat on earth and in torture in the next life in hell. [...] Enemy prisoners sometimes escaped after they had been brought to their captors' village (Sagard 1939:160-6I). It is not difficult to imagine how these people would be treated if they were recaptured. The author of Instructions employed this image to dramatize what awaited the Huron if they were baptized but then lapsed in their practice of Christianity. In this instance it was not God who was presented as the punishing warrior, but the Devil, termed oki (the spirit; see Steckley I978:97-o00) and ondechonronnon (one who lives inside the earth)[...]. How did the Huron and Iroquois respond to the Jesuit use of imagery involving Christian warrior spirit figures? The limited evidence available suggests that it became part of the syncretic Iroquoian/Christian worldview.\"§REF§(Steckley 1992: 486-488) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/27TD2JVF\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 27TD2JVF </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 108,
            "polity": {
                "id": 58,
                "name": "fm_truk_2",
                "long_name": "Chuuk - Late Truk",
                "start_year": 1886,
                "end_year": 1948
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "‘Throughout their colonial past, the people of Chuuk have continuously made and remade their musical practices in culturally appropriate and locally valued ways. Indeed, it is through the repertories of Christian song that Chuukese have perhaps articulated the greatest degree of creativity in repertories, contexts, and structures of music. It is with this understanding of Christian music and culture as quintessentially Chuukese, and yet inextricably connected with the missionization and colonial processes of the past, that I consider Chuuk’s Christian musical heritage, which is varied, complex, and continually recreated in the present, just as it is rooted in the music, language, and culture of the Chuukese past. While Christian music in Chuuk may resonate with issues of colonial power, it is also empowering precisely because musicians articulate their work as transformative and not simply as static or unchanged practices across time and space’ (Diettrick 2011:70) §REF§ Diettrich, Brian. 2011. ‘Voices From “Under-the-Garland”: Singing, Christianity, and Cultural Transformations in Chuuk, Micronesia’. Yearbook of Traditional Music 43, pp. 62-88. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UX8R24J5\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UX8R24J5 </b></a> §REF§ ‘An appreciation of the cultural dimension to Chuukese Christianity and its music is best understood through the concept of namanam. An old word in the Chuukese language, the term namanam existed well before the arrival of the first Christian missionaries. The broad meaning of the term, and perhaps its earliest definition, refers to a person’s “character, quality, morals, [or] deportment” (Goodenough and Sugita 1980:226). This meaning is related to the Chuukese concept of tiip, which is a person’s “psyche, seat of emotions, reason, and sense of right,” and which is located in the abdomen area (Goodenough 2002:65–67, 374). The meaning of the term namanam expanded, however, with the arrival of the first Western missionaries to Chuuk’s islands in the late nineteenth century. The first American Protestants who crossed Chuuk’s beaches found an encompassing system of spiritual beliefs and practices, but no single term that equated precisely with their notion of the Western concept of “religion.” With a nineteenth-century view of Christian faith that specifically emphasized “correct” moral behaviour and notions of race and civilization, the missionaries adopted the term namanam to refer to the general body of religious practices that they taught. Understanding namanam then—as a broad concept of culturally-defined character and quality of a person that is rooted in Chuukese society and shaped through a Christian worldview, rather than simply a set of religious practices brought in from outside—is key to understanding the ways that Chuukese have integrated their notions of Christian faith so deeply within their society.’ (Diettrick 2011:63-64) §REF§ Diettrich, Brian. 2011. ‘Voices From “Under-the-Garland”: Singing, Christianity, and Cultural Transformations in Chuuk, Micronesia’. Yearbook of Traditional Music 43, pp. 62-88. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UX8R24J5\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UX8R24J5 </b></a> §REF§ In addition to cultural agency in the process of accepting and articulating Christianity, a critical account of missionization in Chuuk should acknowledge that Islanders, in addition to the American Protestants, were historically responsible for the earliest spread of the faith and the earliest singing of Christian songs. The ABCFM missionaries who worked in Micronesia left a wealth of unpublished documentation about their work, and their mostly terse descriptions of music reveal that singing was an important part of missionary and Islander activities in Chuuk in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries’  (Diettrich 2011:73) §REF§ Diettrich, Brian. 2011. ‘Voices From “Under-the-Garland”: Singing, Christianity, and Cultural Transformations in Chuuk, Micronesia’. Yearbook of Traditional Music 43, pp. 62-88. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UX8R24J5\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UX8R24J5 </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 109,
            "polity": {
                "id": 115,
                "name": "is_icelandic_commonwealth",
                "long_name": "Icelandic Commonwealth",
                "start_year": 930,
                "end_year": 1262
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "IFR",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“The institutional structure necessary to support Christianity did not develop in Iceland until after its incorporation into Norway in 1262, in spite of the formal conversion of the country in 1000. As the institutional structure of Christianity was lacking, the intellectual and everyday outlook of Icelanders remained pagan.\" §REF§ (Durrenberger 1984, 3) Durrenberger, E. Paul. 1984. ‘Icelandic Saga Heroes: The Anthropology of Natural Existentialists’. In Anthropology and Humanism Quarterly. Vol. 9:1. Pp. 3-8. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2THFRG68\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2THFRG68 </b></a>  §REF§  “During the seven or so decades following the conversion, Icelanders had only a limited knowledge of the new religion.” §REF§ (Byock 2001, 303) Byock, Jesse L. 2001. Viking Age Iceland. New York, NY: Penguin. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/952TGMR9\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 952TGMR9 </b></a> §REF§  “It is very interesting to observe men's attitude towards the heathen gods. The Church had declared them to be devils and evil spirits, but the laity were very unwilling to agree with this; they somehow kept the faith of their forefathers separate from the system of ideas of their own time. The poets especially must have been impervious to the suggestion that the time-honored language of the scalds was tainted with evil. The ancient myths gradually turned into fairy tales, a glorious poetry to which no religious belief was attached. In the eleventh century men shy away from using the names of the gods in kennings; by the twelfth century the heathen religion is so thoroughly dead that men use them whenever they need to. They can even allow themselves to refine the image of Baldr the Good without the clergy becoming disturbed. And the ancient heathen customs they describe impartially and without a trace of dislike, as if they themselves were independent not only of these customs but of any customs whatever. In his Edda Snorri finds it necessary to give a somewhat fuller account of the heathen gods; he cannot content himself with keeping the myths and Christianity in separate compartments, as men ordinarily could. Under no circumstances does he want to throw over the scaldic language and the myths: “One should not so forget or discredit these stories as to remove from poetry ancient kennings which the chiefest poets have not disdained to employ.\" But then there are the objections and questions of the clergy, and to them Snorri gives the following answer: “Christian men are not to believe in heathen gods, nor in the truth of these stories otherwise than as may be found here in the beginning of the book.\" And there he had tried to account for the heathen religion by means of two rationalistic explanations.” §REF§ (Sveinsson 1953, 151) Sveinsson, Einar Ol. 1953. The Age of the Sturlungs Icelandic Civilization in the Thirteenth Century. In Islandica an Annual Relating to Iceland and the Fiske Icelandic Collection in Cornell University Library. Edited by Jöhann S. Hannesson. Vol 36. Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UEXE8SEI\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UEXE8SEI </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 110,
            "polity": {
                "id": 101,
                "name": "us_haudenosaunee_1",
                "long_name": "Haudenosaunee Confederacy - Early",
                "start_year": 1566,
                "end_year": 1713
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"The way in which the Jesuits usually employed fare and torture was to make Christian spirit model of the Iroquoian warrior. This made Christian spirits easier to understand and respect, superior powers were described and emphasized. [...] Vengeance was a major motivation for raids conducted by the traditional Huron and Iroquois (JR 17:65; Du Creux I95I-52:102-3; Trigger I976:68-69, I03). The instigator of such a raid was usually someone who had lost a person dear to him. The author of Instructions compared the motivation and actions of such a person with the attitude and behavior of God concerning sinners[...]. The Huron and Iroquois believed that the spirits of those captured in raids and tortured to death urged the living to seek vengeance in retaliatory raids. For that reason, the Huron made a great effort to drive those spirits away from their longhouses \"with horrible and universal noise, after the sunset of the day when they have put them to death\" (JR 39: z9). Father Pierson used his knowledge of this belief when he tried to persuade the Iroquois to stop torturing people to death. Significantly, he did not attempt this with pacifist arguments, but with the threat of a great Christian warrior spirit. In De Religione the spirits of the prisoners tortured by the Iroquois urged God (termed here as elsewhere \"the master\") to exact revenge upon the Iroquois, both in military defeat on earth and in torture in the next life in hell. [...] Enemy prisoners sometimes escaped after they had been brought to their captors' village (Sagard 1939:160-6I). It is not difficult to imagine how these people would be treated if they were recaptured. The author of Instructions employed this image to dramatize what awaited the Huron if they were baptized but then lapsed in their practice of Christianity. In this instance it was not God who was presented as the punishing warrior, but the Devil, termed oki (the spirit; see Steckley I978:97-o00) and ondechonronnon (one who lives inside the earth)[...]. How did the Huron and Iroquois respond to the Jesuit use of imagery involving Christian warrior spirit figures? The limited evidence available suggests that it became part of the syncretic Iroquoian/Christian worldview.\"§REF§(Steckley 1992: 486-488) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/27TD2JVF\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 27TD2JVF </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 111,
            "polity": {
                "id": 57,
                "name": "fm_truk_1",
                "long_name": "Chuuk - Early Truk",
                "start_year": 1775,
                "end_year": 1886
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "IFR",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "The earliest Christian presence dates to 1879. Between 1879 and 1886, it seems unlikely that syncretism would already emerge in a significant way. ‘Christian missionaries first came to Chuuk in 1879, when a mission station was established in Mwáán district on Wééné (Moen) Island by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [Krämer 1932:37].\" §REF§ Goodenough, Ward Hunt. 2002. Under Heaven’s Brow: Pre-Christian Religious Tradition in Chuuk. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BAX6HMH7\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BAX6HMH7 </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 112,
            "polity": {
                "id": 195,
                "name": "ru_sakha_late",
                "long_name": "Sakha - Late",
                "start_year": 1632,
                "end_year": 1900
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“In the Lena Territory, there were precedents when only the prince or the ancestor was baptized directly from the priest, and other members of the nomadic family, due to the distance and inconvenience of the path, were baptized in absentia, represented by their representative with a picture of crosses and icons (10). The baptized received the opportunity to be accepted into the service with the payment of a salary, which contributed to the emergence of a symbiosis of Russian principles of local customs, which later became one of the characteristic specific characteristics of Orthodoxy in Yakutia.” (Rough translation of Russian text) §REF§ (Yurganova, 2014, 119) Yurganova, I. 2014 \"Missionary Activities of Russian Orthodox Church in Yakutia (Xvii - Early Xxth Centuries).\" RUDN Journal of Russian History no. 3 Pp.117-128. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HT89A2HW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HT89A2HW </b></a> §REF§ “Ideas of sin are syncretised with concepts of contamination and taboo. Saints and bears are seen as shamanic spirit helpers. Christ is identified with the Yakut Bright Creator Elder God, Aiyy-toyon. A pantheon of gods, believed to live in nine hierarchical eastern heavens, was only one aspect of a complex traditional cosmology that still has meaning for some Yakut. Another crucial dimension was the was the spirit-soul (ICHCHI) of living beings, rocks, trees, natural forces, and objects crafted by humans.” §REF§ (Balzer, Skoggard, 1997, Religious Beliefs section) Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam, Skoggard, Ian. 1997. eHRAF World Cultures “Culture Summary: Yakut” New Haven: Human Relations Area Files. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4W5D4UMM\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4W5D4UMM </b></a> §REF§ “According to V. L. Priklonskii, the dualism apparent in the Yakut religious system represents “the practical and dogmatic sides of their religious teachings. With the appearance of Christian clergymen among Yakuts, the shamans lost their former function as priests” (Priklonskii, p. 57). In contrast, S. V. Iastremskii posited that Christianity destroyed the entire category of priests [zhrefsy] of the ancient Yakut cult of light, images of which later intertwined with Christianity.” §REF§ (Gogolev, 1992, 71)  Gogolev, A. I. 1992. “Dualism in the Traditional Beliefs of the Yakuts.” Anthropology &amp; Archeology of Eurasia 31 (2): 70-84. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2XTJHW2N\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2XTJHW2N </b></a> §REF§ “With the spread of Christianity among the Slavic tribes, the old gods gradually merged with the Christian saints. But the rituals and images of the “lower mythology” turned out to be more persistent.” §REF§ (Gogolev, 1992, 75)  Gogolev, A. I. 1992. “Dualism in the Traditional Beliefs of the Yakuts.” Anthropology &amp; Archeology of Eurasia 31 (2): 70-84. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2XTJHW2N\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2XTJHW2N </b></a> §REF§ “Even in the second half of the 18th century, many Yakuts had been baptized, and in the 19th century all Yakuts were registered as Orthodox. Although the transition to Orthodoxy was motivated by and large by material considerations (various privileges and grants for those baptized), the new religion gradually became part of their everyday life. In the corner of their dwellings there hung icons; the people wore crucifixes (the large silver crucifix-type embellishments worn by women are interesting), went to church and many of them, particularly the toyons, were zealous Christians. Actually this is understandable since Christianity was far better suited than shamanism to satisfy the class interests of rich people. Nevertheless, the old, pre-Christian religion did not entirely disappear, and the older beliefs, although somewhat modified through the influence of Christian ideas, still kept their hold; and the shamans, the ministers of the old cult, still enjoyed authority, although they were forced to some extent to conceal their activities from the tsarist administrators and Orthodox clergy. Shamanism and the animistic beliefs associated with it seem to have been the most persistent element of the old Yakut religion.” §REF§ (Levin, Potapov, 1964, 277-278) Levin, M. G., Potapov L. P., 1964, The Peoples of Siberia Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PQM3DVV4\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PQM3DVV4 </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 113,
            "polity": {
                "id": 114,
                "name": "gh_ashanti_emp",
                "long_name": "Ashanti Empire",
                "start_year": 1701,
                "end_year": 1895
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "IFR",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“Round about the eighteenth century, many Muslim clerics who lived in Kumase produced and distributed Islamic prayers in the form of the devices mentioned above and King Osei Tutu Kwame (1804-1823) showed particular interest in these. The talismans mainly worn round the neck and the waist and were considered to be capable of repelling gunshots or, generally, enemies’ attacks.” §REF§ (Bin Yusuf and Agyare, 2021) Bin Yusuf, Jibrail and Agyare, Victoria. 2021. ‘Why Islam did not Make Significant Impact on Asante During the 18th and the 19th Centuries.’ In The Asante World. Edited by Edmund Abaka and Kwame Osei Kwarteng. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VV7AQ6GV\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: VV7AQ6GV </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 114,
            "polity": {
                "id": 153,
                "name": "id_iban_1",
                "long_name": "Iban - Pre-Brooke",
                "start_year": 1650,
                "end_year": 1841
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "IFR",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“Hinduism has touched the Iban, as the title for deity (petera) and the names of some of the spirits imply. But neither Hinduism nor Islam has radically influenced Iban religion, which remains cult based on a belief in the spirits on men, nature, and super-nature.” §REF§ (Jensen, 1974, 4) Jensen, Erik. 1974. The Iban and Their Religion. London: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CVIQZD7C\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CVIQZD7C </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 115,
            "polity": {
                "id": 112,
                "name": "in_achik_2",
                "long_name": "Late A'chik",
                "start_year": 1867,
                "end_year": 1956
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "IFR",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "‘Today we know that the encounter has resulted in the Christianization of the majority of Garos: the missionaries somehow succeeded in converting the Garos in large numbers. At the time of their arrival, however, their success was evidently not ensured. The very presence of missionaries could not explain their successes. These were not the result of a simple, unilineal, and cumulative process, but the outcome of fragmented Garo responses to fragmented missionary propositions and offers, varying in time and place. In other words, the large-scale conversion of Garos was the result of a complex, fragmented process in which missionaries and their objectives – the Garos and their goals, needs, and considerations – and the larger context in which this encounter occurred all played a role. \"Thus, we need to distinguish different variables: missionaries (their message, methods, behaviour, personality), the Garos (their reasons for conversion), and the context (socio-economic, cultural, and political).  §REF§ (Bal 2007:136) Bal, Ellen. 2007. They Ask If We Eat Frogs: Garo Ethnicity in Bangladesh. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARMDH9MD\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ARMDH9MD </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 116,
            "polity": {
                "id": 111,
                "name": "in_achik_1",
                "long_name": "Early A'chik",
                "start_year": 1775,
                "end_year": 1867
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "IFR",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\" The only other significant religious tradition mentioned in the sources consulted is Christianity, and it does not seem to have been particularly influential in the region at this time.  ‘The third major influence on the Garos, and in some ways the most important, has been that of Christianity. American Baptist missionaries began to have a few peripheral contacts with the Garos even before their hills were occupied by the British. Missionaries were stationed in Goalpara, a town on the Brahmaputra just north of the Garo Hills, and some of their work was with Garos. However, intensive Christianization began only after the occupation of the hills. American missionaries followed the government officers into the hills and like them set up their headquarters in the town of Tura, which remains the center of Garo Christian activities today. The missionaries not only evangelized, but from the beginning carried out extensive medical and educational work.’ §REF§Burling, Robbins 1963. “Rengsanggri: Family And Kinship In A Garo Village”, 312§REF§ ‘Today we know that the encounter has resulted in the Christianization of the majority of Garos: the missionaries somehow succeeded in converting the Garos in large numbers. At the time of their arrival, however, their success was evidently not ensured. The very presence of missionaries could not explain their successes. These were not the result of a simple, unilineal, and cumulative process, but the outcome of fragmented Garo responses to fragmented missionary propositions and offers, varying in time and place. In other words, the large-scale conversion of Garos was the result of a complex, fragmented process in which missionaries and their objectives – the Garos and their goals, needs, and considerations – and the larger context in which this encounter occurred all played a role. \"Thus, we need to distinguish different variables: missionaries (their message, methods, behaviour, personality), the Garos (their reasons for conversion), and the context (socio-economic, cultural, and political).  (Bal 2007:136) §REF§ Bal, Ellen. 2007. They Ask If We Eat Frogs: Garo Ethnicity in Bangladesh. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.<a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARMDH9MD\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ARMDH9MD </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 117,
            "polity": {
                "id": 251,
                "name": "cn_western_han_dyn",
                "long_name": "Western Han Empire",
                "start_year": -202,
                "end_year": 9
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "IFR",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“When the founder of the Han Dynasty triumphantly entered the capital of Ts’in, he issued a proclamation saying, “I respect all worships and revere all forms of sacrifice. Therefore, all worship of the Great Gods of Heaven and the gods of the various mountains and rivers shall be continued as before.” A few years later (200 B.C.), when the unification of the empire was completed, the city of Ch’angan was made the capital of the new empire and all the tribal and local religions and cults were fully represented in the capital, where each sect had its own shrines, priesthoods, and ceremony. There were the Liang Priestesses (梁巫) representing the sects of the western peoples of modern Szechuan; the Tsin Priestesses (晋巫) representing the tribal worships of modern Shensi; the Ts’in Priestesses (秦巫) representing the peoples of modern Shensi and further west; the Chin Priestesses (荆巫) representing the races of the valleys of the Han and the Yangtse, and the River. And when the Emperor Wu Ti conquered the tribes of modern Kwangtung (111 B.C.), the Yueh Priestesses (粤巫) were added to the numerous tribal and local priesthoods at the capital city and were allowed to worship their own gods and spirits and practise their peculiar method of divination by means of chicken bones.” §REF§ (Shih, Hu 2013, 65) Shih, Hu. 2013. English Writings of Hu Shih Chinese Philosophy and Intellectual History (Volume 2). Springer: Berlin, Heidelberg. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/EIR5PT76\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: EIR5PT76 </b></a> §REF§ “In other ways as well, the Taoist religion represented by this sect gradually served as a superstructure to the many local cults which it had sought in vain to replace, but ended up by supervising and perhaps incorporating them.” §REF§ (Ching, Julia 1993, 104) Ching, Julia. 1993. Chinese Religions. London: Macmillan. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PPXC7H29\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PPXC7H29 </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 118,
            "polity": {
                "id": 254,
                "name": "cn_western_jin_dyn",
                "long_name": "Western Jin",
                "start_year": 265,
                "end_year": 317
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"Although Buddhist and Daoist authors did not always approve of resorting to the services of wu [shamans] and some techniques (especially blood sacrifice) were shunned, wu powers of clairvoyance were seldom challenged and were sometimes appropriated by those traditions.\" §REF§(Campany 2019: 594) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/R5HXEWQB\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: R5HXEWQB </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 119,
            "polity": {
                "id": 269,
                "name": "cn_ming_dyn",
                "long_name": "Great Ming",
                "start_year": 1368,
                "end_year": 1644
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“Within Buddhism and Daoism themselves, the tendency towards a syncretic unification of the Three Teachings (sanjiao 三教 [i.e. Confucianism, Buddhism, Daoism]) was very strong.” §REF§ (Zhang 2021, v) Zhang, Xuezhi. 2021. History of Chinese Philosophy in the Ming Dynasty. Singapore: Springer Singapore. Seshat URL:<a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/G3VVATGD\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: G3VVATGD </b></a> §REF§ “The Society of Jesus was one of the first missionary societies setting out to evangelize China in the Ming Dynasty. To succeed in this mission, the Jesuits implemented a policy of accommodation that aimed to fit themselves and their Christian message in the local culture. This policy started as early as Alessandro Valignani’s arrival in Macau in 1578, and the Jesuits took great efforts to implement it. In the beginning, the Jesuits adapted themselves to Buddhist monks. They wore Buddhist dresses and constructed their chapels in the style of Buddhist temples. In 1583, the Jesuits Roggieri Michel and Matteo Ricci, both wearing monk robes, hung a painting of Virgin Mary holding baby Jesus in a chapel called the “Fresh Flowers Temple” (仙花寺) located in Zhaoqing ([1], p. 281). It was common or Jesuits to enshrine Virgin Mary in their chapels because devotion to her marks one of the core characteristics of the Catholic faith. Yet, in Chinese peoples’ eyes, this woman with a baby in her arms was likely to be understood as somebody else: Guanyin (观音), a popular goddess in Ming China, who was venerated, among other things, as the Protectoress of Childbirth.” §REF§ (Chu 2016 , 1-2) Chu, Xiaobai. 2016. The Images of Jesus in the Emergence of Christian Spirituality in Ming and Qing China. Religions. Vol 7 (3): 23.  Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UCQ8ECUU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UCQ8ECUU </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 120,
            "polity": {
                "id": 419,
                "name": "cn_yangshao",
                "long_name": "Yangshao",
                "start_year": -5000,
                "end_year": -3000
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "SSP",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "unknown",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"Very little is known about the religious beliefs of the Yangshao people.\" §REF§(Lee in Peregrine and Ember 2001, 336)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 121,
            "polity": {
                "id": 420,
                "name": "cn_longshan",
                "long_name": "Longshan",
                "start_year": -3000,
                "end_year": -1900
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "SSP",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "unknown",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "‘‘‘ Unclear, but worth noting the presence of possible evidence for the standardization of ritual, which perhaps went hand in hand with restriction on heterodox practices, including ones deriving from theological syncretism. \"The presence of several altar sites, and a whole array of ritual jade and pottery objects of comparable shapes over a good part of the Chinese territory, appear to indicate that by the Longshan era the standardization of ritual and religious practices and the formation of iconographic formulae was already well in place (Wu Hung 1990). This would include the finds of recognizable ritual objects, such as hi discs and cong tubes, beyond the Liangzhu nuclear culture to an area that ranges north-south from Inner Mongolia to Guangdong, and east-west from Shandong to Gansu (Huang 1992:78-80, figs. 9-10), and the existence of an established set of ritual vessel types (li pitchers, dou cups, ding tripods, etc.), which were to have a paramount religious importance throughout the early dynastic period.\" §REF§(Demattè 1999, 141) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/G6J58ENC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: G6J58ENC </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 122,
            "polity": {
                "id": 244,
                "name": "cn_western_zhou_dyn",
                "long_name": "Western Zhou",
                "start_year": -1122,
                "end_year": -771
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "Regarding this variable, expert Edward Shaughnessy has acknowledge that there is not a lot of information about religion in the Western Zhou period.  \"Religious beliefs and practices in the Shang (1600(?)–1045(?) BCE ) were themselves a mixture from different parts or tribes of the empire that were then absorbed by, or merged into, the ones brought forward by the newly established Western Zhou dynasty (1045(?)–771 BCE ).\" <ref>(Xinzhong 2013: 65) Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/collections/52GDVHUV/items/MMMJFGZP</ref>"
        },
        {
            "id": 123,
            "polity": {
                "id": 2,
                "name": "cn_qing_dyn_2",
                "long_name": "Late Qing",
                "start_year": 1796,
                "end_year": 1912
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "The White Lotus sect incorporates elements of folk shamanism, Daoist magical techniques and Manichaean theologies. “The White Lotus sect, as a principal vehicle of Chinese popular religion, ‘had its origins in the eleventh century as a form of lay piety, heir to a much older tradition of Pure Land Buddhism’ (Mann and Kuhn 1978: 136). It also incorporated elements of folk shamanism, Daoist magical techniques and Manichaean theologies (Overmyer 1976: 48). Ideologically syncretic and regionally diverse, the White Lotus sect had great vitality and widespread appeal among common people due to its simplified rituals, flexible invocations and popularized preaching. Its leadership in the Qing dynasty was ‘a loosely-articulated network of sect-masters, whose positions had commonly been gained through hereditary transmission and whose interrelationships were cemented through teacher-disciple bonds’ (Mann and Kuhn 1978: 136). In addition, White Lotus sectarians had no distinguishable clothing or hair- style recognized by the government (Overmyer 1976: 48).  Scholars have long noted the extraordinary ability of the traditional Chinese state to regulate popular religious beliefs across the huge empire. The imperial government was so potent that it ‘created a religion in its own image’ by promoting a bureaucratic and Confucian version of heaven. As a result, the supernatural world of most popular religions is ‘a detailed reflection of the social landscape of traditional China’ (Wolf 1978: 135, 175). This apparent parallel between the religious and secular bureaucracies entails that the pantheon of popular worship was not used to question or undermine the general system of political authority. Partly through the processes of ‘standardization’ (Watson 1985), ‘superscription’ (Duara 1988) or ‘gentrification’ (Guo 2003 2005), state-approved or local co-opted deities espoused a traditional morality of filial piety and loyalty to the government. These religious beliefs could take root and flourish precisely because they legitimated and reinforced prevailing socio-political relationships.” §REF§ (Wang 2009, 34-35) Wang, Wensheng. 2009. ‘Social Crises and Political Reform during the Jiaqing Reign of Qing China, 1796-1810s’ In From Early Tang Court Debates to China's Peaceful Rise Edited by Friederike Assandri and Dora Martins. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FC22QFU9\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FC22QFU9 </b></a> §REF§ Syncretism between Sufi Islam and Daoism: “One of the most distinctive features of Sufism in China was its sustained engagement with Daoism and Yin-yang cosmology, including Chinese geomancy (fengshui). Up until now, scholars have been largely unable to identify where, when, or why that engagement began. The Qādirīyah’s selection of Coiled Dragon Mountain as the site of the Khoja’s tomb in the late seventeenth century, precisely when institutional Sufism arrived in China, was a pivotal moment in this history. Long celebrated in Daoism, Coiled Dragon Mountain was transformed into an Islamic pilgrimage site over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It was during this time that the Muslim community, in drawing on and reinventing long-standing local traditions related to Daoism and fengshui, began to promote the mountain’s continued religious powers in the wake of their stewardship, particularly for the civil service examinations and rain-making efficacy. This early “model” of institutional establishment and corporate growth was then replicated at other Sufi tombs located in county and prefectural seats across the northwest.” §REF§ (Brown 2019,445) Brown, Tristan G. 2019. ‘A Mountain of Saints and Sages: Muslims in the Landscape of Popular Religion in Late Imperial China.’ T'Oung Pao. Vol 105 (3-4): 437-491. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JFZXH7PI\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JFZXH7PI </b></a> §REF§ Islam generally and indigenous Chinese religions: “To many Muslims in the late imperial period, Islam existed not simply in harmony with the classical Confucian textual tradition but, more importantly, was also compatible with the very cosmology that gave order and meaning to the imperial polity and its civil and celestial hierarchy. Muslims did not abandon fundamental tenets of monotheism while making religious and political sense of the deeply-rooted cosmological worldview around them, and many Muslims probably assumed that some of the deities worshipped by their non-Muslim neighbors—the Dragon King, Zhang Fei, and so on—were in actuality jinn or the angelic servants of the one “true” God. Muslims’ abilities to perform acts of duʿā (Ar. “invocation”) in supplicating the one God for angelic assistance were perceived by Muslim leaders as making their prayers and rituals uniquely efficacious within the diverse landscape of Chinese popular religion. Hence, Muslims presented lawsuits to the imperial state claiming that Islamic butchery was essential for the Confucian sacrifices and the state cult, while mosques advertised rain-making techniques directed towards their non-Muslim neighbors.” §REF§ (Brown 2019, 470-471) Brown, Tristan G. 2019. ‘A Mountain of Saints and Sages: Muslims in the Landscape of Popular Religion in Late Imperial China.’ T'Oung Pao. Vol 105 (3-4): 437-491. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JFZXH7PI\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JFZXH7PI </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 124,
            "polity": {
                "id": 1,
                "name": "cn_qing_dyn_1",
                "long_name": "Early Qing",
                "start_year": 1644,
                "end_year": 1796
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "The White Lotus sect incorporates elements of folk shamanism, Daoist magical techniques and Manichaean theologies. There is also syncretism between Confucianism and Daoism as schools of throught. “The White Lotus sect, as a principal vehicle of Chinese popular religion, ‘had its origins in the eleventh century as a form of lay piety, heir to a much older tradition of Pure Land Buddhism’ (Mann and Kuhn 1978: 136). It also incorporated elements of folk shamanism, Daoist magical techniques and Manichaean theologies (Overmyer 1976: 48). Ideologically syncretic and regionally diverse, the White Lotus sect had great vitality and widespread appeal among common people due to its simplified rituals, flexible invocations and popularized preaching. Its leadership in the Qing dynasty was ‘a loosely-articulated network of sect-masters, whose positions had commonly been gained through hereditary transmission and whose interrelationships were cemented through teacher-disciple bonds’ (Mann and Kuhn 1978: 136). In addition, White Lotus sectarians had no distinguishable clothing or hair- style recognized by the government (Overmyer 1976: 48).  Scholars have long noted the extraordinary ability of the traditional Chinese state to regulate popular religious beliefs across the huge empire. The imperial government was so potent that it ‘created a religion in its own image’ by promoting a bureaucratic and Confucian version of heaven. As a result, the supernatural world of most popular religions is ‘a detailed reflection of the social landscape of traditional China’ (Wolf 1978: 135, 175). This apparent parallel between the religious and secular bureaucracies entails that the pantheon of popular worship was not used to question or undermine the general system of political authority. Partly through the processes of ‘standardization’ (Watson 1985), ‘superscription’ (Duara 1988) or ‘gentrification’ (Guo 2003 2005), state-approved or local co-opted deities espoused a traditional morality of filial piety and loyalty to the government. These religious beliefs could take root and flourish precisely because they legitimated and reinforced prevailing socio-political relationships.” §REF§ (Wang 2009, 34-35) Wang, Wensheng. 2009. ‘Social Crises and Political Reform during the Jiaqing Reign of Qing China, 1796-1810s’ In From Early Tang Court Debates to China's Peaceful Rise Edited by Friederike Assandri and Dora Martins. Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FC22QFU9\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FC22QFU9 </b></a> §REF§ “In many ways, then, Confucianism and Daoism were at odds. Where Confucianism stressed others, Daoism tended to stress self. Where Confucians sought wisdom, Daoists sought blissful ignorance. Where Confucians esteemed ritual and self-control, Daoists valued spontaneity and freedom from artificial constraints. Where Confucianism stressed hierarchy, Daoists emphasized equality; and where Confucians valued refinement (wen), Daoists prized primitivity. What to Confucians were cosmic virtues were to Daoists simply arbitrary labels. And yet there was just enough affinity between Confucianism and Daoism to ensure an enduring philosophical partnership. Both schools of thought cherished the ideal of harmony and oneness with nature (although one posited a moral universe and the other, an amoral. one); each shared a sense of the interrelatedness of all things; and each, in its own way, advocated humility, passivity, simplicity, and, above all, the avoidance of selfish desires. In short, Confucianism gave Chinese life structure and purpose, while Daoism encouraged freedom of expression and artistic creativity. ” §REF§ (Smith 2019, 321-322) Smith, Richard. 2019. ‘Qing Culture’ In Routledge Handbook of Imperial Chinese History Edited by Victor Cunrui Xiong and Kenneth J. Hammond. London and New York: Routledge. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/R97VGFTZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: R97VGFTZ </b></a> §REF§ “One of the most distinctive features of Sufism in China was its sustained engagement with Daoism and Yin-yang cosmology, including Chinese geomancy (fengshui). Up until now, scholars have been largely unable to identify where, when, or why that engagement began. The Qādirīyah’s selection of Coiled Dragon Mountain as the site of the Khoja’s tomb in the late seventeenth century, precisely when institutional Sufism arrived in China, was a pivotal moment in this history. Long celebrated in Daoism, Coiled Dragon Mountain was transformed into an Islamic pilgrimage site over the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. It was during this time that the Muslim community, in drawing on and reinventing long-standing local traditions related to Daoism and fengshui, began to promote the mountain’s continued religious powers in the wake of their stewardship, particularly for the civil service examinations and rain-making efficacy. This early “model” of institutional establishment and corporate growth was then replicated at other Sufi tombs located in county and prefectural seats across the northwest.” §REF§ (Brown 2019,445) Brown, Tristan G. 2019. ‘A Mountain of Saints and Sages: Muslims in the Landscape of Popular Religion in Late Imperial China.’ T'Oung Pao. Vol 105 (3-4): 437-491. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JFZXH7PI\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JFZXH7PI </b></a> §REF§ “While being a site of Muslim devotion, over the centuries it became so esteemed that non-Muslim locals, too, referred to the structure by refined titles such as “Pavilion of Lingering Illumination” or as simply the town’s namesake, “Baoning Temple” (Baoningsi 保寧寺). The shrine was popularly perceived as significant for the entire prefecture. While Muslims venerated the tombs of the saint and his disciples, a wide swath of local society found uses for the shrine. During the Qing, it marked one of the central places in Baoning where offerings for rainfall were performed. For the gentry of the prefecture, the shrine guaranteed good results in the civil service examinations. Further cementing the auspiciousness of its location, the region’s largest Confucian Academy, Brocade Screen Academy (Jinping shuyuan 錦屏書院), was often depicted in writings and illustrations as near the shrine (Fig. 6). Qing officials regularly endorsed these understandings of the shrine’s power in ceremonies and dedications. For frontier military garrisons, the shrine’s cemetery became the resting place of many Muslim soldiers who died in the service of the Qing state. The shrine played important roles in the wider political and social milieu of the region during the Qing dynasty.” §REF§ (Brown 2019,437-438) Brown, Tristan G. 2019. ‘A Mountain of Saints and Sages: Muslims in the Landscape of Popular Religion in Late Imperial China.’ T'Oung Pao. Vol 105 (3-4): 437-491. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JFZXH7PI\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JFZXH7PI </b></a> §REF§ “To many Muslims in the late imperial period, Islam existed not simply in harmony with the classical Confucian textual tradition but, more importantly, was also compatible with the very cosmology that gave order and meaning to the imperial polity and its civil and celestial hierarchy. Muslims did not abandon fundamental tenets of monotheism while making religious and political sense of the deeply-rooted cosmological worldview around them, and many Muslims probably assumed that some of the deities worshipped by their non-Muslim neighbors—the Dragon King, Zhang Fei, and so on—were in actuality jinn or the angelic servants of the one “true” God. Muslims’ abilities to perform acts of duʿā (Ar. “invocation”) in supplicating the one God for angelic assistance were perceived by Muslim leaders as making their prayers and rituals uniquely efficacious within the diverse landscape of Chinese popular religion. Hence, Muslims presented lawsuits to the imperial state claiming that Islamic butchery was essential for the Confucian sacrifices and the state cult, while mosques advertised rain-making techniques directed towards their non-Muslim neighbors.” §REF§ (Brown 2019, 470-471) Brown, Tristan G. 2019. ‘A Mountain of Saints and Sages: Muslims in the Landscape of Popular Religion in Late Imperial China.’ T'Oung Pao. Vol 105 (3-4): 437-491. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JFZXH7PI\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JFZXH7PI </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 125,
            "polity": {
                "id": 260,
                "name": "cn_sui_dyn",
                "long_name": "Sui Dynasty",
                "start_year": 581,
                "end_year": 618
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"But Buddhism, in its popular forms, had also made its way into the peasant villages where cult organizations of all kinds proliferated. A whole range of immemorial peasant observances had been taken over and given a Buddhist cast, so that both peasant and elite life were punctuated with Buddhist holidays and festivals. Thus Buddhism, in addition to Chinese traditions, served as a powerful common bond among these diverse areas and cultures.\"§REF§(Wright 1979: 55) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/MB9CHFJB\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: MB9CHFJB </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 126,
            "polity": {
                "id": 264,
                "name": "cn_tang_dyn_2",
                "long_name": "Tang Dynasty II",
                "start_year": 763,
                "end_year": 907
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"Deep engagement with Buddhism was not only to be seen in the new philosophical texts of Daoism; new Daoist practices were also steeped in the teachings of the Buddhists, though it is crucial to keep in mind that, by the Tang, Buddhism had already been in China for many centuries and had become a profoundly Chinese tradition, which had over the centuries been transformed according to the styles and concerns of Chinese civilization. Thus, one must be cautious when assigning labels to particular elements of religious practice in this era, which, as the opening line of the nominally Buddhist Treasure Store Treatise suggests, were often profound intertwinings of Buddhism, Daoism, and other things besides. [...] Techniques that offered protection from sorcerous attacks can be found in the period ’ s manuals of medieval medicine, as well as in the ritual handbooks of religious practitioners of not only Daoists and Buddhists but also those who worked in older native traditions that had no strong institutions or abiding names. They were, notably, features of the ritual techniques of the loose tradition that in recent years has come to be known (not entirely satisfactorily) as “Buddho-Daoism,” hybrid forms of religious practice characterized, for example, by Buddhist uses of native Chinese talismanic written figures, or fu.\"§REF§(Copp 2012: 83, 96) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SGG5RZ8N\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SGG5RZ8N </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 127,
            "polity": {
                "id": 424,
                "name": "cn_wei_dyn_warring_states",
                "long_name": "Early Wei Dynasty",
                "start_year": -445,
                "end_year": -225
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"In the later Warring States period, Confucians took into their own doctrine the concepts of yin-yang and the Five Elements or Agents (wu xing 五行).\" §REF§(Xinzhong 2013: 70) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/MMMJFGZP\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: MMMJFGZP </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 128,
            "polity": {
                "id": 266,
                "name": "cn_later_great_jin",
                "long_name": "Jin Dynasty",
                "start_year": 1115,
                "end_year": 1234
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"A major religious development during the Jin was the movement towards unifying Buddhism, Daoism and Confucianism into the ‘three teachings’ (sanjiao 三教). This movement was already well underway during the Northern Song and it continued into the Jin, when it gained wider acceptance and was promoted by both religionists and the educated literati.\" §REF§(Lin 2019: 26) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARB5VD3Q\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ARB5VD3Q </b></a>§REF§ \" There was a marked tendency toward syncretism, even among the Buddhist clergy.\" §REF§(Franke 1994: 315) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2QG2628P\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2QG2628P </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 129,
            "polity": {
                "id": 250,
                "name": "cn_qin_emp",
                "long_name": "Qin Empire",
                "start_year": -338,
                "end_year": -207
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"There can be little doubt that the intellectual realm of divinatory theory and closely related issues of religious rituals such as sacrifices to the spirits and ancestors were contested topics, and the Qin conquest crucially involved a policy of assimilation in the occupied territories . There were active attempts to tame the wild Chu spirits and cults, but standardization sometimes brought with it unexpected consequences . Ultimately, it was a combination of deliberate changes to the script, the calendar, and the pantheon of greater and lesser calendrical spirits underlying traditional hemerology that brought about a perhaps unintentional shift in the meaning of Inspection Days.\" §REF§(Harkness 2019, 568). Harkness, Ethan. 2019. ‘Good Days and Bad Days: Echoes of the Third-Century Bce Qin Conquest in Early Chinese Hemerology’. Journal of the American Oriental Society 139.3 (2019). Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/DQ69M9TV\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: DQ69M9TV </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 130,
            "polity": {
                "id": 443,
                "name": "mn_mongol_late",
                "long_name": "Late Mongols",
                "start_year": 1368,
                "end_year": 1690
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“In some instances the replacement of old forms was very subtle. N. Poppe shows how the fire cult was reconstituted in Buddhist form (1925). Stone cairns (M. obo) were dismantled and re-piled with crosses at their bases.69 Shamanic incantations were replaced by dhāranispells (Heissig 1992: 112-113). As customs intermixed, Mongolian indigenous traditions entered Buddhism as well. For instance, in the Chinggis-ün maytan surgyaysan [Chinggis' appraisal and exhortation] we find Chinggis khan and an amalgamation of shamanists' 99 tngri incorporated into Buddhist teaching.Elsewhere the 99 deities of the shamans work in the service of Mahākāla (Heissig 1992: 116). There has been a tendency among scholars to understand much of the influence of the Mongolian native tradition on Buddhism as coming from this time. G. Tucci says there were two periods when the borrowing of foreign traditions was ongoing in Tibet. One was from China and Nepal in the age of old Tibetan Empire. The other came after the Mongols' Buddhist revival in the 16th century (TPS 723). Tucci shows that the Gelugpa monks themselves recognized Mongolian influence.In asking Altan khan to give up his shamanic beliefs it is said that the 3rd Dalai Lama realized he could neither perfectly transform the Mongols at once nor prevent Mongolian influence on Tibet, and so allowed the most important shamanic deities \"to enrich the demon classes.\" Examples of this borrowing are found in the liturgic book of the 3 Panchen Lama, which includes shamanic deities, mare's milk aspersion rites, bloody sacrifices, andeven Chinggis khan (TPS 724-725). These things may have entered the Gelugpa at this time. However, as we have seen, such deities and rites had already entered Buddhism during the Yuan, when aspects of the native Mongolian tradition were incorporated into the Buddhist calendar and performed by Sakya and Karmapa monks. Still, this process continued during the Buddhist revival. The tone of Buddhist discourse on Mongolian indigenous influence, that it was something objectionable that must be tolerated, served a rhetorical purpose, but Buddhist rhetoric was otherwise equivocal. \"Enriching the demon classes\" with indigenous Mongolian forms was very much an active pursuit, one that reveals the profound contradiction within Buddhism between doctrine and tantra, and the importance of the latter. Though their rhetoric might have been to the contrary, there was never any intention of getting rid of indigenous Mongolian cults. One important exception might be the case of the ongyod, the ancestral dolls that held the spirits of the Mongols' ancestors. As with bloody sacrifices and other various rites, the occurrence of the ongyod continued after the Buddhist revival but their frequency declined dramatically (Atwood 2004: 424). Just because the ongyod were being eliminated does not mean that they could not at the same time be appropriated into tantra. It is also possible, however, and perhaps more likely, that the existence of rites concerning the ongyod, as found in the Manual and other mathematical texts, originated during the Yuan and developed thereafter. While an assortment of practices were variously discouraged and disallowed, prohibitions against the ongyod were consistent, as was the method of their disposal, burning in a ritual fire.” §REF§Baumann, B.G. (2008). Mongolian mathematics. p. 318-320. In Divine Knowledge: Buddhist mathematics according to the anonymous Manual of Mongolian astrology and divination. (pp. 259-342). Brill. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VBSSBW36\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: VBSSBW36 </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 131,
            "polity": {
                "id": 286,
                "name": "mn_uygur_khaganate",
                "long_name": "Uigur Khaganate",
                "start_year": 745,
                "end_year": 840
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“More than any other world religion, Manicheism may be called a syncretistic religion in so far as it adopted manifold motives, terms, ritual and hierarchical institutions from other communities.” §REF§ (Sundermann, 2009) Werner Sundermann, 2009. \"MANICHEISM I GENERAL SURVEY,\" Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/Q9FG6AXS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: Q9FG6AXS </b></a> §REF§ “Manicheism itself claimed the universal validity of its truth. Mani regarded his doctrine not as the religion of a region, a state, or a chosen people, but as the completion of the preceding great religions of Christianity, Zoroastrianism, and Buddhism. It incorporated traditions of those and many other religions and doctrines.” §REF§ (Sundermann, 2009) Werner Sundermann, 2009. \"MANICHEISM I GENERAL SURVEY,\" Encyclopædia Iranica, online edition. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/Q9FG6AXS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: Q9FG6AXS </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 132,
            "polity": {
                "id": 267,
                "name": "mn_mongol_emp",
                "long_name": "Mongol Empire",
                "start_year": 1206,
                "end_year": 1270
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“The Mongols did not see any contradiction between their own religious and cultural integrity and cross-cultural borrowing. As Strathern explains, immanentist societies might draw social distinctions between ‘their cult’ and ‘our cult’, but they also identify equivalences between specific metapersons and gods, thus enabling elasticity and translatability between the local and universal. Instead of setting boundaries between religions, immanentist traditions assume that religions function as a means of intercultural translatability. The Mongols did indeed embrace inter-religious transparency. In their edicts and ultimatums, Eternal Heaven (tenggeri), the supreme sky-deity that granted Chinggis Khan its blessing and the mandate of world-ruling, was translated as Deus, Allah, Khuda or Tian, depending on the audience.”§REF§(Brack 2021, 21) Brack, J. 2021. Disenchanting Heaven: Interfaith Debate, Sacral Kingship, and Conversion to Islam in the Mongol Empire, 1260-1335. Past & Present 250(1): 11-53. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/BRACK/titleCreatorYear/items/MADZH84Q/item-list §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 133,
            "polity": {
                "id": 288,
                "name": "mn_khitan_1",
                "long_name": "Khitan I",
                "start_year": 907,
                "end_year": 1125
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"Buddhism, Daoism, animism, and even aspects such as zodiac symbols and patterns borrowed from Zoroastrian iconography are seen in Liao tombs.\" §REF§Johnson, L.C. 2011. \"Women of the conquest dynasties: gender and identity in Liao and Jin China\" p. 53. Honolulu: University of Hawai'i Press.§REF§ \"Buddhist buildings were also manipulated as a political instrument for emperors to remake Khitan elites. It was recorded that the sovereign granted the petition of the son of a deceased high-status official to inscribe the meritorious service of his father on a stone that was erected in a Supreme Capital Buddhist monastery named Chongxiao, meaning ‘esteeming filial piety’, which indicated the approval of the act of this son (Tuotuo Reference Tuotuo1974, 1362–63). But filial piety was one of the core values of Confucianism and was incompatible with Buddhist thought. This suggests that a programme of Buddhist building sponsored by the royal court could be oriented towards the remaking of Buddhism in the formation of imperial ideology that was not the result of a process of systematic, coherent and abstract reasoning but contained a congeries of diffused sources, sometimes even contradictory, for practical political needs.\" §REF§(Lin 2011: 238-239) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/N778IHRD\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: N778IHRD </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 134,
            "polity": {
                "id": 50,
                "name": "id_majapahit_k",
                "long_name": "Majapahit Kingdom",
                "start_year": 1292,
                "end_year": 1518
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "““In Tralaya, a village which occupies part of the site of Majapahit’s capital city of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, is a group of tombstones with a combination of Islamic and Javanese motifs. One face of the stones is inscribed with verses from the Koran in Arabic script. The other face is inscribed with Javanese motifs, including the Majapahit sunburst enclosing a symbol which may represent a palm-leaf book. There are no names on the stones, but they are dated in Javanese numerals, using not the Muslim Hegira era, but the pre-Islamic Saka year system. The dates range from 1376 to 1475 ce. /\"Another important site for the study of early Islam at Majapahit’s capital is known as the grave com-plex of the Cham Princess (Makam Puteri Champa). There is no textual basis for the folktale according to which this complex was built to receive the body of a Cham (or Chinese) Muslim princess. The complex has been a pilgrimage destination for at least a century, and has been almost completely recon-structed. Its ground plan somewhat resembles a Balinese temple, with three courtyards separated by gates. It also exhibits some Chinese elements such as a bridge over a small canal, walls with curving tops resembling the back of a dragon, and round portholes resembling windows in traditional Chinese gardens, but it is impossible to tell how old these are. The tombstone which is the focus of respect here bears a date in Javanese characters and Saka era equivalent to 1368–69 ce.” §REF§ (Miksic and Goh 2017, 450-451) John N. Miksic and Geok Yian Goh, 2017. Ancient Southeast Asia. New York: Routledge. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CT7WZZNV\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CT7WZZNV </b></a> §REF§ “King Kritanagara, whose portrait-statue in the form of the Buddha Akshobhya can be seen at Surabaya, was a personality who is very differently evaluated by the historical sources, the Nagarakritagama and the Pararaton: he is represented by one as a fine scholar, by the other as a drunkard. What is certain is that he was a great king, remarkable for his ardor in extending the authority of Java over the neighboring countries and for his zeal for the kalachakra form of Tantric Buddhism. This form, coming from Bengal where it had been developed toward the end of the Pala dynasty, spread to Tibet and Nepal and into the archipelago. It reached its culmination in Java because of syncretism with the worship of Siva Bhairava. The cult of Siva-Buddha, by applying itself particularly to the redemption of souls of the dead, found receptive ground in Indonesian ancestor worship.” §REF§ (Coedes 1968: 198-199) Coedes, George. The Indianized States of Southeast Asia, ed. Walter F. Vella, tr. Susan Brown Cowing, Canberra: Australian National University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4GZ3U9RC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4GZ3U9RC </b></a> §REF§ “When Hinduism and Buddhism were introduced in Nusantara, they grew in an environment that had developed its own faith system, namely the worship of the spirit of the ancestors. Together with the development, these three systems of faith influenced each other, which was reflected in not only the system of the ideas but also the ritual activities and the material manifestation of the objects used to support such activities (Sedyawati &amp; Djafar, 2012, p. 286)” §REF§ (Susanti 2018, 585) Susanti, N. 2018. “Variety of distinct style scripts in inscriptions found in Mandalas of the late MAjapahit era: An overview of the paleography to mark religious dynamics”, in Budianta et al. (eds.) Cultural Dynamics in a Globalized World. London: Taylor and Francis. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RD73Q2NC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RD73Q2NC </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 135,
            "polity": {
                "id": 51,
                "name": "id_mataram_k",
                "long_name": "Mataram Sultanate",
                "start_year": 1568,
                "end_year": 1755
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“It was also at this time, in the Javane se year 1555 [circa 1633CE], that Agung converted the Javanese calendar to an Islamic form, an act that would undoubtedly have been seen as supernaturally potent. Before this time , Javanese Muslims must have employed the lunar Islamic Anno Hijrae for religious observation s such as the fasting month. But the lunisolarIndian-derived Saka year had remained in use for court purposes. Now Agung decreed the introduction of the Islamic lunar year. He did not, however, adopt the Anno Hijrae enumeration of years. Rather , he continued the numerical sequence of the Saka calendar, but now with Islamic lunar years of 354- 55 days .22 Thus Agung created the unique Anno Javanico , a calendrical system that was distinctly Javanese as well as Islamic.” §REF§ (Ricklefs 2006: 41-42) Merle Calvin Ricklefs, 2006. Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries. Norwalk, CT: EastBridge Books. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JKGH84GW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JKGH84GW </b></a> §REF§ “In reconciling Islam within Javanese court culture, Agung was acting at least consistently with, and perhaps in response to, broader trends within the world of Islam . He was a Sufi and a Javanese monarch, a synthesizer of identities. Agung's synthesis was symbolized by his finally taking the title of sultan in 1641.” §REF§ (Ricklefs 2006: 51) Merle Calvin Ricklefs, 2006. Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries. Norwalk, CT: EastBridge Books. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JKGH84GW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JKGH84GW </b></a> §REF§ “The Javanese calendar which has been used by people in Central Java and Yogyakarta is the calendar created by Sultan Agung. Before using the Javanese calendar, the Sultanate of Demak, Banten, and Mataram used the Saka and Hijri calendar together. The Saka calendar derived from the Hindu-Buddhist calendar based its calculations on the solar system and the Hijri calendar based its calculations on the Moon's movement around the Earth (Lunar System) (Hariwijaya, 2002). The reform of Javanese calendar was intended to integrate the two calendars with the spirit of combining traditions and shar’i demands, in the hope that the Islamic holidays (mawlid of the Prophet, Eid al-Fitr, and Eid al-Adha) celebrated in the Kraton Mataram (Mataram Palace) as \"grebeg\" could be performed on the exact day and date according to the provisions of the Hijri Calendar (Hariwijaya, 2002).” §REF§ (Purwanto, Chotimah and Mustofa 2018: 11) Muhammad Roy Purwanto, Chusnul Chotimah and Imam Mustofa, 2018. “Sultan Agung’s Thought of Javanis Islamic Calender and its Implementation for Javanis Moslem”, International Journal of Emerging Trends in Social Sciences, 4(1), pp. 9-14. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WBNQ2QDC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WBNQ2QDC </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 136,
            "polity": {
                "id": 49,
                "name": "id_kediri_k",
                "long_name": "Kediri Kingdom",
                "start_year": 1049,
                "end_year": 1222
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“In this dynasty [Kediri] the syncretism of Buddhism and Hindu-Çiva resulted in the Buddha-Çiva religion. The syncretism led into a compromise and harmonious relationship, because religions need each other. Syncretism did not only happen between these two religions but also with the folk religions knows as animism and dynamism. Syncretism took place smoothly because there were similarities between the three belief systems, both in the structure and the principles: the existence of a Super Being having a particular position; the existence of worship and sacrifice as well as rites, magic, magical authority, mythology, and other rituality. This situation was conducive to the creation of an attitude of give and take among the co-existing religions, as a necessity of survival.” §REF§ (Wasim in Pye et al. 2012: 86) Wasim, Alef Theria, 2012. “Religious Ecology and the Study of Religions”, in Michael Pye, Abuddarhman, Mas’ud, Alef Theria Wasim, and Edith Franke (eds.), Religious Harmony: Problems, Practice, and Education. Proceedings of the Regional Conference of the International Association for the History of Religions. Yogyakarta and Semarang, Indonesia. September 27th - October 3rd, 2004. (Berlin: De Gruyter), pp. 85-98. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RBZCU8KV\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RBZCU8KV </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 137,
            "polity": {
                "id": 48,
                "name": "id_medang_k",
                "long_name": "Medang Kingdom",
                "start_year": 732,
                "end_year": 1019
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "IFR",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“Since the early times, the Javanese witnessed the success of the experiment in achieving harmonious coexistence between Hindu and Buddhist concepts in the local religion. Although we should still investigate whether this is true, it is often stated that Sivaism (Hinduism) and Buddhism were syncretically united.” §REF§ (Simanjuntak 2006: 409) Simanjuntak, Truman. Archaeology: Indonesian Perspective : R.P. Soejono's Festschrift. Indonesia: Indonesian Institute of Sciences, 2006. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ZCDV8AFE\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ZCDV8AFE </b></a> §REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 138,
            "polity": {
                "id": 234,
                "name": "et_ethiopian_k",
                "long_name": "Ethiopia Kingdom",
                "start_year": 1270,
                "end_year": 1620
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 139,
            "polity": {
                "id": 234,
                "name": "et_ethiopian_k",
                "long_name": "Ethiopia Kingdom",
                "start_year": 1270,
                "end_year": 1620
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 140,
            "polity": {
                "id": 208,
                "name": "et_aksum_emp_1",
                "long_name": "Axum I",
                "start_year": -149,
                "end_year": 349
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"During the early Aksumite period religious ideas from countries near and far penetrated into Ethiopia. In the Monumentum Adulitanum mention is made of Poseidon, a Sea-god who was evidently worshipped by the inhabitants of Adulis and along the southern part of the Red Sea coast.\" §REF§(Kobishanov 1981: 397) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/M47EV77H\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: M47EV77H </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 142,
            "polity": {
                "id": 210,
                "name": "et_aksum_emp_2",
                "long_name": "Axum II",
                "start_year": 350,
                "end_year": 599
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 143,
            "polity": {
                "id": 210,
                "name": "et_aksum_emp_2",
                "long_name": "Axum II",
                "start_year": 350,
                "end_year": 599
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 144,
            "polity": {
                "id": 213,
                "name": "et_aksum_emp_3",
                "long_name": "Axum III",
                "start_year": 600,
                "end_year": 800
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 145,
            "polity": {
                "id": 213,
                "name": "et_aksum_emp_3",
                "long_name": "Axum III",
                "start_year": 600,
                "end_year": 800
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 146,
            "polity": {
                "id": 788,
                "name": "et_ethiopian_k_3",
                "long_name": "Ethiopia Kingdom III",
                "start_year": 1769,
                "end_year": 1854
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 147,
            "polity": {
                "id": 788,
                "name": "et_ethiopian_k_3",
                "long_name": "Ethiopia Kingdom III",
                "start_year": 1769,
                "end_year": 1854
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 148,
            "polity": {
                "id": 789,
                "name": "et_ethiopian_k_2",
                "long_name": "Ethiopia Kingdom II",
                "start_year": 1621,
                "end_year": 1768
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 149,
            "polity": {
                "id": 789,
                "name": "et_ethiopian_k_2",
                "long_name": "Ethiopia Kingdom II",
                "start_year": 1621,
                "end_year": 1768
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 150,
            "polity": {
                "id": 790,
                "name": "et_habesha",
                "long_name": "Habesha",
                "start_year": 801,
                "end_year": 1136
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 151,
            "polity": {
                "id": 790,
                "name": "et_habesha",
                "long_name": "Habesha",
                "start_year": 801,
                "end_year": 1136
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 152,
            "polity": {
                "id": 227,
                "name": "et_zagwe",
                "long_name": "Zagwe",
                "start_year": 1137,
                "end_year": 1269
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 153,
            "polity": {
                "id": 227,
                "name": "et_zagwe",
                "long_name": "Zagwe",
                "start_year": 1137,
                "end_year": 1269
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": true,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "absent",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "\"On the one hand, the many Judaizing aspects of Ethiopian Christianity – from circumcision to the observance of Sabbath and compliance with a variety of ritual and dietary rules that, despite being inscribed in the Old (from the Christian perspective) Testament, have been progressively abandoned by the large majority of other Christian denominations – have always intrigued foreign travelers, scholars, and theologians. In the fourteenth century, Egyptian clerics dispatched to Ethiopia to administrate the local Church were the first, together with their Ethiopian disciples, to experience all the discomfort of this strange situation. They would be followed in the next two centuries by Catholic priests and missionaries from Portugal and Spain, whose efforts to reform Ethiopian Christianity met, in spite of an ephemeral success in 1624–1632, with the same fate as their Coptic predecessors.\"§REF§(Piovanelli 2018: 177-178) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/FGHCAD8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: FGHCAD8X </b></a>§REF§ \"The form of Christianity prevalent in Ethiopia from its beginnings to recent times is moulded by strong biblical-Hebraic influences, sometimes also called Jewish influences (Kaplan 1992, 17–20). It is, however, wrong to see this as a direct influence of Jews on Ethiopian Christianity; rather, it must be understood as a combination of the interpretation of the Bible, the prevalence of certain scriptures, such as the Books of Enoch and Jubilees, and local customs often interpreted to be of Jewish origin.\"§REF§(Dege-Müller 2018: 255) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8J6P8FCQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8J6P8FCQ </b></a>§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 154,
            "polity": {
                "id": 296,
                "name": "uz_chagatai_khanate",
                "long_name": "Chagatai Khanate",
                "start_year": 1227,
                "end_year": 1402
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel",
            "coded_value": "present",
            "comment": null,
            "description": "“The Mongols did not see any contradiction between their own religious and cultural integrity and cross-cultural borrowing. As Strathern explains, immanentist societies might draw social distinctions between ‘their cult’ and ‘our cult’, but they also identify equivalences between specific metapersons and gods, thus enabling elasticity and translatability between the local and universal. Instead of setting boundaries between religions, immanentist traditions assume that religions function as a means of intercultural translatability. The Mongols did indeed embrace inter-religious transparency. In their edicts and ultimatums, Eternal Heaven (tenggeri), the supreme sky-deity that granted Chinggis Khan its blessing and the mandate of world-ruling, was translated as Deus, Allah, Khuda or Tian, depending on the audience.”§REF§(Brack 2021, 21) Brack, J. 2021. Disenchanting Heaven: Interfaith Debate, Sacral Kingship, and Conversion to Islam in the Mongol Empire, 1260-1335. Past & Present 250(1): 11-53. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/BRACK/titleCreatorYear/items/MADZH84Q/item-list §REF§"
        }
    ]
}