Theo Sync Dif Rel List
A viewset for viewing and editing Theological Syncretism of Different Religions.
GET /api/rt/theological-syncretism-of-different-religions/?format=api
{ "count": 296, "next": "https://seshat-db.com/api/rt/theological-syncretism-of-different-religions/?format=api&page=2", "previous": null, "results": [ { "id": 1, "polity": { "id": 86, "name": "in_deccan_ia", "long_name": "Deccan - Iron Age", "start_year": -1200, "end_year": -300 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 2, "polity": { "id": 90, "name": "in_vakataka_k", "long_name": "Vakataka Kingdom", "start_year": 255, "end_year": 550 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB The following quote does not give examples of theological syncretism but it confirms the highly syncretic nature of religions during the Gupta-Vakataka period. “Like the Muryas before them, the Guptas, Vakatakas, and other contemporary states materially supported a wide variety of religious sects. This included both Buddhist and Jain orders, but also the developing Shaivite and Vaishnaviste sects of Hinduism. Based on inscriptions, numismatics, and the Puranas, it appears that both Gupta and Vakataka kings performed Vedic sacrifices and were devotees of the nascent Hindu gods. […] Buddhism was one of many religions in simultaneous practice in India and that all of these religions were highly syncretic, combing and borrowing elements from rival religious orders.” §REF§ (Fogelin 2015: 149) Fogelin, Lars. 2015. An Archaeological History of Indian Buddhism. United Kingdom: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9CBGRV3J\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9CBGRV3J </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 3, "polity": { "id": 92, "name": "in_badami_chalukya_emp", "long_name": "Chalukyas of Badami", "start_year": 543, "end_year": 753 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Carol E. Radcliffe (1981; later Carol R. Bolon) has observed that Chalukya rulers incorporated Pashupata and Kalamukha Shiva sectarian rituals. These rituals, which included fertility rites, were incorporated in Chalukya religious practices after the restoration period (c. 650-c. 660 AD), especially seen at sites such as Siddhanakolla, and the temple complex of Mahakuta, approximately 25 kms. West of Aihole, situated in a forest grove.” §REF§ (Kadambi 2011:210) Hemanth Kadambi, 2011. Sacred Landscapes in Early Medieval South India: the Chalukya state and society (ca. AD 550-750), PhD dissertation, University of Michigan. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AEI5FSCM\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AEI5FSCM </b></a> §REF§ “it is only during the Chalukyaperiod that there is a confluence of fertility rites that have distinct pastoral origins and brahmanical notions of worship of the female energy principal.” §REF§ (Kadambi 2011: 227) Hemanth Kadambi, 2011. Sacred Landscapes in Early Medieval South India: the Chalukya state and society (ca. AD 550-750), PhD dissertation, University of Michigan. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AEI5FSCM\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AEI5FSCM </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 4, "polity": { "id": 85, "name": "in_deccan_nl", "long_name": "Deccan - Neolithic", "start_year": -2700, "end_year": -1200 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 5, "polity": { "id": 95, "name": "in_hoysala_k", "long_name": "Hoysala Kingdom", "start_year": 1108, "end_year": 1346 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Here we have to address the issue of the conversion of Vishnuvardhana from Jainism to Vaishnavism. It is not unreasonable to suppose that Ramanuja’s Vaishnava philosophy greatly influenced the cultural and religious history of not merely the Kannada region but Kerala as well. After it, Jain communities of Kannada region including the present Wayanad district of Kerala possibly divided into two groups and one began to profess Vaishnavism. But the ultimate result was the religious assimilation of these two groups. It is clearly evident from the Gowda communities of Wayanad region such as Vaishnava Gowda and Jain Gowdas. […] The Janardhanagudi and Vishnugudi Jain basties in Punchavayal near Panamaram are so confusing that it is difficult to distinguish them as either Jain or a Hindu Vishnu temple. The architectural and sculptural features of these temples indicate that they belong to twelfth century CE.” §REF§ (Dhiraj 2016: 639-640) Dhiraj, M.S., 2016. “The Dynamics of a Supra-Regional Power: Hoysalas in the Medieval History of Kerala”, Heritage: Journal of Multidisciplinary Studies in Archaeology, 4, pp. 637-652. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/28QBMXX7\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 28QBMXX7 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 6, "polity": { "id": 229, "name": "ml_mali_emp", "long_name": "Mali Empire", "start_year": 1230, "end_year": 1410 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "When traveller Ibn Battuta visited this polity late in the fourteenth century, he noted that \"the emperor also remained faithful to certain pagan customs, and Ibn Battuuta was shocked by many unorthodox practices. Apart from the presence of Arabs and the slight Muslim veneer, what happened at the court of the mansa differed very little from what might have been seen at the courts of non-Muslim kings, for example those of Mossi\" §REF§D.T. Niane. Mali and the second Mandingo expansion, in D.T. Niane (ed), \"The General History of Africa, vol. 4: Africa from the Twelfth to the Sixteenth Century\" (1984), pp. 117-171§REF§“The early rulers of Goa and Ghana understood that their links with Muslim trade networks and borrowings from Islamic culture increased their power and wealth, even if they did not utter the Islamic profession of faith and pray in the Muslim way. They may have described themselves as Muslim and were generally acknowledged as such, but they had to retain the allegiance of subjects who remained non-Muslim or combined Islam with other heritages. It was a model that, with variations, was replicated throughout centuries of West African history and if applied even to sovereigns renowned for their Islamic piety, such as Mansa Musa of Mali and Askia (or Askiya) Muhammad I of Songhay.” §REF§ (De Moraes Farias 2020: 133) De Moraes Farias, Paulo F. 2020. ‘Islam in the West African Sahel’. In Sahel: Art and Empires on the Shores of the Sahara. Edited by A. La Gamma. New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HPASJ4RZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HPASJ4RZ </b></a> §REF§ Within the Mande cultural context, however, the hajj could be interpreted as a double move, a multiple and intertwining cultural signifier. In undertaking the required dali-ma-sigi or ‘quest’ to enter spiritual spaces to appropriate its power, the Simbon spent considerable time in certain natural formations and special sites- but what could be a greater source of power and blessing than the holy places of the Hijaz? In making hajj, therefore, Mande rulers were not only pursuing Islam, but also potentially gesturing toward indigenous, deeply embedded beliefs. Imbued with both Islamic and non-Islamic valence, the Pilgrimage is a spiritual feat like no other, representing a consummate political strategy of legitimization.” §REF§ (Gomez 2008: 97) Gomez, Michael. 2008. African Dominion: A New History of Empire in Early and Medieval West Africa. Princeton: Princeton University Press. Seshat ULR: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RIE9U2C7\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RIE9U2C7 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 7, "polity": { "id": 224, "name": "mr_wagadu_3", "long_name": "Later Wagadu Empire", "start_year": 1078, "end_year": 1203 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"This does not mean that the kings were necessarily very devout or deep Muslims. They also had to reckon with the local customs and traditional beliefs of the majority of their non-Muslim subjects who looked upon the rulers as incarnations of or intermediaries of supranatural powers. None of the rulers had the political power to enforce Islam or Islamic law without compromising the loyalty of the non-Muslims. This helps to explain the numerous pagan rites and ceremonies at the courts of Muslim kings like the mansas of Mali and of the askiyas of Songhay, men who had performed the pilgrimage and were commonly considered to be devout Muslims.\" §REF§I. Hrbek and M. El Fasi, Stages in the development of Islam and its dissemination in Africa, in in M. El Fasi and I. Hrbek (eds.) General History of Africa, vol. 3: Africa from the Seventh to the Eleventh Century (1988), pp. 56-91§REF§" }, { "id": 8, "polity": { "id": 30, "name": "us_early_illinois_confederation", "long_name": "Early Illinois Confederation", "start_year": 1640, "end_year": 1717 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“To the Illinois such objects of spiritual importance as manitous rested in their environment. Manitous could reside in any object in that environment- an animal, a bird, a river, or a rock - and the Illinois would then use these spiritual, \"worldly\" objects to explain the world around them. And they interpreted Christianity in the same way. The Illinois made no distinction between what could or could not be spiritual within their environment, nor did they separate a spiritual realm from a physical one. The Illinois viewed every \"worldly\" object in their environment as a potential spirit, and this view had interesting effects on how the Illinois practiced Christianity.” §REF§ (Bilodeau, 354) Bilodeau, Christopher. 2001. ‘”They Honor Our Lord among Themselves in Their Own Way”: Colonial Christianity and the Illinois Indians’. American Indian Quarterly. Vol. 25. No. 3. Pp. 352-377. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AFD5FRWH\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AFD5FRWH </b></a>§REF§“Although receiving news of the Christian God with apparent respect and wonder, they used their precontact mentality to understand him. They linked their sun god Manitoua assouv with the Christian God, perhaps believing that the Christian \"Man-God\" inhabited a human's body on earth, mirroring the existence of an Illinois manitou.” §REF§ (Bilodeau, 358) Bilodeau, Christopher. 2001. ‘”They Honor Our Lord among Themselves in Their Own Way”: Colonial Christianity and the Illinois Indians’. American Indian Quarterly. Vol. 25. No. 3. Pp. 352-377. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AFD5FRWH\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AFD5FRWH </b></a>§REF§“The Illinois believed that the Christian God warranted the kind of respect and adoration that they previously reserved for their Manitoua assouv but also continued to recognize other manitous that surrounded them.” §REF§ (Bilodeau, 359) Bilodeau, Christopher. 2001. ‘”They Honor Our Lord among Themselves in Their Own Way”: Colonial Christianity and the Illinois Indians’. American Indian Quarterly. Vol. 25. No. 3. Pp. 352-377. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AFD5FRWH\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AFD5FRWH </b></a>§REF§“As Allouez noted with these same Miami in 1672, when they viewed the chapel as a manitou and \"address [ed] their speeches to this house of God, and [spoke] to it as to an animate being,\" the Illinois seemed to manifest a \"worldly\" view with the cross as well, looking past the Christian symbolism of the cross and seeing it instead as an \"other-than-human person.\" The Illinois here used both the worldly and material aspects of their mentality by believing the cross was a manitou and by sacrificing material in the hope of gaining material from God.” §REF§ (Bilodeau, 365) Bilodeau, Christopher. 2001. ‘”They Honor Our Lord among Themselves in Their Own Way”: Colonial Christianity and the Illinois Indians’. American Indian Quarterly. Vol. 25. No. 3. Pp. 352-377. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AFD5FRWH\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AFD5FRWH </b></a>§REF§“By looking at the Illinois experience, one can analyze how other Indians, perhaps ones who survived the ordeal of European contact, infused Christianity with their own mentalities and traditions to create new, distinctly Indian types of Christianity.” §REF§ (Bilodeau, 369) Bilodeau, Christopher. 2001. ‘”They Honor Our Lord among Themselves in Their Own Way”: Colonial Christianity and the Illinois Indians’. American Indian Quarterly. Vol. 25. No. 3. Pp. 352-377. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AFD5FRWH\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AFD5FRWH </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 9, "polity": { "id": 27, "name": "us_emergent_mississippian_1", "long_name": "Cahokia - Emergent Mississippian I", "start_year": 750, "end_year": 900 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests a significant degree of inter-ethnic mixing, but it remains unclear to what extent this was accompanied by any kind of religious syncretism. \"Perhaps, like the situation south of the Ohio-Mississippi confluence, the diversity of ceramic styles in the American Bottom may also have resulted, in part, from the migrations of small groups into the American Bottom, co-residing with the local villagers who lived there during the tenth and early eleventh centuries. […] Such exotic potters seem to have continued using the styles of their natal communities, or at least certain attributes of those styles, sometimes producing a bewildering diversity of hybridized construction techniques and paste recipes. “At the same time as exotic potters may have immigrated into the American Bottom, there is evidence of intensive between-village intercourse in that same stretch of floodplain. […] In other words, that the pots of one’s neighbours ended up in the refuse of one’s own village probably indicates periodic inter-village feasting, with hosts and guests alternating between villages from event to event (Pauketat 2000a).\"§REF§(Pauketat 2004: 59-60) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JYTS9YS6\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JYTS9YS6 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 10, "polity": { "id": 34, "name": "us_emergent_mississippian_2", "long_name": "Cahokia - Emergent Mississippian II", "start_year": 900, "end_year": 1049 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests a significant degree of inter-ethnic mixing, but it remains unclear to what extent this was accompanied by any kind of religious syncretism. \"Perhaps, like the situation south of the Ohio-Mississippi confluence, the diversity of ceramic styles in the American Bottom may also have resulted, in part, from the migrations of small groups into the American Bottom, co-residing with the local villagers who lived there during the tenth and early eleventh centuries. […] Such exotic potters seem to have continued using the styles of their natal communities, or at least certain attributes of those styles, sometimes producing a bewildering diversity of hybridized construction techniques and paste recipes. “At the same time as exotic potters may have immigrated into the American Bottom, there is evidence of intensive between-village intercourse in that same stretch of floodplain. […] In other words, that the pots of one’s neighbours ended up in the refuse of one’s own village probably indicates periodic inter-village feasting, with hosts and guests alternating between villages from event to event (Pauketat 2000a).\"§REF§(Pauketat 2004: 59-60) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JYTS9YS6\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JYTS9YS6 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 11, "polity": { "id": 26, "name": "us_woodland_5", "long_name": "Cahokia - Late Woodland III", "start_year": 600, "end_year": 750 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "\"As little is known of sociopolitical organization of Patrick Phase communities, even less is known of their religion and expressive culture.\"§REF§(Christiansen 2001: 260) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/F8GJ2HZF\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: F8GJ2HZF </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 12, "polity": { "id": 32, "name": "us_cahokia_1", "long_name": "Cahokia - Lohman-Stirling", "start_year": 1050, "end_year": 1199 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests that Cahokian culture emerged from a process of cultural hybridity--it sees reasonable to infer that this included religious beliefs and practices as well. \"I would argue that a new political order at Cahokia did not cause the new Mississippian technologies and material culture. This is because change was located within the encounters of difference. It was within the thirdspaces of those encounters that new meanings and new forms were conceived and combined in the re-created spaces of Cahokia. [...] It resulted in what we now call Mississippian.\"§REF§(Alt 2006, 302) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VKAWPV5E\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: VKAWPV5E </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 13, "polity": { "id": 414, "name": "in_ganga_nl", "long_name": "Neolithic Middle Ganga", "start_year": -7000, "end_year": -3001 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "”In both Hinduism and Islam many mystics, scholars, intellectuals, and more ordinary folk were actively seeking some form of synthesis. Kabir and other poet-saints in the popular devotional bhakti tradition of Hinduism offered a middle ground where Ram/Rahim could be worshipped freely in a rejection of the formalism of both religions. Other such as Daud Dayal (1544-1603) shared devotional beliefs and practices with sympathetic Sufis. An avowedly synthetic movement led by Guru Nanak (1469-1539) began in Punjab. In folk culture there was substantial sharing of customs, ceremonies, and beliefs between ordinary Muslims and Hindus. Such practices as the worship of the smallpox goddess Sitla were often practiced as ardently by Muslims as Hindus in the countryside.” §REF§ (Richards 1993, 34) John F.., Richards. 1993. The Mughal Empire. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PVDZWH3V\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PVDZWH3V </b></a>§REF§." }, { "id": 14, "polity": { "id": 415, "name": "in_ganga_ca", "long_name": "Chalcolithic Middle Ganga", "start_year": -3000, "end_year": -601 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "\"We do not have any indication about the religious beliefs of the Chalcolithic inhabitants of the Middle Ganga Plain.\"§REF§(Singh 2004: 149) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/D6NWCU5A\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: D6NWCU5A </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 15, "polity": { "id": 634, "name": "sl_jaffa_k", "long_name": "Jaffna", "start_year": 1310, "end_year": 1591 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Along with the veneration of Mahayanist deities, the worship of Vedic and post-Vedic Hindu deities was firmly established as part of the religious practice of Sri Lanka Buddhism.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981: 193) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 16, "polity": { "id": 628, "name": "sl_dambadeniya", "long_name": "Dambadaneiya", "start_year": 1232, "end_year": 1293 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Along with the veneration of Mahayanist deities, the worship of Vedic and post-Vedic Hindu deities was firmly established as part of the religious practice of Sri Lanka Buddhism.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981: 193) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 17, "polity": { "id": 633, "name": "sl_anuradhapura_1", "long_name": "Anurādhapura I", "start_year": -300, "end_year": 70 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although the spread of Buddhism in the island was at the expense of Hinduism, the latter never became totally submerged, but survived and had an influence on Buddhism which became more marked with the passage of time. Vedic deities, pre-Buddhistic in origin in Sri Lanka, held their sway among the people, and kings who patronised the official religion, Buddhism, supported Hindu temples and observed Brāhmanic practices as well. Hinduism was sustained also by small groups of Brāhmans living among the people and at the court. It was in later centuries of the Anurādhapura kingdom that the Hindu influence on Buddhism became more pronounced as a necessary result of political and religious change in South India.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981, 9, 50). De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§ “Though it was never able to displace Theravāda Buddhism from its position of primary, Mahāyānism had a profound influence on Sri Lankan Buddhism. This it achieved by the response it evoked among the people, in the shift of emphasis from the ethical to the devotional aspect of religion. To the lay Buddhist Mahāyānist ritual and ceremonies had a compelling attraction, and they became a vital part of worship. The anniversary of the birth of Buddha became a festive occasion celebrated under state auspices. Relics of the Buddha and of the early disciples became the basis of a powerful cult of relic worship.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981, 49) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 18, "polity": { "id": 627, "name": "in_pandya_emp_3", "long_name": "Pandya Empire", "start_year": 1216, "end_year": 1323 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“It seems fairly clear that, traditionally in India, people readily transferred or distributed their allegiance between different sects, seeing no logical inconsistency in approaching different gods for different purposes, and that this apparently syncretic style of religious behaviour encouraged a relaxed attitude to what others did as well; evidently, too, rulers generally extended their acceptance of this practice.”§REF§(Copland, Mabbett, Roy, Brittlebank and Bowles 2012: 74-77) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ATSZ6QBU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ATSZ6QBU </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 19, "polity": { "id": 635, "name": "sl_anuradhapura_2", "long_name": "Anurādhapura II", "start_year": 70, "end_year": 428 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although the spread of Buddhism in the island was at the expense of Hinduism, the latter never became totally submerged, but survived and had an influence on Buddhism which became more marked with the passage of time. Vedic deities, pre-Buddhistic in origin in Sri Lanka, held their sway among the people, and kings who patronised the official religion, Buddhism, supported Hindu temples and observed Brāhmanic practices as well. Hinduism was sustained also by small groups of Brāhmans living among the people and at the court. It was in later centuries of the Anurādhapura kingdom that the Hindu influence on Buddhism became more pronounced as a necessary result of political and religious change in South India.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981, 9, 50). De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§ “Though it was never able to displace Theravāda Buddhism from its position of primary, Mahāyānism had a profound influence on Sri Lankan Buddhism. This it achieved by the response it evoked among the people, in the shift of emphasis from the ethical to the devotional aspect of religion. To the lay Buddhist Mahāyānist ritual and ceremonies had a compelling attraction, and they became a vital part of worship. The anniversary of the birth of Buddha became a festive occasion celebrated under state auspices. Relics of the Buddha and of the early disciples became the basis of a powerful cult of relic worship.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981, 49) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 20, "polity": { "id": 631, "name": "sl_anuradhapura_3", "long_name": "Anurādhapura III", "start_year": 428, "end_year": 614 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although the spread of Buddhism in the island was at the expense of Hinduism, the latter never became totally submerged, but survived and had an influence on Buddhism which became more marked with the passage of time. Vedic deities, pre-Buddhistic in origin in Sri Lanka, held their sway among the people, and kings who patronised the official religion, Buddhism, supported Hindu temples and observed Brāhmanic practices as well. Hinduism was sustained also by small groups of Brāhmans living among the people and at the court. It was in later centuries of the Anurādhapura kingdom that the Hindu influence on Buddhism became more pronounced as a necessary result of political and religious change in South India.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981, 9, 50). De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§ “Though it was never able to displace Theravāda Buddhism from its position of primary, Mahāyānism had a profound influence on Sri Lankan Buddhism. This it achieved by the response it evoked among the people, in the shift of emphasis from the ethical to the devotional aspect of religion. To the lay Buddhist Mahāyānist ritual and ceremonies had a compelling attraction, and they became a vital part of worship. The anniversary of the birth of Buddha became a festive occasion celebrated under state auspices. Relics of the Buddha and of the early disciples became the basis of a powerful cult of relic worship.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981, 49) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 21, "polity": { "id": 629, "name": "sl_anuradhapura_4", "long_name": "Anurādhapura IV", "start_year": 614, "end_year": 1017 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although the spread of Buddhism in the island was at the expense of Hinduism, the latter never became totally submerged, but survived and had an influence on Buddhism which became more marked with the passage of time. Vedic deities, pre-Buddhistic in origin in Sri Lanka, held their sway among the people, and kings who patronised the official religion, Buddhism, supported Hindu temples and observed Brāhmanic practices as well. Hinduism was sustained also by small groups of Brāhmans living among the people and at the court. It was in later centuries of the Anurādhapura kingdom that the Hindu influence on Buddhism became more pronounced as a necessary result of political and religious change in South India.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981, 9, 50). De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§ “Though it was never able to displace Theravāda Buddhism from its position of primary, Mahāyānism had a profound influence on Sri Lankan Buddhism. This it achieved by the response it evoked among the people, in the shift of emphasis from the ethical to the devotional aspect of religion. To the lay Buddhist Mahāyānist ritual and ceremonies had a compelling attraction, and they became a vital part of worship. The anniversary of the birth of Buddha became a festive occasion celebrated under state auspices. Relics of the Buddha and of the early disciples became the basis of a powerful cult of relic worship.” §REF§ (De Silva 1981, 49) De Silva, K.M. 1981. A History of Sri Lanka. London: C. Hurst & Company, Berkeley and Los Angeles: University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4R6DQVHZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4R6DQVHZ </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 22, "polity": { "id": 670, "name": "ni_bornu_emp", "long_name": "Kanem-Borno", "start_year": 1380, "end_year": 1893 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"As a Muslim empire, Kanem-Bornu was not radically different from other “Islamicate” polities in sub-Saharan Africa. Indeed, whilst it was dominated by Islam, there were many pre-Islamic features that shaped political and cultural life.” §REF§Hiribarren, V. (2016). Kanem-Bornu Empire. In N. Dalziel & J. M. MacKenzie (Eds.), The Encyclopedia of Empire (pp. 1–6). John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.: 3. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KNHK5ANQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KNHK5ANQ </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 23, "polity": { "id": 775, "name": "mw_northern_maravi_k", "long_name": "Northern Maravi Kingdom", "start_year": 1500, "end_year": 1621 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests several attempts on the part of the state to incorporate elements of pre-existing cults in order to gain greater control over the religious sphere. \"There can be no doubt that the Maravi rulers saw the existing territorial shrines as a hindrance to their ambitions, and those who controlled the shrines viewed the state cults as a threat to their position[...]. [T]he only workable solution may have been some adaptation of the autochthonous religion in combination with their own cult. [...] It seems clear from traditions collected in several parts of Maravi country that the Mbewe clan put up a most vigorous resistance, which is understandable in view of their central role in the cult system. On several occasions the Maravi resorted to the use of arms to bring about the desired innovations. At a very early stage one of the Kalongas sent war parties up to Kaphirintiwa [traditionally believed to the oldest shrine], but these were successfully repulsed by the Mbewe. \"The next stage may have been a Maravi attempt to set up a rival system. This is suggested by a body of tradition which is found among both the northern and southern Maravi and which in our case is represented by the biographies in the Mbona II and III traditions. In Texts II/A and II/B the rulers of the early states try to establish their own rain-calling agencies.\" §REF§(Schoeffeleers 1992: 47-48) Schoeffeleers, J.M. 1992. River of Blood: The Genesis of a Martyr Cult in Southern Malawi, c. A.D. 1600. The University of Wisconsin Press: 33-34. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/A88E23E4\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: A88E23E4 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 24, "polity": { "id": 607, "name": "si_early_modern_interior", "long_name": "Early Modern Sierra Leone", "start_year": 1650, "end_year": 1896 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Muslim men called alfa or morimen (because they were powerful in the use of “medicine”) adopted the making of charms from the indigenes (Skinner 1978:57-58), and took advantage of the opportunity to make a living by producing and selling these charms. They made charms out of various objects with verses from the Qur’an written on paper and enclosed in pouches (1978:58; Parsons 1964:227), which were used by warriors, farmers and traders. These charms are believed to bring prosperity or victory and to ward off evil spirits. Many Muslims also use these charms. Quranic verses were also written over doors as a form of protection, or written on boards and placed on farms or in trees to prevent robbery and vandalism (1978:58). A potion called lasmamie, was made by writing Quranic verses on a board and then washing the writing into a receptacle and adding a drop of perfume and pouring it into a bottle to be rubbed for protection, imperviousness, and good luck (Khanu 2001:46; Parson 1964:227).\" §REF§(Conteh 2009: 110) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WNZ725MA\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WNZ725MA </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 25, "polity": { "id": 710, "name": "tz_tana", "long_name": "Classic Tana", "start_year": 1000, "end_year": 1498 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Other indigenous spiritual practices continued alongside and interwoven with Islam, as we see up to the present, although from the thirteenth century onward to be Swahili was to be a practising Muslim.\"§REF§(LaViolette and Wynne-Jones 2017: 9) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NQC4P63S\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NQC4P63S </b></a>.§REF§ \"Adapted to African beliefs, Islam was by then present in settlements of all sizes, in its various currents. Data show the diversity and fluidity of religious affiliations, which coincided with political strategies. Sunnis, Shi’ites and Khârijites-Ibadis were present (Wilkinson 1981: 272–305; Horton and Middleton 2000: 67; Horton 2001: 463).\"§REF§(Beaujard 2017: 371) Seshat: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/XFZRJ8DB\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: XFZRJ8DB </b></a>.§REF§" }, { "id": 26, "polity": { "id": 220, "name": "td_kanem", "long_name": "Kanem Empire", "start_year": 850, "end_year": 1380 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "No information found in the literature consulted, which focuses almost exclusively on the period following the advent of Islam." }, { "id": 27, "polity": { "id": 679, "name": "se_jolof_emp", "long_name": "Jolof Empire", "start_year": 1360, "end_year": 1549 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "“Although exposed to Islamic influences through Muslim clerics, traders and court advisers, the Djolof Empire, unlike Tekrur resisted Islamization and most leaders and people remained firmly attached to their traditional religious practices. §REF§ (Gellar, 2020) Gellar, Sheldon. 2020. Senegal: An African Nation Between Islam and the West. Second Edition. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ZCQVA3UX\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ZCQVA3UX </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 28, "polity": { "id": 671, "name": "ni_dahomey_k", "long_name": "Foys", "start_year": 1715, "end_year": 1894 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“During his visit to Ouidah at the end of the seventeenth century, the Dutch trader Willem Bosman (1705, 369) referred to a “new batch of gods.” It is not clear who these gods were or where they were from, but his comment alludes to a Vodún religion that was already acquiring foreign deities in the seventeenth century. Burton (1864) likewise refers to the deities of Dangbwe (serpent spirit), Loko (tree god), and Hu (god of the sea) as having spread from Ouidah into the rest of Dahomey. In the precolonial kingdoms of Dahomey and Ouidah, some of the early deities probably included the royal ancestor cult of Nesuxwe and Dan the snake god, but peoples subsequently borrowed many gods from the Ewe and Aja peoples to the west and the Yoruba to the east. Fon people’s oral history tells of many Vodún deities, including Mawu the creator, Sakpata the earth god, the Kutito ghost cult, and even the Fá divination system, being imported from neighboring peoples. Fá divination was introduced from the Yoruba in the early eighteenth century, under the reign of Dahomey’s King Agaja (Bay 1998, 94; Bertho 1951; Herskovits and Herskovits 1933; Maupoil 1943) […] Legends talk of King Tegbesu’s mother, Hwanjile, who, in the middle of the eighteenth century, brought the divine male-female couple of Mawu and Lisá to Dahomey from the Aja region (Bay 1998, 92; Herskovits [1938] 1967, vol. 2; Le Herissé 1911; Maupoil 1943).10 The introduction of these two deities was so successful that they came to reside at the top of the entire Vodún pantheon as the creators of the world and the parents of the lesser deities. Other gods that originated with neighboring groups include Gu, the god of war and iron; Legba, the trickster messenger spirit; and Hevioso, the god of thunder (Bay 1998, 22). Divinities were easily transported by immigrants, but the king of Dahomey also invited war captives to install their gods on Dahomean soil in order to ap- propriate their power, and in some cases, Dahomey sent people to live among neighboring groups to become priests of their deities (Bay 1998, 22; Sweet 2011, 19). The Kutito ancestor masquerade cult came to Dahomey from the Yoruba as recently as the nineteenth or early twentieth century (Bay 1998, 24; Herskovits [1938] 1967, vol. 1; Noret 2008), but like so many of these religious imports, it is now fully indigenized. Nevertheless, in the case of Sakpata and Kutito, the spirits’ foreign origins have been retained through the initiates’ use of Yoruba (Nago) as the sacred language. As part of initiates’ training, they learn Yoruba to serve as interpreters between spirits and audience members during posses- sion ceremonies. In fact, initiates of Sakpata are addressed by the title Anagonu, meaning a Nago (Yoruba) person. […] syncretism in Dahomey (and religion in general) seemed to be more about pragmatic approaches than about theology” §REF§ (Falen 2002: 46-47, 62) Falen, Douglas J. “UNIVERSALISM AND SYNCRETISM IN BENINESE VODÚN.” In Eric J. Montgomery, Timothy Landry and Christian Vannier (eds.) Spirit Service: Vodún and Vodou in the African Atlantic World,. Indiana University Press, 2022, pp. 40–69. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/XT5IEBHJ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: XT5IEBHJ </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 29, "polity": { "id": 693, "name": "tz_milansi_k", "long_name": "Fipa", "start_year": 1600, "end_year": 1890 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "No information found in the literature consulted." }, { "id": 30, "polity": { "id": 642, "name": "so_geledi_sultanate", "long_name": "Sultanate of Geledi", "start_year": 1750, "end_year": 1911 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"African Islam, at least south of the Sahara, has been strongly influenced by Sufism. This has made it much more eclectic, flexible, and less vulnerable, if not wholly immune, to external stridency than might otherwise have been the case. Although there has been and continues to be disagreement about the precise nature of Sufi influence in Africa, the emphasis placed by Sufism historically on personal piety and exemplary behaviour, in the words of Knut Vikor, has been rather more important than ‘its external functions as a focus for political combat and jihad’. In other words, African Muslims have been historically less responsive to the call to arms than others of the Faith. Second, and more directly pertinent to north-east Africa, it has been suggested that Somali ‘xenophobia’ has likewise rendered Islam in that area comparatively immune to external influence. This goes some way to explaining what Iqbal Jhazbhay terms ‘the relative inter-faith détente that has existed between Christian and Islamic spheres of influence in the Horn of Africa’. Somali Islam ‘appears to be solidly located within a tradition of regional, geo-cultural, peaceful co-existence between Christianity, Islam and indigenous animistic tendencies’.\" §REF§ (Reid 2011, 59) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CZB48WKQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CZB48WKQ </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 31, "polity": { "id": 774, "name": "mw_early_maravi", "long_name": "Early Maravi", "start_year": 1400, "end_year": 1499 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests several attempts on the part of the state to incorporate elements of pre-existing cults in order to gain greater control over the religious sphere. \"There can be no doubt that the Maravi rulers saw the existing territorial shrines as a hindrance to their ambitions, and those who controlled the shrines viewed the state cults as a threat to their position[...]. [T]he only workable solution may have been some adaptation of the autochthonous religion in combination with their own cult. [...] It seems clear from traditions collected in several parts of Maravi country that the Mbewe clan put up a most vigorous resistance, which is understandable in view of their central role in the cult system. On several occasions the Maravi resorted to the use of arms to bring about the desired innovations. At a very early stage one of the Kalongas sent war parties up to Kaphirintiwa [traditionally believed to the oldest shrine], but these were successfully repulsed by the Mbewe. \"The next stage may have been a Maravi attempt to set up a rival system. This is suggested by a body of tradition which is found among both the northern and southern Maravi and which in our case is represented by the biographies in the Mbona II and III traditions. In Texts II/A and II/B the rulers of the early states try to establish their own rain-calling agencies.\" §REF§(Schoeffeleers 1992: 47-48) Schoeffeleers, J.M. 1992. River of Blood: The Genesis of a Martyr Cult in Southern Malawi, c. A.D. 1600. The University of Wisconsin Press: 33-34. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/A88E23E4\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: A88E23E4 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 32, "polity": { "id": 617, "name": "bf_west_burkina_faso_red_2", "long_name": "West Burkina Faso Red II and III", "start_year": 1100, "end_year": 1400 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Suspected unknown due to the antiquity of this quasi-polity, the nature of the data, and the fact that this aspect of the quasi-polity's culture is not mentioned in a recent and comprehensive series of articles on prehistoric West Burkina Faso by Stephen Dueppen." }, { "id": 33, "polity": { "id": 683, "name": "ug_buganda_k_2", "long_name": "Buganda II", "start_year": 1717, "end_year": 1894 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "\"[A] singular Bugandan religion was common to all Baganda, with a variety of deities called lubaale to whom temples and priests were devoted. While lubaale were considered former clan members, they could be and were worshipped by all Baganda, since “it was the question of locality, not of kinship, that decided to which of the prophets an inquirer should go.” Indeed, according to Mair this is one of several “peculiarities” that “distinguish it from the religious ceremonies of Bantu Africa” along with the lack of any regular obligatory ceremonies.\"§REF§(Green 2010) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/248264BS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 248264BS </b></a>§REF§ Note that Islam and Christianity were introduced towards the end of the period in consideration. \"[I]t is clear that the coming of the Arabs and Europeans and the establishment of British colonial rule in the late 19th century did much to destroy a good deal of whatever national solidarity existed in Bugandan society. Foremost was the introduction of Islam in the 1860s and Christianity in the 1870s, which left Buganda – and Uganda – divided among Catholics (who now comprise some 42% of the current population of Uganda), Anglicans (39%) and Muslims (5-11%). No longer did a single religion unite Buganda, and these divisions would come to play a very large role in colonial and post-colonial politics in Buganda.\"§REF§(Green 2010) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/248264BS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 248264BS </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 34, "polity": { "id": 709, "name": "pt_portuguese_emp_2", "long_name": "Portuguese Empire - Early Modern", "start_year": 1640, "end_year": 1806 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"[D]espite the substantial differences in their political situations, missionaries both in Kongo and the Kimbundu-speaking areas of Angola developed Christian theologies that essentially incorporated large components of indigenous spirituality.\" §REF§(Thornton 2014: 258) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/K4VSS272\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: K4VSS272 </b></a>.§REF§ “In sixteenth and seventeenth-century Guinea of Cape Verde- the Upper Guinea Coast from Senegal through Sierra Leone – an extensive and varied commerce developed between local Africans, Portuguese merchants some of whom settled on the coast, and middle men composed largely of the Luso-African descendents of both groups. ‘Luso-African’ is the descriptive term used by historians to refer to those indivduals of Portuguese or mixed Portuguese and African backgrounds who constituted a hybrid cultural group, characterized by their language, profession, religion and material culture.” §REF§ (Mark 2014: 236) Mark, Peter. 2014. ‘African Meanings and European-African Discourse: Iconography and Semantics in Seventeenth-Century Salt Cellars from Serra Leoa.’ In Religion and Trade: Cross-Cultural Exchanges in World History 1000-1900. Edited by Francesca Trivellato et.al. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/J2EHGTWX\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: J2EHGTWX </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 35, "polity": { "id": 612, "name": "ni_nok_1", "long_name": "Middle and Late Nok", "start_year": -1500, "end_year": -901 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "Apparent uniformity of belief, but data is scarce. \"As demonstrated by the uniformity of their material culture and their presumed belief system, most prominently reflected by the terracotta sculptures, external contacts within their culture must have existed. However, [...] It has to be considered that the preservation of features in Nok sites is generally poor and that the amount of data is not too large and regionally restricted to a rather small key study area. [...] Bound on what is indisputable, we may safely assert that the standalone peculiarity of the Nok Culture concerns its terracotta sculptures. Excavations have revealed contextual data emphasising their ritual significance - using the term \"ritual\" in a spiritual* context - and their role as materialised expression of a religion. Should it not be possible that the remarkable transregional uniformity of the complex, particularly mirrored by the omnipresence of the sculptures, was caused by the power of rituals and a complex system of beliefs? To accentuate this perspective, the Nok Culture deserves further investigation before the remaining evidence is irreversibly lost by looting which still takes place at many sites in Nigeria every day.\" §REF§(Breunig and Ruppe 2016: 251-3) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ES4TRU7R\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ES4TRU7R </b></a>.§REF§" }, { "id": 37, "polity": { "id": 662, "name": "ni_whydah_k", "long_name": "Whydah", "start_year": 1671, "end_year": 1727 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Bosman’s notation of their new batch of gods provides a line of evidence suggesting both that the accumulative principle in Huedan Vodun was practiced early on, and that Huedans amassed new deities from the multi-ethnic and international communities found around at Ouidah and the palace at Savi. Yet, another example of a regional appropriation is Yoruba Ifa divination practiced in Hueda by the early to mid-18th century and apparently transferred from there to Anlo territory in the southeastern region of modern-day Ghana. The early trade towns of Hueda were points of confluence for deities of African and Atlantic origins and socio-religious crucibles, where the accumulative aesthetic of local religious traditions annealed newfound Vodun onto the Huedan pantheon.” §REF§ (Norman 2009, 192) Norman, Neil L. 2009. ‘Powerful Pots, Humbling Holes, and Regional Ritual Processes: Towards an Archaeology of Huedan Vodun, ca. 1650-1727. The African Archaeological Review. Vol. 26:3. Pp 187-218. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KF3F2N46\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KF3F2N46 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 38, "polity": { "id": 650, "name": "et_kaffa_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Kaffa", "start_year": 1390, "end_year": 1897 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "In the later part of the nineteenth century the people of Kaffa were nominally Christian, while preserving some traditional elements. The quote below shows that even the kings, who held on to traditional beliefs, participated in Christian festivities. The quote also mentions that the people of Kaffa built a traditional feast house in honour of St. George using traditional and Christian elements. “One of the most striking and dramatic examples of northern Ethiopian influences in Kafa is recorded by Cechhi, who in 1882 watched the Kafa festival of Mashkaro (the word Mashkaro comes from the Amharic Masqal, the feast of the cross which is observed in September). Cecchi saw the king of the Kafa partake in this royal feast and noted that the royal banners displayed […] on their mast head the symbol of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church, the Eastern rites cross. Cecchi noted that aside from those Kafa people who had converted to Catholicism after 1885 when the first representative of the Mission Consolata arrived, all the people were nominal Christians. They referred to St. George, for who they had built a bare k’eto (feast house); they knew the generalized version of the Ethiopian formula, in the name of the Father and of the Son and of the Holy Ghost; they observed certain feasts by abstaining from meat and milk; and they celebrated the most common feasts of northern Ethiopia, i.e., Masqal, explained above.” §REF§ (Orent 1970, 272) Orent, Amnon. 1970. ‘Refocusing on the History of Kafa Prior to 1897: A Discussion of Political Processes’. African Historical Studies. Vol. 3:2. Pp 263-293. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2A389XGK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2A389XGK </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 39, "polity": { "id": 776, "name": "mw_maravi_emp", "long_name": "Maravi Empire", "start_year": 1622, "end_year": 1870 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests several attempts on the part of the state to incorporate elements of pre-existing cults in order to gain greater control over the religious sphere. \"There can be no doubt that the Maravi rulers saw the existing territorial shrines as a hindrance to their ambitions, and those who controlled the shrines viewed the state cults as a threat to their position[...]. [T]he only workable solution may have been some adaptation of the autochthonous religion in combination with their own cult. [...] It seems clear from traditions collected in several parts of Maravi country that the Mbewe clan put up a most vigorous resistance, which is understandable in view of their central role in the cult system. On several occasions the Maravi resorted to the use of arms to bring about the desired innovations. At a very early stage one of the Kalongas sent war parties up to Kaphirintiwa [traditionally believed to the oldest shrine], but these were successfully repulsed by the Mbewe. \"The next stage may have been a Maravi attempt to set up a rival system. This is suggested by a body of tradition which is found among both the northern and southern Maravi and which in our case is represented by the biographies in the Mbona II and III traditions. In Texts II/A and II/B the rulers of the early states try to establish their own rain-calling agencies.\" §REF§(Schoeffeleers 1992: 47-48) Schoeffeleers, J.M. 1992. River of Blood: The Genesis of a Martyr Cult in Southern Malawi, c. A.D. 1600. The University of Wisconsin Press: 33-34. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/A88E23E4\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: A88E23E4 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 40, "polity": { "id": 619, "name": "bf_west_burkina_faso_red_1", "long_name": "West Burkina Faso Red I", "start_year": 701, "end_year": 1100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Suspected unknown due to the antiquity of this quasi-polity, the nature of the data, and the fact that this aspect of the quasi-polity's culture is not mentioned in a recent and comprehensive series of articles on prehistoric West Burkina Faso by Stephen Dueppen." }, { "id": 41, "polity": { "id": 668, "name": "ni_nri_k", "long_name": "Ọ̀ràézè Ǹrì", "start_year": 1043, "end_year": 1911 }, "year_from": 1043, "year_to": 1859, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "NB This quote only refers to syncretism after the arrival of Christianity. “In view of the fact that in less than two hundred years of Christian missionary effort, most followers of the Igbo Traditional religion have become Christians, but that nevertheless this traditional religion still retains quite a number of believers, considering particularly that the social and religious context in which most Igbo Christians live in heavily influenced by elements of Igbo Traditional Religion.” §REF§ (Arinze 2014, 10) Arinze, Francis Cardinal. 2014. ‘Christianity Meets Igbo Traditional Religion.’ In Interface Between Igbo Theology and Christianity. Edited by Akuma-Kalu Njoku and Elochukwu Uzukwu. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDKTH88F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SDKTH88F </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 42, "polity": { "id": 668, "name": "ni_nri_k", "long_name": "Ọ̀ràézè Ǹrì", "start_year": 1043, "end_year": 1911 }, "year_from": 1860, "year_to": 1911, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB This quote only refers to syncretism after the arrival of Christianity. “In view of the fact that in less than two hundred years of Christian missionary effort, most followers of the Igbo Traditional religion have become Christians, but that nevertheless this traditional religion still retains quite a number of believers, considering particularly that the social and religious context in which most Igbo Christians live in heavily influenced by elements of Igbo Traditional Religion.” §REF§ (Arinze 2014, 10) Arinze, Francis Cardinal. 2014. ‘Christianity Meets Igbo Traditional Religion.’ In Interface Between Igbo Theology and Christianity. Edited by Akuma-Kalu Njoku and Elochukwu Uzukwu. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDKTH88F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SDKTH88F </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 43, "polity": { "id": 615, "name": "ni_nok_2", "long_name": "Middle and Late Nok", "start_year": -900, "end_year": 0 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "Apparent uniformity of belief, but data is scarce. \"As demonstrated by the uniformity of their material culture and their presumed belief system, most prominently reflected by the terracotta sculptures, external contacts within their culture must have existed. However, [...] It has to be considered that the preservation of features in Nok sites is generally poor and that the amount of data is not too large and regionally restricted to a rather small key study area. [...] Bound on what is indisputable, we may safely assert that the standalone peculiarity of the Nok Culture concerns its terracotta sculptures. Excavations have revealed contextual data emphasising their ritual significance - using the term \"ritual\" in a spiritual* context - and their role as materialised expression of a religion. Should it not be possible that the remarkable transregional uniformity of the complex, particularly mirrored by the omnipresence of the sculptures, was caused by the power of rituals and a complex system of beliefs? To accentuate this perspective, the Nok Culture deserves further investigation before the remaining evidence is irreversibly lost by looting which still takes place at many sites in Nigeria every day.\" §REF§(Breunig and Ruppe 2016: 251-3) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ES4TRU7R\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ES4TRU7R </b></a>.§REF§" }, { "id": 44, "polity": { "id": 677, "name": "se_sine_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Sine", "start_year": 1350, "end_year": 1887 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Muslim tales and teachings seem to have infiltrated the most solidly pagan areas. When the first Catholic missionaries reached Sine in 1848, they found that the pagan Serer were familiar with certain basic Muslim tenets and knew Old Testament tales in their Koranic versions.\" §REF§(Klein 1972: 427) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/I9AV4BVB\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: I9AV4BVB </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 45, "polity": { "id": 659, "name": "ni_allada_k", "long_name": "Allada", "start_year": 1100, "end_year": 1724 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“In addition to these royal interpreters, the king of Allada in 1670, who was then thought to be aged about 70, had been educated in his youth at a monastery on the island of Sao Tome, where he had been instructed in the Christian religion, although he too had apparently not been baptised; the king, however, did not in 1670 openly avow Christianity, as the French supposed through fear of the disapproval of his chiefs (Delbee 1671: 443). This early Christian influence in Allada was no doubt in some measure superficial. Certainly, the Allada Christians were less than scrupulous in their observance of the requirements of Christian doctrine. The Spanish missionaries in 1660 described Matteo Lopes as \"a Christian ... but also an idolater\", and condemned the king's interpreters more generally as being \"idolaters, practitioners of witchraft [i.e. probably ritual magic], and polygamists, and no different from other people in any respect\" (Brasio 1952-85, XII: no. 154, pp. 379-80, 384)3. This might, of course, represent backsliding due to the hiatus in Christian influence for a generation after the eclipse of Portuguese influence in the 1630s. But it is very likely that even in the early seventeenth century Christianity had been regarded in Allada as something to be added to, rather than substituted for, indigenous cults and customs, and that people had been willing to adopt Christianity only provided that this did not involve giving up their established local practices.”” §REF§ (Law 1991: 45) Law, Robin, 1991. Religion, trade and politics on the 'slave coast': Roman Catholic Missions in Allada and Whydah in the Seventeenth Century. Journal of Religion in Africa/Religion en Afrique. 21, pp. 42-77. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CZP6AQ6H\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CZP6AQ6H </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 46, "polity": { "id": 640, "name": "so_habr_yunis", "long_name": "Habr Yunis", "start_year": 1300, "end_year": 1886 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"African Islam, at least south of the Sahara, has been strongly influenced by Sufism. This has made it much more eclectic, flexible, and less vulnerable, if not wholly immune, to external stridency than might otherwise have been the case. Although there has been and continues to be disagreement about the precise nature of Sufi influence in Africa, the emphasis placed by Sufism historically on personal piety and exemplary behaviour, in the words of Knut Vikor, has been rather more important than ‘its external functions as a focus for political combat and jihad’. In other words, African Muslims have been historically less responsive to the call to arms than others of the Faith. Second, and more directly pertinent to north-east Africa, it has been suggested that Somali ‘xenophobia’ has likewise rendered Islam in that area comparatively immune to external influence. This goes some way to explaining what Iqbal Jhazbhay terms ‘the relative inter-faith détente that has existed between Christian and Islamic spheres of influence in the Horn of Africa’. Somali Islam ‘appears to be solidly located within a tradition of regional, geo-cultural, peaceful co-existence between Christianity, Islam and indigenous animistic tendencies’.\" §REF§ (Reid 2011, 59) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CZB48WKQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CZB48WKQ </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 47, "polity": { "id": 656, "name": "ni_yoruba_classic", "long_name": "Classical Ife", "start_year": 1000, "end_year": 1400 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Ilé-Ifè did more than leverage its knowledge capital in glass-bead production and develop a coherent ideology for the ìlúloba-aládé dyad and ebí fraternity to craft the idea of the Yorùbá community of practice and promote itself as the head of that community. It also attained referential status through a grand program of theogonic invention and revision. This involved the integration of deities from different backgrounds and ritual fields across the region into a standardized and universalized pantheon, and the cultivation of learning and intellectual pursuit that was associated with the several schools (cults) of these deities.\"§REF§(Ogundiran 2020: 128) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ADQMAKPW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ADQMAKPW </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 48, "polity": { "id": 787, "name": "ic_wattara_emp", "long_name": "Wattara Empire", "start_year": 1710, "end_year": 1895 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following suggests a context that would have fostered the mixing of Islamic and non-Islamic beliefs and practices. “In contrast to the important role played by economic motives and considerations in the formation and policies of Kong, the Islamic basis of the state was very shaky. The state was nominally Muslim. Its rulers claimed to be Muslim though they were very bad observers of Islamic practices. Mosques were built in principal towns and Muslim clerics concentrated near the rulers' courts. But neither the formation nor the policies and actions of the state could be attributed to Islamic or in fact any religious reasons or legitimation. The state did not result from a jihad, and it did not aim at establishing the rule of Islam; Islamic law was not enforced. The rulers did not make great efforts to develop Islamic institutions or propagate the Islamic faith. The concentration of Muslim clerics in the towns was in fact a reflection of Dyula settlement, since the Muslim clerics (in great contrast to the Fulbe clerics but like the clerics of the towns along the Niger) were frequently also part-time traders or at least belonged to trading families. In Levtzion's terms, \"Kong was regarded as a Muslim kingdom because it had a prosperous Dyula community, which made the town an important centre of Islamic learning. But even there the Islamic character of the Wattara chief was dubious.\" The development of Kong as an Islamic center was only an indirect consequence of its development as a commercial center, and in fact religious observance was lax in the city.” §REF§Azarya, Victor. “Traders and the Center in Massina, Kong, and Samori’s State.” The International Journal of African Historical Studies, vol. 13, no. 3, 1980, pp. 420–456: 434-435. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KKBXESK6\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KKBXESK6 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 49, "polity": { "id": 678, "name": "se_waalo_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Waalo", "start_year": 1287, "end_year": 1855 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following suggests a combination of traditional Wolof religion with a veneer of Islam. \"The veneration of ancestors constituted the foundation of this traditional religion, which remains not too well understood, but which resisted Islam for a very long time. [...] At the margins and often in the interior of this traditional division of society, Islam appeared as a new class consisting of the marabout and his followers. [...] The Portuguese reports in the fifteenth century also inform us about the expansion of Islam into Senegambia. This expansion was, however, very relative and unequal. Indeed, as Dapper says: “The religion is little observed by them; there is neither a church nor open places where they could hold some assemblies, each one follows his own sensibility and sentiment which however leans towards the Muslim doctrine.” [...]” Nevertheless, Islam began increasingly to supplant the traditional religion, which itself remains little known. Indeed, the role played by the marabouts in the social life ended up acquiring a considerable dimension. Some believe that this role included presiding over the majority of baptisms, weddings and funerals. \"However, this Islamic influence still remained superficial.\" §REF§ (Barry 2012, 33-34) Barry, Boubacar. 2012. The Kingdom of Waalo: Senegal Before the Conquest. New York: Diasporic Africa Press. Seshat URL:<a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9KV5MEKN\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9KV5MEKN </b></a> §REF§ \"Little is known of pre-Islamic Wolof religion, for by the nineteenth century only vestiges of it remained. Most observers mentioned no religion but Islam, agreeing that, 'the Muslim religion, whose precepts are very badly observed ... reigns exclusively.' Yoro Jaw wrote that the Wolof religion was based on worship of family gods, but that Islamic practices and ideas had been added; he called it, 'a sect of fetishism. . .with some borrowings from Islam.' [...] Marabouts taught the precepts of Islam and the Arabic language; the level of their teaching ranged from that of simple village clergy to scholars who attracted pupils from the whole Senegambian area. They were, however, best known to the general population for the Islamic amulets or gri-gris they made and which both rulers and commoners sought, to bring good fortune and ward off evil. This situation, which was similar to pre-jihad conditions in other parts of West Africa, continued for several centuries, with Islamic influence slowly permeating Wolof society.\" §REF§(Charles 1977: 19) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NRGZDV3Z\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NRGZDV3Z </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 50, "polity": { "id": 665, "name": "ni_aro", "long_name": "Aro", "start_year": 1690, "end_year": 1902 }, "year_from": 1690, "year_to": 1856, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Inferred from the fact that traditions deriving from indigenous Igbo religion remain today. “In view of the fact that in less than two hundred years of Christian missionary effort, most followers of the Igbo Traditional religion have become Christians, but that nevertheless this traditional religion still retains quite a number of believers, considering particularly that the social and religious context in which most Igbo Christians live in heavily influenced by elements of Igbo Traditional Religion.” §REF§ (Arinze 2014: 10) Arinze, Francis Cardinal. 2014. ‘Christianity Meets Igbo Traditional Religion.’ In Interface Between Igbo Theology and Christianity. Edited by Akuma-Kalu Njoku and Elochukwu Uzukwu. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDKTH88F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SDKTH88F </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 51, "polity": { "id": 665, "name": "ni_aro", "long_name": "Aro", "start_year": 1690, "end_year": 1902 }, "year_from": 1857, "year_to": 1902, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Theo_sync_dif_rel", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "Inferred from the fact that traditions deriving from indigenous Igbo religion remain today. “In view of the fact that in less than two hundred years of Christian missionary effort, most followers of the Igbo Traditional religion have become Christians, but that nevertheless this traditional religion still retains quite a number of believers, considering particularly that the social and religious context in which most Igbo Christians live in heavily influenced by elements of Igbo Traditional Religion.” §REF§ (Arinze 2014: 10) Arinze, Francis Cardinal. 2014. ‘Christianity Meets Igbo Traditional Religion.’ In Interface Between Igbo Theology and Christianity. Edited by Akuma-Kalu Njoku and Elochukwu Uzukwu. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDKTH88F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SDKTH88F </b></a> §REF§" } ] }