Sync Rel Pra Ind Beli List
A viewset for viewing and editing Syncretism of Religious Practices at the Level of Individual Believers.
GET /api/rt/syncretism-of-religious-practices-at-the-level-of-individual-believers/?format=api&page=4
{ "count": 272, "next": "https://seshat-db.com/api/rt/syncretism-of-religious-practices-at-the-level-of-individual-believers/?format=api&page=5", "previous": "https://seshat-db.com/api/rt/syncretism-of-religious-practices-at-the-level-of-individual-believers/?format=api&page=3", "results": [ { "id": 154, "polity": { "id": 74, "name": "gr_crete_emirate", "long_name": "The Emirate of Crete", "start_year": 824, "end_year": 961 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Nicon o Metanoeite is the nickname of St. Nicon who acquired this name because he constantly used the word “metanoeite” (repent) in all his sermons, which he had borrowed from St. John the Baptist’s sermons. [...] Of unique importance is the visit of Nicon o Metanoeite to the island of Crete (Lampsidis, 2007, 178), which took place in 962, just one year after its liberation by Nicephorus Phocas in 961 (for Phocas’ invasion of Crete, Christides, 1984, 172-191; Markopoulos, 1988, Kolias, 1993; Kremp, 1995, 345; Christides, 2017:46; Karapli, 2017:73, 77; Gigourtakis, 2017:55). Nicon o Metanoeite crossed the whole island preaching “repentance” to the inhabitants who had passed a long period under the shadow of the Muslim Arabs. [...] None of the positive aspects of the emirate of Crete mentioned above are reported in Nicon o Metanoeite’s Vita. The short reference to the prevailing situation in Crete at the time of Nicon’s visit in Crete- just a year after its liberation by Nicephorus Phocas- is infused by a strikingly hostile spirit. The narration is in reality a sermon of exhortation of the inhabitants who were accused of contaminating Christianity with the unscriptural Islamic beliefs of the conquerors (Lapsidis, 2007:46, 178-180).\"§REF§(Christides 2018: 6) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/3WIJU6JC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 3WIJU6JC </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 155, "polity": { "id": 69, "name": "gr_crete_hellenistic", "long_name": "Hellenistic Crete", "start_year": -323, "end_year": -69 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Whilst practices associated with the worship of Dictaean Zeus, and the temple at Palaikastro, by Itanos, Praisos and Hierapytna, or with the worship of Ares and Aphrodite, and the temple at Sta Lenika, by Olous and Lato may have served to unify these sets of poleis and to distinguish each of them from its neighbours, other religious practices in poleis in Hellenistic East Crete would have signified participation in religious identities that functioned at a variety of levels. Participation in relatively local Cretan religious identities may have been signified through worship of deities such as Dictaean Zeus by Itanos, Praisos and Hierapytna (Sections 7.2.1, 7.2.3 and 7.2.6), Britomartis by Olous (Section 7.2.7) and Eileithyia and Zeus Kretagenes by Lato (Section 7.2.9), whilst participation in identities at a higher, panhellenic level may have been signified through the worship of deities such as Athena Polias, Apollo Pythios and Demeter by Itanos (Section 7.2.1), Athena Oleria by Oleros, and then Hierapytna (Section 7.2.5), Athena Polias, Hera, Hestia, Ares and Aphrodite by Hierapytna (Section 7.2.6), Hera, Hestia, Ares and Aphrodite by Lato (Section 7.2.9) and Apollo Delphinios by Dreros (Section 7.2.10). The worship of the Egyptian deities, Isis and Serapis at a number of East Cretan poleis, including Hierapytna, Olous and Lato (Sections 7.2.6, 7.2.7 and 7.2.9) may have signified participation in a different set of identities, also at a relatively high level, associated with the Ptolemies and linked to the increasingly wider context within which identities in eastern Crete were negotiated and communicated during the Hellenistic period.” §REF§ (Maarschalk 2011, 236) Maarschalk, Rebekah Louise. 2011. Continuity and Change: Identity in LM IIIC to Hellenistic East Crete. PhD Dissertation. University of Sheffield. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PUEQFNIP\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PUEQFNIP </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 156, "polity": { "id": 62, "name": "gr_crete_new_palace", "long_name": "New Palace Crete", "start_year": -1700, "end_year": -1450 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests that there was iconographic transference with other cultures in the eastern Mediterranean. “The presence of unusual animals is sometimes interpreted as signifying the divinity of the anthropomorphic figures that they accompany. These animals include lions and other felines, griffins (with eagle heads and wings and leonine bodies), Cretan agrimia (wild goats), monkeys, and various birds. Lions, griffins, and monkeys are clearly exotic creatures, associated with rulers or divinities in other ancient cultures of the eastern Mediterranean; their presence on Crete suggests a borrowing on at least the iconographic level.” […] The following quote suggests that there were religious iconographic exchanges between Protopalatial Crete and Egypt and that Minoans adapted these images for their own religious purposes. “Another clear instance of iconographic transfer from the supernatural realm is the figure of Taweret, a hippopotamus goddess associated with women and childbirth in Egypt. She appears on Crete in Protopalatial times, and continued in later periods, but we cannot be sure if the Minoans kept her original religious meaning when they borrowed and changed her image.” […] NB the following quote postulates that the name of a potential Minoan goddess might be related to a Hittite or Levantine goddess with a similar name but is not known for sure. “[…] the early Knossos sealings were impressed by seals bearing the name ‘JA-SA-SA-RA’ in the script commonly known as Cretan Hieroglyphic; JA-SA-SA-RA may be the name of a goddess akin to the Hittite ‘Esha-sara’ or the Levantine ‘Asherah’.” §REF§ (Younger and Rehak 2008, 168, 174) Younger, John G. and Rehak, Paul. 2008. ‘Minoan Culture: Religion, Burial Customs and Administration.’ In The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age. Edited by Cynthia W. Shelmerdine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/X396WBPN\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: X396WBPN </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 157, "polity": { "id": 59, "name": "gr_crete_nl", "long_name": "Neolithic Crete", "start_year": -7000, "end_year": -3000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests relative cultural isolation, making syncretism less likely. “Essential is the fact for most of the Neolithic period (approximately 7000 to 3000 cal BC) Knossos was the only settlement on the island, and was relatively isolated from cultural developments elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean. Although only 1% of Neolithic Knossos has been excavated, the surviving evidence, fragmentary figurines, suggest religious life was focused on the simplicity of the household rather than the broader community. The change comes in the Final Neolithic period, wherein there is a massive dispersal of settlements across the island, indicating population growth perhaps supported by an influx of new settlers. Religiously this manifest in a enriched diversification of ritual material culture, including cave shrines and burial sites, communal feasting at population power centres, and perhaps also the beginning of a ritual landscape.”§REF§ (Peatfield 2016, 174-185) Peatfield, Alan. 2016. ‘Ritual and Religion in Neolithic Crete?’ In Decoding Neolithic Atlantic and Mediterranean Island Ritual. Edited by George Nash and Andrew Townsend. Philadelphia: Oxbow Books. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RSR2X6GK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RSR2X6GK </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 158, "polity": { "id": 61, "name": "gr_crete_old_palace", "long_name": "Old Palace Crete", "start_year": -1900, "end_year": -1700 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests that there were religious iconographic exchanges between Protopalatial Crete and Egypt and that Minoans adapted these images for their own religious purposes. “Another clear instance of iconographic transfer from the supernatural realm is the figure of Taweret, a hippopotamus goddess associated with women and childbirth in Egypt. She appears on Crete in Protopalatial times, and continued in later periods, but we cannot be sure if the Minoans kept her original religious meaning when they borrowed and changed her image.” §REF§ (Younger and Rehak 2008, 168) Younger, John G. and Rehak, Paul. 2008. ‘Minoan Culture: Religion, Burial Customs and Administration.’ In The Cambridge Companion to the Aegean Bronze Age. Edited by Cynthia W. Shelmerdine. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/X396WBPN\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: X396WBPN </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 159, "polity": { "id": 65, "name": "gr_crete_post_palace_2", "long_name": "Final Postpalatial Crete", "start_year": -1200, "end_year": -1000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“It is therefore interesting to stress that the shrines containing figures with upraised arms are almost exclusively found in newly established, defensible LM IIIC sites at inland locations such as Prinias, Karphi, Kephala Vasilikis, Chalasmenos, and Vronda, whereas Stand Shrines are usually located in century-old coastal sites abandoned in the late LM IIIB period, if not earlier. The more complex case of the LM IIIC defensible site of Karphi, where both shrines containing Goddesses with Upraised Arms and a Stand Shrine are attested, is discussed below. It is also obvious that no examples of figures with upraised arms are known from central Cretan settlements that remained inhabited after 1200 B.C.E. These sites betray signs of enhanced Mycenaean influence and seem to have introduced other forms of cults that are said to be a result of a probable incorporation of newcomers from the mainland. Yet, as suggested above, by their appearance, meaning, and function, the figures with upraised arms also show clear connections with Mycenaean religious and social structures. This might suggest that the population of the so-called LM IIIC defensible sites was mixed or at least culturally influenced by practices from the mainland.” §REF§ (Gaignerot-Driessen 2014, 515) Gaignerot-Driessen, Florence. 2014. ‘Goddesses Refusing to Appear? Reconsidering the Late Minoan III Figures with Upraised Arms’. In American Journal of Archaeology. Vol 118:3. Pp. 489–520. Seshat ULR: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RQ5WEFUU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RQ5WEFUU </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 160, "polity": { "id": 64, "name": "gr_crete_post_palace_1", "long_name": "Postpalatial Crete", "start_year": -1300, "end_year": -1200 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "“The archaeological evidence does not support the hypothesis of a Mycenaean-Minoan religious syncretism in post-palatial Crete in general. […] I think we are now relying too much on the Linear B texts from Knossos with their many Greek divinities. Even if they do reflect a syncretism, this was probably a phenomenon of limited scope and perhaps even duration, with little if any impact on the Cretan population at large, as we can see in the archaeological record. The real Mycenaeanization or rather Hellenization of Crete started only with the massive population movements from the Mainland close to the end of the Bronze Age, and even then it took a long time: even in Classical times the Cretan cults retained more peculiar traits, inherited from the Minoan past.” §REF§ (Hägg 1997, 168) Hägg, Robin. 1997. ‘Religious Syncretism at Knossos in Postpalatial Crete’. In La Crète mycénienne. Actes de la Table ronde internationale organisée par l’École française d’Athènes. Suppléments au Bulletin de Correspondance Hellénique. Athens: École française d’Athènes. Vol. 30. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/78U8ZNJ2\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 78U8ZNJ2 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 161, "polity": { "id": 105, "name": "il_yisrael", "long_name": "Yisrael", "start_year": -1030, "end_year": -722 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Up to the 7th century BCE, the individual Israelites lived in a religious sphere that was clearly separated from the official religion of the Israelite and Judean states. Managing their daily lives as members of their own families, they had their own religious experiences, practices, and symbolic systems, which differed plainly from those of the nation, its main sanctuaries, institutions, and religious elites.” §REF§(Albertz, 429) In Johnston, Sarah Iles, ed. 2004. Religions of the Ancient World: A Guide. Harvard University Press Reference Library. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/DYW2LWKS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: DYW2LWKS </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 162, "polity": { "id": 110, "name": "il_judea", "long_name": "Yehuda", "start_year": -141, "end_year": -63 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Alongside the ‘official’ teaching of the literature, though, there may have been other more popular beliefs. The exact form of these beliefs is not entirely clear; indeed, one should probably think of a variety of beliefs rather than a unified doctrine. The indications are that the dead were regarded as having powers and knowledge of the future in some circles. The question is currently being debated; in any case, the view that death could be survived becomes a clear view only in the Persian or Greek periods. It has been suggested that this was primarily due to Zoroastrian or Greek influence, though others have argued that it was a natural development from Israelite roots.” §REF§(Grabbe 87) Grabbe, Lester L. 2010. An Introduction to Second Temple Judaism: History and Religion of the Jews in the Time of Nehemiah, the Maccabees, Hillel and Jesus. London ; New York: T & T Clark. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8KEVRQ9H\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8KEVRQ9H </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 163, "polity": { "id": 126, "name": "pk_indo_greek_k", "long_name": "Indo-Greek Kingdom", "start_year": -180, "end_year": -10 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“There was considerable flexibility in iconography and religious practice in the Hellenistic Far East: sites might serve as foci of multiple religious rites, perhaps with different ethnic ‘slants’, and be patronized by more than one ethnic group, or by individuals with a more complex personal ethnic identity. The use of multiple names for the same temple or divine image need not necessarily have operated at the level of officially orchestrated or approved syncretism. But if this did occur, as I suspect it did, it may have allowed diverse ethnic communities to use the same site without the necessity of ‘appropriating’ the deity and its worship for any particular ethnic affiliation. This is not to impute any degree of ‘split personality’ to the identity and iconography of the divinity. Greeks may have looked at the 'Dioskouroi' at Dil'berdzhin and seen one thing, and local Bactrians may have looked at them and seen another (how would a Greek and a Bactrian have referred to them in conversation with one another?). On the other hand, it is possible that people who looked at such an image did so with a conscious awareness that it was more all-encompassing, something that could have the attributes of one god without denying its identity as the other.” §REF§ Mairs, R. (2015). Bactria and India. In E. Eidinow & J. Kindt (Eds.), The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Greek Religion (pp. 637–650). Oxford University Press, 638, 640 & 646–647. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WRPWNCR9\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WRPWNCR9 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 164, "polity": { "id": 120, "name": "pk_kachi_pre_urban", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Pre-Urban Period", "start_year": -3200, "end_year": -2500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Based on expert advice (Alessandro Ceccarelli, 2017) that \"unknown\" is the most accurate code with regards to religious variables in this era." }, { "id": 165, "polity": { "id": 118, "name": "pk_kachi_lnl", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic", "start_year": -5500, "end_year": -4000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Based on expert advice (Alessandro Ceccarelli, 2017) that \"unknown\" is the most accurate code with regards to religious variables in this era." }, { "id": 166, "polity": { "id": 135, "name": "in_delhi_sultanate", "long_name": "Delhi Sultanate", "start_year": 1206, "end_year": 1526 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“The Sufis were broadly divided into two types and both types were found in India. The first type was those who followed Islamic law and the second was those who were not bound by it. The second type consisted of mainly wandering Sufis. Some of the eminent Sufis were venerated by both the Hindus and Muslims.” §REF§ (Ray, 2019) Ray, Aniruddha. 2019. The Sultanate of Delhi (1206 – 1526): Polity, Economy, Society and Culture. Milton Park: Routledge. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2S5I44XU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2S5I44XU </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 167, "polity": { "id": 119, "name": "pk_kachi_ca", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Chalcolithic", "start_year": -4000, "end_year": -3200 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Based on expert advice (Alessandro Ceccarelli, 2017) that \"unknown\" is the most accurate code with regards to religious variables in this era." }, { "id": 168, "polity": { "id": 117, "name": "pk_kachi_enl", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Aceramic Neolithic", "start_year": -7500, "end_year": -5500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Based on expert advice (Alessandro Ceccarelli, 2017) that \"unknown\" is the most accurate code with regards to religious variables in this era." }, { "id": 169, "polity": { "id": 125, "name": "ir_parthian_emp_1", "long_name": "Parthian Empire I", "start_year": -247, "end_year": 40 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote implies that at least some groups within this polity worshipped both Zoroastrian and Greek gods. ”In the search of the faith of the Parthians, changes of religion in the Parthian vassal states or in states under Parthian influence also need to be examined. Helpful in this case are investigations in belief in the gods of Commagene, where, from 64/65 BC, a syncretism between Greek and Zoroastrian gods can be proven (see 5.2). There, the god Mithra is shown together with Antiochus I, king of the Commagene (Fig 11.4). […] The finds in Commagene in Nemrud Dagh (Turkish: Nemrut dagi, see 5.2) already mentioned the syncretism that existed between Greek and Iranian gods. Importantly, in a first phase, the gods depicted there received only their Greek names: Zeus, Apollo and Artemis. In a second phase, from about 65/64 BC, figures then received Graeco-Iranian double names (Fig 5.3). Thus, Zeus was equated with Ahura Mazda (Oromasdes, also written Oromazdes), Heracles with his Iranian counterpart – Verethragna. Mithra found his Greek equivalent in the sun god Helios as well as in Apollo and the god Hermes. In inscriptions, all four names are set in parallel: Mithra-Apollo-Helios-hermes. With the introduction of Ahura Mazda, Mithra and Verethragna, the influence of the Zoroastrian faith becomes clear. In Bactria, Mithra appears as Mirh.” §REF§ (Ellerbrock 2021) Uwe Ellerbrock 2021. The Parthians: The Forgotten Empire. London: Taylor & Francis. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/TFP2ZQGD\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: TFP2ZQGD </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 170, "polity": { "id": 148, "name": "jp_kamakura", "long_name": "Kamakura Shogunate", "start_year": 1185, "end_year": 1333 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB Shinto scholar Helen Hardacre argues that the word “syncretism” does not adequately reflect the relationship between Shinto and Buddhism. “[T]he question of syncretism with respect to Shinto and Buddhism cannot be resolved in the abstract. We do not find that the Kami disappear in formulations dominated by Buddhist intellectual paradigms and divinities. Instead, the associations of particular Kami and Buddhas in specific sites defined the parameters of religious life there. When we examine religious life in terms of specific sites, we find a spectrum of relations, ranging from competition between sites to struggles for dominance within a single site to ceremonial and festivals that project an image of unity or harmony. […] The term syncretism not only fails to do justice to the complexity of this historical reality, but also obscures the variety of intellectual, religious, and institutional relations structuring religious life.”§REF§(Hardacre 2017: 145) Hardacre, H. Shinto: A History. Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/hardacre/titleCreatorYear/items/7RP3IRVR/item-list §REF§\r\n\r\n“Ippen (1239-89), a proponent of Pure Land Buddhism and a contemporary of Nichiren, was another religious figure who synthesized Buddhism with various popular beliefs and practices. […] He managed to communicate Buddhism to the people as a path of salvation, by integrating it with practices they could understand. Even while seeking salvation in Buddhism, the common people retained their native Shinto religious beliefs. Ippen was open and responsive to Shinto, and he incorporated various beliefs and practices associated with the kami into his own religious paradigm. In so doing, he made his teachings compatible with the spiritual inclinations on the ordinary people. Throughout Japanese history, it was necessary for Buddhism to come to terms with Japan's indigenous religious traditions in order for it to spread widely. Nichiren's and Ippen's teachings accomplished this synthesis better than those of the earlier Kamakura thinkers, as both molded Buddhism to fit the popular religious consciousness of the Japanese.” §REF§ (Kazuo, 559-560) Kazuo, Osumi. 2008. ‘Buddhism in the Kamakura Period’. In The Cambridge history of Japan: Medieval Japan. Edited by John W. Hall et. al. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BXU2MSF6\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BXU2MSF6 </b></a>§REF§“During the Kamakura Era, joint shrines were once again erected to both Shinto kami and the various Buddhist gods and goddesses. True, Shinto adopted more Buddhist traditions than the other way around but it was still present . The deep countryside still maintained almost purely Shinto ceremonies and folklore. Certain Shinto ceremonies were even still performed at the imperial court. The Daijoe, a ceremony performed when a new emperor is installed , and the Jinkonjiki, a biannual offering to the kami by the emperor in return for peace and prosperity, were only two such rituals still observed. The Buddha and kami were also often seen as useful to call upon for different reasons. Kami assisted people with worldly affairs, while the Buddha was turned to for issues dealing with life after death. §REF§ (Symonds, 28) Symonds, Shannon. 2005. A History of Japanese Religion: From Ancient Times to Present. New York: State University of New York Repository. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2RAFS9A4\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2RAFS9A4 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 171, "polity": { "id": 147, "name": "jp_heian", "long_name": "Heian", "start_year": 794, "end_year": 1185 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB Shinto scholar Helen Hardacre argues that the word “syncretism” does not adequately reflect the relationship between Shinto and Buddhism. “[T]he question of syncretism with respect to Shinto and Buddhism cannot be resolved in the abstract. We do not find that the Kami disappear in formulations dominated by Buddhist intellectual paradigms and divinities. Instead, the associations of particular Kami and Buddhas in specific sites defined the parameters of religious life there. When we examine religious life in terms of specific sites, we find a spectrum of relations, ranging from competition between sites to struggles for dominance within a single site to ceremonial and festivals that project an image of unity or harmony. […] The term syncretism not only fails to do justice to the complexity of this historical reality, but also obscures the variety of intellectual, religious, and institutional relations structuring religious life.”§REF§(Hardacre 2017: 145) Hardacre, H. Shinto: A History. Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/hardacre/titleCreatorYear/items/7RP3IRVR/item-list §REF§\r\n\r\n“If the aristocrats and intelligentsia had an articulate notion of the relationship of Shinto and Buddhism, the masses had little sense of discrimination in such matters. The man in the street accepted all kinds of beliefs derived not only from Buddhism and Shinto but also from religious Taoism, Confucian ethics, and the more primitive, native Japanese animistic folk religion.\" §REF§ (Hori 1968, 93) Hori, Ichiro. 1968. Folk Religion in Japan. Chicago: The University of Chicago Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/G4ACW2ZM\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: G4ACW2ZM </b></a>§REF§\r\n\r\n“[…] in supposedly Shinto shrines, Buddhist and other non-Shinto cults operated, including goryō, a special ritual designed to pacify the spirits with sumō (wrestling), dances, and other entertainments. People no longer were bound by the specific kami of their own families and clans, they could invoke any of the Shinto or Buddhist divinities according to their needs and inclinations.” §REF§ (Kitigawa 1990, 73) Kitigawa, Joseph. 1990. Religion in Japanese History. New York: Columbia University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KPHNZGTT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KPHNZGTT </b></a>§REF§“[…] Imbe-no-Hiromichi, traditional Shintoist par excellence, appropriated Confucian notions into his interpretation of the meaning of Shinto rituals. Many Shinto priests utilized Chinese geomancy, the Yin-yang system, and Taoistic ideas, and the kami were often referred to as Shinmei or myōjin, words of unmistakable Chinese origin referring to gods.” §REF§ (Kitigawa 1990, 67) Kitigawa, Joseph. 1990. Religion in Japanese History. New York: Columbia University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KPHNZGTT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KPHNZGTT </b></a>§REF§\r\n\r\n“The government issued an edict in 807, for instance, forbidding sorcerers, diviners, and priests to seduce the surreptitious masses, but the government was powerless to control the abuse of religious rites by practitioners of Onmyōdō (the Yin-yang and the Taoistic magic) and other occult systems. In fact, some of these practitioners were called upon even by the court in time of pestilence; or to aid in the selection of the heir apparent.” §REF§ (Kitigawa 1990, 57) Kitigawa, Joseph. 1990. Religion in Japanese History. New York: Columbia University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KPHNZGTT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KPHNZGTT </b></a>§REF§\r\n\r\n“The fact that so many people of various walks of life made pilgrimages to the mountains and distant places was significant, in the sense that the religious beliefs and practices of Shinto and Buddhism, as wells as those of the aristocrats and the masses, influenced each other.” §REF§ (Kitigawa 1990, 73) Kitigawa, Joseph. 1990. Religion in Japanese History. New York: Columbia University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KPHNZGTT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KPHNZGTT </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 172, "polity": { "id": 151, "name": "jp_azuchi_momoyama", "long_name": "Japan - Azuchi-Momoyama", "start_year": 1568, "end_year": 1603 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB Shinto scholar Helen Hardacre argues that the word “syncretism” does not adequately reflect the relationship between Shinto and Buddhism. “[T]he question of syncretism with respect to Shinto and Buddhism cannot be resolved in the abstract. We do not find that the Kami disappear in formulations dominated by Buddhist intellectual paradigms and divinities. Instead, the associations of particular Kami and Buddhas in specific sites defined the parameters of religious life there. When we examine religious life in terms of specific sites, we find a spectrum of relations, ranging from competition between sites to struggles for dominance within a single site to ceremonial and festivals that project an image of unity or harmony. […] The term syncretism not only fails to do justice to the complexity of this historical reality, but also obscures the variety of intellectual, religious, and institutional relations structuring religious life.”§REF§(Hardacre 2017: 145) Hardacre, H. Shinto: A History. Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/hardacre/titleCreatorYear/items/7RP3IRVR/item-list §REF§\r\n\r\n\r\n“According to folklorists, one of the distinctive features of ancestor veneration in Japan is that in Buddhist services, the dead are first worshiped as hotoke, or spirits, but eventually (typically thirty-three or, in some cases, fifty years after death), the soul of the deceased is believed to lose its individual characteristics. At that point, it becomes fused with the spirits of the ancestors in general and, as the ancestral deity of the house, enters the realm of the kami. Although such beliefs are commonly referred to as \"traditional folk religion,\" it is likely that this particular form of ancestral veneration, combining elements of both Buddhist and kami worship, spread widely through- out society only in the last several centuries.” §REF§ (Masahide, 389) Masahide, Bito. 2008. ‘Thought and Religion 1550-1700’. In The Cambridge History of Japan: Early Modern Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8C4KQFQ2\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8C4KQFQ2 </b></a>§REF§\r\n\r\n“Although syncretism was practiced from antiquity, the practice of distinguishing between the customs and forms of worship that could be performed at Shinto shrines and at Buddhist temples, as well as the compartmentalization of these two religions into separate religious spheres, was essentially a post- sixteenth-century phenomenon.” §REF§ (Masahide, 379) Masahide, Bito. 2008. ‘Thought and Religion 1550-1700’. In The Cambridge History of Japan: Early Modern Japan. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8C4KQFQ2\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8C4KQFQ2 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 173, "polity": { "id": 149, "name": "jp_ashikaga", "long_name": "Ashikaga Shogunate", "start_year": 1336, "end_year": 1467 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB Shinto scholar Helen Hardacre argues that the word “syncretism” does not adequately reflect the relationship between Shinto and Buddhism. “[T]he question of syncretism with respect to Shinto and Buddhism cannot be resolved in the abstract. We do not find that the Kami disappear in formulations dominated by Buddhist intellectual paradigms and divinities. Instead, the associations of particular Kami and Buddhas in specific sites defined the parameters of religious life there. When we examine religious life in terms of specific sites, we find a spectrum of relations, ranging from competition between sites to struggles for dominance within a single site to ceremonial and festivals that project an image of unity or harmony. […] The term syncretism not only fails to do justice to the complexity of this historical reality, but also obscures the variety of intellectual, religious, and institutional relations structuring religious life.”§REF§(Hardacre 2017: 145) Hardacre, H. Shinto: A History. Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/hardacre/titleCreatorYear/items/7RP3IRVR/item-list §REF§\r\n\r\n\r\n“On an everyday level, people felt a strong sense of fear toward the kami. For example, in many medieval oaths (kishdmon), it is recorded, \"If I violate this pledge, may the punishments of Bonten and Taishakuten, of the kami of the provinces, and especially of the guardian kami of this shoen be visited upon this body of mine. […] It is true that in Buddhism also people would petition the Buddha for \"peace in this world and good fortune in the next\", but as a general rule matters of this world were addressed to the kami and those of the coming world to the Buddha. In times of worldly difficulty one might pray for the protection of the kami and the Buddha, but first and foremost for that of the kami. Or, when heading into battle, one would beseech the kami for good fortune in war. Concerning the kami and their power, it was generally said that they were strict in both reward and punishment. Such views simply highlight the influence and control which religion exerted over secular life.” §REF§ (Kuroda, 17) Kuroda, Toshio. 1981. ‘Shinto in the History of Japanese Religion’. In The Journal of Japanese Studies. Vol. 7. Pp. 1-21. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ZJ6PMUH9\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ZJ6PMUH9 </b></a>§REF§ \r\n\r\n“Most patrons of Zen, at least among the elite, however, seem to have adopted a more eclectic attitude, combining practice and patronage of Zen with devotion to other Buddhist schools.” §REF§ (Collcutt, 636) Collcutt, Martin. 2008. ‘Zen and the gozan’. In Cambridge History of Japan: Medieval Japan. Edited by Kozo Yamamura. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9TV6ENUR\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9TV6ENUR </b></a>§REF§\r\n\r\n“Although Eisai and Enni had carefully observed Ch'an monastic life in China and sought to recreate it in Japan, pressure from supporters of established Buddhism, especially of the Enryakuji, obliged them to incorporate Tendai and Shingon buildings and rituals into their monasteries, the Kenninji and the Tofukuji.” §REF§ (Collcutt, 648) Collcutt, Martin. 2008. ‘Zen and the gozan’. In Cambridge History of Japan: Medieval Japan. Edited by Kozo Yamamura. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9TV6ENUR\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9TV6ENUR </b></a>§REF§\r\n\r\n“As the role of Chinese masters declined from the early fourteenth century, Japanese influences, especially from Shingon Buddhism, grew stronger in the gozan. Shingon practices had been incorporated into the Rinzai Zen teaching of Muhon Kakushin and his followers, but it was under the powerful influence of Muso Soseki that they permeated gozan Zen monastic practice.” §REF§ (Collcutt, 649) Collcutt, Martin. 2008. ‘Zen and the gozan’. In Cambridge History of Japan: Medieval Japan. Edited by Kozo Yamamura. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9TV6ENUR\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9TV6ENUR </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 174, "polity": { "id": 263, "name": "jp_nara", "long_name": "Nara Kingdom", "start_year": 710, "end_year": 794 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB Shinto scholar Helen Hardacre argues that the word “syncretism” does not adequately reflect the relationship between Shinto and Buddhism. “[T]he question of syncretism with respect to Shinto and Buddhism cannot be resolved in the abstract. We do not find that the Kami disappear in formulations dominated by Buddhist intellectual paradigms and divinities. Instead, the associations of particular Kami and Buddhas in specific sites defined the parameters of religious life there. When we examine religious life in terms of specific sites, we find a spectrum of relations, ranging from competition between sites to struggles for dominance within a single site to ceremonial and festivals that project an image of unity or harmony. […] The term syncretism not only fails to do justice to the complexity of this historical reality, but also obscures the variety of intellectual, religious, and institutional relations structuring religious life.”§REF§(Hardacre 2017: 145) Hardacre, H. Shinto: A History. Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/hardacre/titleCreatorYear/items/7RP3IRVR/item-list §REF§\r\n\r\n\r\n“A variety of folk religious leaders, variously called private monks (shidoso) and unordained monks emerged. Many of them were magicians, healers, and shamanic diviners of the mountain districts or the countryside who came under nominal Buddhist influence although they had no formal Buddhist training and had only tenuous connections to Buddhism. Their religious outlook was strongly influenced by the shamanistic folk piety of Japanese religious traditions and Taoism, but they also appropriated many features of Buddhism and taught simple and syncretistic “folk Buddhism” among the lower strata of society.” §REF§ (Kitagawa, 15) Kitagawa, Joseph. 1966. Japanese Religion. Columbia: Columbia University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/Z5H6CUE8\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: Z5H6CUE8 </b></a>§REF§“Most Buddhists were primarily interested in invoking the new kami for a variety of practical benefits and an assurance of well-being in the life to come.” §REF§ (Kitagawa, 40) Kitagawa, Joseph. 1966. Religion in Japanese History. New York: Columbia University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/Z5H6CUE8\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: Z5H6CUE8 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 175, "polity": { "id": 145, "name": "jp_kofun", "long_name": "Kansai - Kofun Period", "start_year": 250, "end_year": 537 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“But because no written Japanese records of that day have been preserved, and Korean and Chinese accounts do not tell us much about contemporary life on the Japanese islands, the Yamato period has long been considered a dark and puzzling stretch of prehistory.” §REF§ (Brown 1993, 108) Brown, Delmer. 1993. ‘The Yamato Kingdom. In The Cambridge History of Japan: Ancient Japan. Edited by Delmer E. Brown. Vol 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/5FDFQIWT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 5FDFQIWT </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 176, "polity": { "id": 146, "name": "jp_asuka", "long_name": "Asuka", "start_year": 538, "end_year": 710 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "Shinto scholar Helen Hardacre argues that the word “syncretism” does not adequately reflect the relationship between Shinto and Buddhism. “[T]he question of syncretism with respect to Shinto and Buddhism cannot be resolved in the abstract. We do not find that the Kami disappear in formulations dominated by Buddhist intellectual paradigms and divinities. Instead, the associations of particular Kami and Buddhas in specific sites defined the parameters of religious life there. When we examine religious life in terms of specific sites, we find a spectrum of relations, ranging from competition between sites to struggles for dominance within a single site to ceremonial and festivals that project an image of unity or harmony. […] The term syncretism not only fails to do justice to the complexity of this historical reality, but also obscures the variety of intellectual, religious, and institutional relations structuring religious life.”§REF§(Hardacre 2017: 145) Hardacre, H. Shinto: A History. Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/hardacre/titleCreatorYear/items/7RP3IRVR/item-list §REF§\r\n\r\n“Japanese people did not “belong” exclusively to just one religion. It is common for a Japanese person to be active in more than one religion tradition: several traditions may be combined in one religious activity, or a person may resort to one religious tradition: several traditions may be combined in one religious activity, or a person may resort to one tradition for one purpose and then rely on another tradition for another purpose.” §REF§ (Earhart 1984, 22) Earhart, H. Byron. 1984. Religions of Japan. San Francisco: Harper Collins. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JJKT2XAC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JJKT2XAC </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 177, "polity": { "id": 528, "name": "mx_monte_alban_3_a", "long_name": "Monte Alban III", "start_year": 200, "end_year": 500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Period IIIA mortuary practices show changes in other sectors of Monte Alban. Excavations at two residences on the northeast ridge revealed evidence of mortuary rituals centered on the residential patio: infants and newborns were interred beneath the patio floors with ceramic vessels as offerings. One residence had eleven and another had nine of these examples (Martinez 1998:150, 191). Most adults were buried separately in tombs. These residences occur in the area mentioned above occupied in late Period II by families involved in commerce with Teotihuacan (Martinez1998:342), and perhaps the new burial practices simply reflect adoption of nonlocal customs. Examples of subpatio burials in the 1972-1973 excavation area (burials 1972-11 and 1972-12; see Winter et al. 1995:27-28) show this custom was also present in a lowstatus residential area at Monte Alban. The ritual focus on the patio in Period IIIA at Monte Alban was perhaps related to the Teotihuacan custom of using the patio as a center of compound rituals. […] Several possibilities might account for the Period IIIA changes in religion and ritual at Monte Alban. Perhaps Monte Alban elites and commoners simply adopted Teotihuacan customs; a Teotihuacan barrio existed at Monte Alban and the inhabitants influenced local practices; or perhaps Teotihuacanos took control of Monte Alban.” §REF§ (Winter 2002, 77-78) Winter, Marcus. 2002. ‘Monte Albán: Mortuary Practices as Domestic Ritual and their Relation to Community Religion’. In Domestic Ritual in Ancient Mesoamerica. Edited by Patricia Plunket. Los Angeles, CA: The Cotsen Institute of archaeology, University of California. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/X6V5WSFI\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: X6V5WSFI </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 178, "polity": { "id": 84, "name": "es_spanish_emp_1", "long_name": "Spanish Empire I", "start_year": 1516, "end_year": 1715 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "Jews and Muslims who converted to Christianity often continued to celebrate their own traditional rituals, alongside their newly adopted Christian ones, but in secret. For example, they would have their children baptised, but then celebrate Jewish or Muslim post-natal rituals. However, it is worth repeating that this was all done in secret. \"Birth rituals were quite common in both communities, as crypto-Jewish and Muslim women were celebrating fadas or hadas after the birth of their children, whether male or female. Hasenfeld claims that this custom is “prescribed by Sunni law” and includes bathing the infant on the eighth day when the baby would be dressed festively, decorated with henna; at this time a profession of faith was whispered into his or her ear. García-Arenal describes it more as a naming ceremony that became a way to nullify the baptism. The child would be washed in order to remove the baptismal oils and rub off the chrism. He or she would be adorned, often with beads and then given a Moslem name along with recitations in Arabic. A celebratory feast followed; even the poor arranged a modest gathering where sweets and fruit were served. In the Spanish Jewish community, both before and after the Expulsion, as well as among the conversos, hadas were celebrated on the eighth day after the child’s birth. As described in various trials, relatives and friends would congregate and dress the infant in white, a collation including fruit would be served, and the participants often sang to the accompaniment of tambourines.\" §REF§ (Levine Melammed 2010: 159) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/V3SWUVZ3\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: V3SWUVZ3 </b></a>.§REF§ “As seen in other quarters of the Spanish empire, Native Americans and Catholic clergy pursued transactional conversions that embraced elements of multiple traditions.” §REF§ (Cobb: 2021) Cobb, Charles R. 2021. ‘Indigenous Negotiations of Missionization and Religious Conversion.’ In The Routledge Handbook of the Archaeology of Indigenous-Colonial Interaction in the Americas. Edited by Lee Panich and Sara Gonzalez. London: Routledge. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/X64P9KX4\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: X64P9KX4 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 179, "polity": { "id": 791, "name": "bd_khadga_dyn", "long_name": "Khadga Dynasty", "start_year": 650, "end_year": 700 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although religious specialists such as Xuanzang clearly distinguished between traditions, we do not know to what extent ordinary believers in Bangladesh understood these religious forms as separate or as an amalgamated whole. Neither do we know how these forms interacted with pre-existing religions or to what extent they spread beyond urban centres. It is clear, however, that very gradually many local deities became incorporated into the Sanskritic religions, giving these a particular regional flavour. One distinct regional feature is the persisting popularity of powerful female deities: Monosha (manasā), who protects worshippers against snakebites, Chondi (candī), the goddess of forest life and hunting, Shitola (śītalā), who guards against smallpox, and the fierce and vengeful Kali (kāli).\"§REF§(Van Schendel 2009: 26-27) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JD6ZB9SG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JD6ZB9SG </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 180, "polity": { "id": 792, "name": "in_kanva_dyn", "long_name": "Magadha - Kanva Dynasty", "start_year": -75, "end_year": -30 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although religious specialists such as Xuanzang clearly distinguished between traditions, we do not know to what extent ordinary believers in Bangladesh understood these religious forms as separate or as an amalgamated whole. Neither do we know how these forms interacted with pre-existing religions or to what extent they spread beyond urban centres. It is clear, however, that very gradually many local deities became incorporated into the Sanskritic religions, giving these a particular regional flavour. One distinct regional feature is the persisting popularity of powerful female deities: Monosha (manasā), who protects worshippers against snakebites, Chondi (candī), the goddess of forest life and hunting, Shitola (śītalā), who guards against smallpox, and the fierce and vengeful Kali (kāli).\" (Van Schendel 2009: 26-27)" }, { "id": 181, "polity": { "id": 793, "name": "bd_sena_dyn", "long_name": "Sena Dynasty", "start_year": 1095, "end_year": 1245 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although religious specialists such as Xuanzang clearly distinguished between traditions, we do not know to what extent ordinary believers in Bangladesh understood these religious forms as separate or as an amalgamated whole. Neither do we know how these forms interacted with pre-existing religions or to what extent they spread beyond urban centres. It is clear, however, that very gradually many local deities became incorporated into the Sanskritic religions, giving these a particular regional flavour. One distinct regional feature is the persisting popularity of powerful female deities: Monosha (manasā), who protects worshippers against snakebites, Chondi (candī), the goddess of forest life and hunting, Shitola (śītalā), who guards against smallpox, and the fierce and vengeful Kali (kāli).\" §REF§ (Van Schendel 2009: 26-27) Van Schendel, William. 2009. A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: §REF§" }, { "id": 182, "polity": { "id": 781, "name": "bd_nawabs_of_bengal", "long_name": "Nawabs of Bengal", "start_year": 1717, "end_year": 1757 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "’’’ “It may be mentioned here that many of the Muslim converts retained their inherited customs and social behaviour, as is evident even today. Thus, while the social and religious life of the Muslims profoundly influenced Hinduism, conversely some practices of the Hindus entered into the life of the Muslims.” §REF§Islam, Kazi Nurul (2011). Historical Overview of Religious Pluralism in Bengal. Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology, 8(1), 26–33, 30. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WZQEW6RZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WZQEW6RZ </b></a> §REF§ “My second example concerns the religious frontier, which is usually presented as a clear contrast between monotheistic Islam and polytheistic Hinduism. The domestication of Islam to the pre-existing world-views of the inhabitants of the Bengal delta makes such a simple juxtaposition untenable. For most Bangladeshis who consider themselves Muslims the distinction is far less straightforward. They combine a belief in the god of scriptural Islam, Allah, with a belief in other superhuman protectors. For example, inhabitants of southern Bangladesh fear to enter the Sundarban marshlands without praying to Bonbibi (ban(a)bibi), a benevolent ‘Muslim’ forest goddess, who, like her male counterpart Gazi Pir (ga ̄ji pı ̄r), can protect them from tigers and crocodiles. Travellers on large rivers in eastern Bangladesh invoke the deity Bodor (badar) to ensure a safe journey. Bodor’s Islamic identity is emphasised by sometimes referring to him as Bodor Pir (badar pı ̄r), suggesting that he is seen as the deified form of some legendary pir or Islamic spiritual guide. In this way Bangladeshi Muslims have pragmatically incorporated worship of many deities, some in animal or bird form, into their religious practices. Many of these are worshipped by Hindus and Muslims alike. Bonbibi and Bodor are joined by a host of other popular gods – such as Panch Pir (pa ̃ch pı ̄r; Shotto Pir/Shotto Narain (satya pı ̄r/na ̄ra ̄yan); the jungle deity Badshah (ba ̄dsa ̄h) and the cholera goddess Olabibi/Oladebi (o ̄la ̄bibi/devi) – who continue to cross the religious frontier. What is true of deities is true of a range of other rituals and practices; followers of Islam and Hinduism in Bangladesh share many of them.” §REF§ Van Schendel, W. (2009). A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge University Press, 34–36. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JD6ZB9SG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JD6ZB9SG </b></a> §REF§ “A very important characteristic of Islam in Bengal is what Asim Roy calls “the Islamic syncretistic tradition”. He goes on to assert: “syncretism remained integral to the process of Islamisation in Bengal as a result of an interaction between ‘an intrusive religion and an indigenous culture’ that formulated the religious, social and cultural life pattern of Bengali Muslims (1983:248).” Islam in Bengal attained a character quite different from its exogenous fundamental entity (Sarkar 1972, 27- 42).Tarafdar (1986, 93-110) termed this local character of Islam a “regional type of Islam”. This characteristic can be explained by assuming that Islam had to accommodate a wide variety of local religio-cultural elements. The masses of Hindu-Buddhist and tribal peoples with their inseparable links with past traditional cultural and religious practices came under the influence of the newly arrived Islam. But they retained their old ideas and customs and assimilated to a new faith their earlier socio-religious experience.” §REF§ Chowdhury, A. M. (2011). Reflections on Islamisation in Bengal. Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology, 8(1), 45–50, 46–47. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WZQEW6RZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WZQEW6RZ </b></a> §REF§ There was a long process of ‘harmonizing’ Hinduism and indigenous cults, from around the thirteenth century through the sultanate period, which involved both official and popular adoption/incorporation of different deities and religious practices. “As elsewhere in India, there arose in Bengal a need to harmonize Vedic religion, which focused on male deities, with indigenous Indian cults, in which female deities dominated.” […] “By the late sixteenth century, while the ecstatic spirit of Chaitanya’s devotional movement was still vibrant, the upper castes had already begun to ally themselves with the movement in the process redefining it along orthodox lines. In subsequent centuries, Vaishnava piety, though originating in cities, would make deep inroads among Begal’s Hindu artisan and cultivating castes.” §REF§ Eaton, R. M. (1996). The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press, 103 & 112. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UFZ2JWS8\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UFZ2JWS8 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 183, "polity": { "id": 396, "name": "in_pala_emp", "long_name": "Pala Empire", "start_year": 750, "end_year": 1174 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“The above facts indicate that in Medieval India, religious liberality was prevalent; thus a person is described as the follower of different religions in different circumstances […] So it is most natural that the tutelary deity of one person might be different from the deity of his father or son. And it must not be decided that the early Indian people of the Pala period had no distinct sense of religion. But there was freedom among the commoners to worship a god of one’s own choice.” §REF§ (Bagchi 1993, 99-100) Bagchi, Jhunu. 1993. The History and Culture of the Palas of Bengal and Bihar, Cir. 750 A.D. – Cir. 1200 A.D. Delhi: Abhinav Publications. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/88BDAFJW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 88BDAFJW </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 184, "polity": { "id": 794, "name": "in_vanga_k", "long_name": "Vanga Dynasty", "start_year": 550, "end_year": 600 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although religious specialists such as Xuanzang clearly distinguished between traditions, we do not know to what extent ordinary believers in Bangladesh understood these religious forms as separate or as an amalgamated whole. Neither do we know how these forms interacted with pre-existing religions or to what extent they spread beyond urban centres. It is clear, however, that very gradually many local deities became incorporated into the Sanskritic religions, giving these a particular regional flavour. One distinct regional feature is the persisting popularity of powerful female deities: Monosha (manasā), who protects worshippers against snakebites, Chondi (candī), the goddess of forest life and hunting, Shitola (śītalā), who guards against smallpox, and the fierce and vengeful Kali (kāli).\"§REF§(Van Schendel 2009: 26-27) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JD6ZB9SG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JD6ZB9SG </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 185, "polity": { "id": 795, "name": "bd_yadava_varman_dyn", "long_name": "Yadava-Varman Dynasty", "start_year": 1080, "end_year": 1150 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although religious specialists such as Xuanzang clearly distinguished between traditions, we do not know to what extent ordinary believers in Bangladesh understood these religious forms as separate or as an amalgamated whole. Neither do we know how these forms interacted with pre-existing religions or to what extent they spread beyond urban centres. It is clear, however, that very gradually many local deities became incorporated into the Sanskritic religions, giving these a particular regional flavour. One distinct regional feature is the persisting popularity of powerful female deities: Monosha (manasā), who protects worshippers against snakebites, Chondi (candī), the goddess of forest life and hunting, Shitola (śītalā), who guards against smallpox, and the fierce and vengeful Kali (kāli).\" §REF§ (Van Schendel 2009: 26-27) Van Schendel, William. 2009. A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: §REF§" }, { "id": 186, "polity": { "id": 780, "name": "bd_chandra_dyn", "long_name": "Chandra Dynasty", "start_year": 900, "end_year": 1050 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Many scholars have felt impelled to emphasise the toleration of different sects and denominations evinced by Indian rulers. [...] It seems fairly clear that, traditionally in India, people readily transferred or distributed their allegiance between different sects, seeing no logical inconsistency in approaching different gods for different purposes, and that this apparently syncretic style of religious behaviour encouraged a relaxed attitude to what others did as well; evidently, too, rulers generally extended their acceptance of this practice.\"§REF§(Copland, Mabbett, Roy, Brittlebank and Bowles 2012: 74-77) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ATSZ6QBU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ATSZ6QBU </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 187, "polity": { "id": 778, "name": "in_east_india_co", "long_name": "British East India Company", "start_year": 1757, "end_year": 1858 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Petty kingdoms continued to retain their identity, their cults and their own form of political organisation. Still, the outward forms of Mughal practice at least were widely adopted. In the same way the influx of service personnel from outside encouraged rulers to adopt the forms of worship and religious patronage common in the world of the larger state. As the Maravar and Kallar warlords of Tamilnadu fashioned themselves into Hindu kings, they imported Brahmins and Brahmin rituals from the great temple centres of the south. As Afghan rulers in the western Ganges plain and the southern Deccan gained a more stable hold on their realms, new Islamic seminaries and libraries were founded while the teachers of the Nayshabandi order of Sufi mystics fanned out into new territories. What emerged was not an orthodox or standard pattern of religious practices so much as a subtle and sometimes conflict-ridden accommodation between outside forms of religious practice and local deities and cult saints. The tendency was towards greater complexity and richness of religious and cultural traditions rather than towards homogeneity.” §REF§ (Bayly 1988: 20) Bayly, Christopher Alan. 1988. Indian Society and the Making of the British Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/DCWFGCDS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: DCWFGCDS </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 188, "polity": { "id": 782, "name": "bd_twelve_bhuyans", "long_name": "Twelve Bhuyans", "start_year": 1538, "end_year": 1612 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote may imply that “un-Islamic ideas and practices” were present in the Twelve Bhuyans period, or that these “mystic influences” only arrived during the Mighal period. However, given that we know both Hinduism and Islam were prominent in the Bhuyans, the latter seems unlikely. “The majority of the sufis, who were illiterate, succumbed to the Hindu mystic influences and heterodoxy prevailed in the society. There were however some sufis in Bengal who devoted themselves to the work of divesting the society of all un-Islamic ideas and practices and reviving orthodox sufism.” §REF§ Raḥīm, M. A. (1970). Cultural Evolution in East Pakistan. Islamic Studies, 9(3), 203–216, 212. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VJMV92XR\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: VJMV92XR </b></a> §REF§ There was a long process of ‘harmonizing’ Hinduism and indigenous cults, from around the thirteenth century through the sultanate period, which involved both official and popular adoption/incorporation of different deities and religious practices. “As elsewhere in India, there arose in Bengal a need to harmonize Vedic religion, which focused on male deities, with indigenous Indian cults, in which female deities dominated.” […] “By the late sixteenth century, while the ecstatic spirit of Chaitanya’s devotional movement was still vibrant, the upper castes had already begun to ally themselves with the movement in the process redefining it along orthodox lines. In subsequent centuries, Vaishnava piety, though originating in cities, would make deep inroads among Begal’s Hindu artisan and cultivating castes.” §REF§ Eaton, R. M. (1996). The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press, 103 & 112. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UFZ2JWS8\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UFZ2JWS8 </b></a> §REF§ “The result was that culture and society in Bengal evolved with a set of syncretic values that emphasised religious inclusion. This was the result of a longstanding tolerance among the people of this deltaic region in relation to a wide range of influences that included Buddhism, Hinduism, Islam, Sufism and Tantrik cultures, each of which had been accommodated within indigenous tribal cultures.” §REF§ Bhardwaj, D. S. K. (2010). Contesting Identities in Bangladesh: A Study of Secular and Religious Frontiers. LSE Asia Research Centre Working Papers, 27, 6. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JB8CCJKK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JB8CCJKK </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 189, "polity": { "id": 589, "name": "in_sur_emp", "long_name": "Sur Empire", "start_year": 1540, "end_year": 1556 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "’’’ “It may be mentioned here that many of the Muslim converts retained their inherited customs and social behaviour, as is evident even today. Thus, while the social and religious life of the Muslims profoundly influenced Hinduism, conversely some practices of the Hindus entered into the life of the Muslims.” §REF§Islam, Kazi Nurul (2011). Historical Overview of Religious Pluralism in Bengal. Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology, 8(1), 26–33, 30. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WZQEW6RZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WZQEW6RZ </b></a> §REF§ “My second example concerns the religious frontier, which is usually presented as a clear contrast between monotheistic Islam and polytheistic Hinduism. The domestication of Islam to the pre-existing world-views of the inhabitants of the Bengal delta makes such a simple juxtaposition untenable. For most Bangladeshis who consider themselves Muslims the distinction is far less straightforward. They combine a belief in the god of scriptural Islam, Allah, with a belief in other superhuman protectors. For example, inhabitants of southern Bangladesh fear to enter the Sundarban marshlands without praying to Bonbibi (ban(a)bibi), a benevolent ‘Muslim’ forest goddess, who, like her male counterpart Gazi Pir (ga ̄ji pı ̄r), can protect them from tigers and crocodiles. Travellers on large rivers in eastern Bangladesh invoke the deity Bodor (badar) to ensure a safe journey. Bodor’s Islamic identity is emphasised by sometimes referring to him as Bodor Pir (badar pı ̄r), suggesting that he is seen as the deified form of some legendary pir or Islamic spiritual guide. In this way Bangladeshi Muslims have pragmatically incorporated worship of many deities, some in animal or bird form, into their religious practices. Many of these are worshipped by Hindus and Muslims alike. Bonbibi and Bodor are joined by a host of other popular gods – such as Panch Pir (pa ̃ch pı ̄r; Shotto Pir/Shotto Narain (satya pı ̄r/na ̄ra ̄yan); the jungle deity Badshah (ba ̄dsa ̄h) and the cholera goddess Olabibi/Oladebi (o ̄la ̄bibi/devi) – who continue to cross the religious frontier. What is true of deities is true of a range of other rituals and practices; followers of Islam and Hinduism in Bangladesh share many of them.” §REF§ Van Schendel, W. (2009). A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge University Press, 34–36. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JD6ZB9SG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JD6ZB9SG </b></a> §REF§ “A very important characteristic of Islam in Bengal is what Asim Roy calls “the Islamic syncretistic tradition”. He goes on to assert: “syncretism remained integral to the process of Islamisation in Bengal as a result of an interaction between ‘an intrusive religion and an indigenous culture’ that formulated the religious, social and cultural life pattern of Bengali Muslims (1983:248).” Islam in Bengal attained a character quite different from its exogenous fundamental entity (Sarkar 1972, 27- 42).Tarafdar (1986, 93-110) termed this local character of Islam a “regional type of Islam”. This characteristic can be explained by assuming that Islam had to accommodate a wide variety of local religio-cultural elements. The masses of Hindu-Buddhist and tribal peoples with their inseparable links with past traditional cultural and religious practices came under the influence of the newly arrived Islam. But they retained their old ideas and customs and assimilated to a new faith their earlier socio-religious experience.” §REF§ Chowdhury, A. M. (2011). Reflections on Islamisation in Bengal. Bangladesh e-Journal of Sociology, 8(1), 45–50, 46–47. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WZQEW6RZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WZQEW6RZ </b></a> §REF§ There was a long process of ‘harmonizing’ Hinduism and indigenous cults, from around the thirteenth century through the sultanate period, which involved both official and popular adoption/incorporation of different deities and religious practices. “As elsewhere in India, there arose in Bengal a need to harmonize Vedic religion, which focused on male deities, with indigenous Indian cults, in which female deities dominated.” […] “By the late sixteenth century, while the ecstatic spirit of Chaitanya’s devotional movement was still vibrant, the upper castes had already begun to ally themselves with the movement in the process redefining it along orthodox lines. In subsequent centuries, Vaishnava piety, though originating in cities, would make deep inroads among Begal’s Hindu artisan and cultivating castes.” §REF§ Eaton, R. M. (1996). The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press, 103 & 112. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UFZ2JWS8\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UFZ2JWS8 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 190, "polity": { "id": 587, "name": "gb_british_emp_1", "long_name": "British Empire I", "start_year": 1690, "end_year": 1849 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“New cultures and new religious systems emerged among the Indians as European expansion continued.” §REF§ (Butler 2007, 99-100) Butler, Jon. 2007. New World Faiths: Religion in Colonial America. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PPDI9F4I\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PPDI9F4I </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 191, "polity": { "id": 796, "name": "in_gangaridai", "long_name": "Gangaridai", "start_year": -300, "end_year": -100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although religious specialists such as Xuanzang clearly distinguished between traditions, we do not know to what extent ordinary believers in Bangladesh understood these religious forms as separate or as an amalgamated whole. Neither do we know how these forms interacted with pre-existing religions or to what extent they spread beyond urban centres. It is clear, however, that very gradually many local deities became incorporated into the Sanskritic religions, giving these a particular regional flavour. One distinct regional feature is the persisting popularity of powerful female deities: Monosha (manasā), who protects worshippers against snakebites, Chondi (candī), the goddess of forest life and hunting, Shitola (śītalā), who guards against smallpox, and the fierce and vengeful Kali (kāli).\"§REF§(Van Schendel 2009: 26-27) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JD6ZB9SG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JD6ZB9SG </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 192, "polity": { "id": 409, "name": "bd_bengal_sultanate", "long_name": "Bengal Sultanate", "start_year": 1338, "end_year": 1538 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Now about Islam, which came to Bangladesh comparatively late. Though Arab Muslim traders came to coastal Bengal within a hundred years of the advent of Islam, proselytizing Muslim Sufi saints came only from the eleventh century. Influenced by the teachings and ideals of the Sufi saints, huge numbers of Hindus and Buddhists and other indigenous people embraced Islam. Islam entered here in full force, however, with the Turkish conquest towards the beginning of the thirteenth century. Islam, with its social justice and principles of equality and fraternity, came to downtrodden people as a saviour at a time when the society was steeped in inequality and caste oppression. It may be mentioned here that many of the Muslim converts retained their inherited customs and social behaviour, as is evident even today. Thus, while the social and religious life of the Muslims profoundly influenced Hinduism, conversely some practices of the Hindus entered into the life of the Muslims.” §REF§ Islam, K. N. (2011). Historical Overview of Religious Pluralism in Bengal. Bangladesh E-Journal of Sociology, 8(1), 26–33, 30. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/I7HSKHZ2\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: I7HSKHZ2 </b></a> §REF§ “My second example concerns the religious frontier, which is usually presented as a clear contrast between monotheistic Islam and polytheistic Hinduism. The domestication of Islam to the pre-existing world-views of the inhabitants of the Bengal delta makes such a simple juxtaposition untenable.26 For most Bangladeshis who consider themselves Muslims the distinction is far less straightforward. They combine a belief in the god of scriptural Islam, Allah, with a belief in other superhuman protectors. For example, inhabitants of southern Bangladesh fear to enter the Sundarban marshlands without praying to Bonbibi (ban(a)bibi), a benevolent ‘Muslim’ forest goddess, who, like her male counterpart Gazi Pir (ga ̄ji pı ̄r), can protect them from tigers and crocodiles. Travellers on large rivers in eastern Bangladesh invoke the deity Bodor (badar) to ensure a safe journey. Bodor’s Islamic identity is emphasised by sometimes referring to him as Bodor Pir (badar pı ̄r), suggesting that he is seen as the deified form of some legendary pir or Islamic spiritual guide. In this way Bangladeshi Muslims have pragmatically incorporated worship of many deities, some in animal or bird form, into their religious practices. Many of these are worshipped by Hindus and Muslims alike. Bonbibi and Bodor are joined by a host of other popular gods – such as Panch Pir (pa ̃ch pı ̄r; Shotto Pir/Shotto Narain (satya pı ̄r/na ̄ra ̄yan); the jungle deity Badshah (ba ̄dsa ̄h) and the cholera goddess Olabibi/Oladebi (o ̄la ̄bibi/devi) – who continue to cross the religious frontier. What is true of deities is true of a range of other rituals and practices; followers of Islam and Hinduism in Bangladesh share many of them.” […] “In analysing Bangladesh society, writers overwhelmingly privilege ‘Muslim’ and ‘Hindu’ as mutually exclusive, oppositional and monolithic terms. It is crucial to recognise that there has always been strong cultural resistance in Bangladesh to such bipolar categorisation, not only with regard to social stereotyping but also at the most basic religious level.” §REF§ Van Schendel, W. (2009). A History of Bangladesh. Cambridge University Press, 34–36 & 37. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JD6ZB9SG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JD6ZB9SG </b></a> §REF§ There was a long process of ‘harmonizing’ Hinduism and indigenous cults, from around the thirteenth century through the sultanate period, which involved both official and popular adoption/incorporation of different deities and religious practices. “As elsewhere in India, there arose in Bengal a need to harmonize Vedic religion, which focused on male deities, with indigenous Indian cults, in which female deities dominated.” […] “By the late sixteenth century, while the ecstatic spirit of Chaitanya’s devotional movement was still vibrant, the upper castes had already begun to ally themselves with the movement in the process redefining it along orthodox lines. In subsequent centuries, Vaishnava piety, though originating in cities, would make deep inroads among Begal’s Hindu artisan and cultivating castes.” §REF§ Eaton, R. M. (1996). The Rise of Islam and the Bengal Frontier, 1204–1760. University of California Press, 103 & 112. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/UFZ2JWS8\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: UFZ2JWS8 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 193, "polity": { "id": 779, "name": "bd_deva_dyn", "long_name": "Deva Dynasty", "start_year": 1150, "end_year": 1300 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although religious specialists such as Xuanzang clearly distinguished between traditions, we do not know to what extent ordinary believers in Bangladesh understood these religious forms as separate or as an amalgamated whole. Neither do we know how these forms interacted with pre-existing religions or to what extent they spread beyond urban centres. It is clear, however, that very gradually many local deities became incorporated into the Sanskritic religions, giving these a particular regional flavour. One distinct regional feature is the persisting popularity of powerful female deities: Monosha (manasā), who protects worshippers against snakebites, Chondi (candī), the goddess of forest life and hunting, Shitola (śītalā), who guards against smallpox, and the fierce and vengeful Kali (kāli).\"§REF§(Van Schendel 2009: 26-27) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JD6ZB9SG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JD6ZB9SG </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 194, "polity": { "id": 783, "name": "in_gauda_k", "long_name": "Gauda Kingdom", "start_year": 600, "end_year": 625 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Although religious specialists such as Xuanzang clearly distinguished between traditions, we do not know to what extent ordinary believers in Bangladesh understood these religious forms as separate or as an amalgamated whole. Neither do we know how these forms interacted with pre-existing religions or to what extent they spread beyond urban centres. It is clear, however, that very gradually many local deities became incorporated into the Sanskritic religions, giving these a particular regional flavour. One distinct regional feature is the persisting popularity of powerful female deities: Monosha (manasā), who protects worshippers against snakebites, Chondi (candī), the goddess of forest life and hunting, Shitola (śītalā), who guards against smallpox, and the fierce and vengeful Kali (kāli).\" (Van Schendel 2009: 26-27)" }, { "id": 195, "polity": { "id": 304, "name": "fr_merovingian_emp_1", "long_name": "Early Merovingian", "start_year": 481, "end_year": 543 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"This is a more nuanced picture. See Roy Flechner’s work showing how paganism changed in response to pressure from Christianity (Converting the Isles). Also, there was influence from Byzantium (liturgical - the laus perennis could have been an import), the Contra Eutychianam haeresim composed by Avitus to answer Gundobad’s questions about eastern cult. There were, according to Gregory, also Syrians and Greeks, so it is not impossible to assume non-Chalcedonian Christians in Gaul as well.\"§REF§(Yaniv Fox, 2023, pers. comm.)§REF§\r\n\r\nThe following quotes suggest the simultaneous participation in Judaic and Christian rituals, as well as pagan and Christian ones. “In general, the legal position of the Jews in Merovingian Gaul was not worse than it was under Roman rule (Mikat 1995, p. 95). In addition, public authorities were often unable or unwilling to enforce coercive measures against Jews; severe measures of secular legislation were often replaced by ecclesiastical sanctions, not directly applicable to Jews (Lotter 1997, p. 878). That Jews were mostly accepted as fellow citizens by their Christian neighbors is also shown by hagiographical accounts in which Jews occasionally perform the function of mourners (among others) after the death of a bishop or some other Christian dignitary.” §REF§ (Drews 2020, 125) Drews, Wolfram. 2020. Migrants and Minorities in Merovingian Gaul. The Oxford Handbook of the Merovingian World. Pp.117 - 138 Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/95Z99GVQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 95Z99GVQ </b></a>§REF§“A reasonable interpretation of the religious history of Clovis's reign could thus run as follows: from the moment of his father's death, Clovis had to deal with the catholic hierarchy; nevertheless he remained a pagan, even after his marriage to a catholic wife. Drawn into the complex political world of the 490s he showed an interest in the arianism of his fellow monarchs, as well as in the Catholicism of Chlothild, and some members of his court were actually baptized as arians; he himself, although he may have already been converted to Christianity, did not commit himself firmly either to Catholicism or arianism, although he certainly showed an interest in the views of the heretics. His final decision was possibly taken at the time of the war with Alaric, when he may have thought that there was propaganda value to be gained by standing as the defender of the catholic Church; he was subsequently baptised, probably in 508.”§REF§Wood, I. (2014) The Merovingian Kingdoms 450 - 751. 1st edn. Taylor and Francis. Available at: https://www.perlego.com/book/1556530/the-merovingian-kingdoms-450-751-pdf (Accessed: 8 November 2022). Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARUIRN35\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ARUIRN35 </b></a> §REF§ “The study of Merovingian magic and divination has long been haunted by categories of “superstition,”``sacrilege,” and “idolatry” that continue to shape the historical literature. Embedded in the written sources, theologically potent, and deployed over the centuries for a variety of ecclesiastical and political purposes (Glatthaar 2004), these expressions of clerical ideology certainly merit the close attention they have received. As analytical tools, however, their utility is doubtful. It is now clear, for instance, that a substantial portion of the evidence used to characterize large swaths of the Merovingian world and its margins as “pagan” derives from a fundamental misunderstanding of the meanings of magical, divinatory, and ritual practice generally. In an effort to move beyond such confining interpretations, this chapter situates practices of magic and divination within the framework of what we may conceptualize as a lived Merovingian religion. In so doing, it identifies magical and divinatory practices not as rejections of Christianity or expressions of residual paganism, but as strategies for accessing divine power and knowledge in a world of deep uncertainty and risk. Grounded in religion, but not requiring any particular metaphysics, pagan or otherwise, these ideas and techniques relied for success on the widespread belief, not diminished by Christianity, that divine assistance was readily available, either directly or mediated through nature. The tools they offered for facilitating access took different forms according to location and cultural tradition, but did not diverge fundamentally from, and indeed often had close links with, those in operation elsewhere in the Mediterranean world.”§REF§ (Klingshirn 2020, 968/969 ) Klingshirn, William E. 2020. Magic and Divination in the Merovingian World. The Oxford Handbook of the Merovingian World. Pp.968 - 987.§REF§" }, { "id": 196, "polity": { "id": 456, "name": "fr_merovingian_emp_3", "long_name": "Proto-Carolingian", "start_year": 687, "end_year": 751 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"By the middle of the eighth century missionaries and reformers such as Boniface hadbegun, with the support of the mayors of the Merovingian palace, Charles Martel, Pepin the Short and his brother Carloman, to try to cut back the tangled jungle of pagan religious beliefs and customs that still predominated in northern Europe, mixing with and compromising orthodox Christianity. The following is a precious, if rather strange and unexplanatory hand-list of pagan practices that may have been written down by a church official in the 740s [list of 30 practices]” §REF§ Dutton, E.P. (Ed), 2009, pg 3 - 4. A List of Superstitions and Pagan Practices. Carolingian Civilization - A Reader (Second Edition) University of Toronto Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/M5E94H7I\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: M5E94H7I </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 197, "polity": { "id": 306, "name": "fr_merovingian_emp_2", "long_name": "Middle Merovingian", "start_year": 543, "end_year": 687 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“That Jews were mostly accepted as fellow citizens by their Christian neighbors is also shown by hagiographical accounts in which Jews occasionally perform the function of mourners (among others) after the death of a bishop or some other Christian Dignitary.” §REF§ (Drews 2020, 125) Drews, Wolfram. 2020. Migrants and Minorities in Merovingian Gaul. The Oxford Handbook of the Merovingian World. Pp.117 - 138. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/95Z99GVQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 95Z99GVQ </b></a> §REF§ “Although Gregory occasionally mentions more specialized practitioners, such as the inspired women (pythonissae) whose divinatory powers were thought to derive from direct revelation (Hist. 5.14, 7.44; see further Wiśniewski 2005), most of Gregory’s diviners offered practical remedies in addition to hidden information. This was also true of the itinerant holy men whom he singles out as “false prophets” and “false Christs” (Hist. 9.6, 10.25). In 580, the cross-bearing man later discovered to be the runaway slave of Bishop Amelius of Bigorre was found with amulets made of plants and the inedible parts of wild animals: the teeth of a mole, mice bones, and bear claws and fat (Hist. 9.6). These were probably to be used, along with the vials of holy oil that he carried, for healing the sick. Seven years later, Desiderius of Bordeaux attracted attention for his healing of paralytics (Hist. 9.6). In 591, a man whom Gregory believed to be from Bourges, accompanied by a woman named Mary, healed the sick and predicted “future things,” including diseases, financial losses, and good health (Hist. 10.25).” §REF§ (Klingshirn 2020, 971 ) Klingshirn, William E. 2020. Magic and Divination in the Merovingian World. The Oxford Handbook of the Merovingian World. Pp.968 - 987 §REF§" }, { "id": 198, "polity": { "id": 333, "name": "fr_valois_k_1", "long_name": "French Kingdom - Early Valois", "start_year": 1328, "end_year": 1450 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Despite the presence of many clerics of varying types in the countryside and the efforts of the higher clergy to extend its control there, religious beliefs retained features which barely seemed Christian to educated contemporaries - a finding emphasised by Jacques Le Goff and Jean Delumeau. In the Évangiles des Quenouilles, a text probably written in the circle of Philip the Good, Duke of of Burgundy (1419 - 67), tales attributed to old peasant women describe how husbands could be bent to their wives’ will by placing their shirts under the altar on Good Friday. In the region of Toulouse, Marie-Claude Marandet still finds ‘a mix of superstition and magic’ close to the surface of religious beliefs in the fifteenth century.”§REF§ Small, G. 2009. Late Medieval France. Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan. Pg 92. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/J8FTT66Z\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: J8FTT66Z </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 199, "polity": { "id": 457, "name": "fr_capetian_k_1", "long_name": "Proto-French Kingdom", "start_year": 987, "end_year": 1150 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Jews were aware of the world of knightly deeds and behavior. For example, in a discussion about prohibited recreational reading on Shabbat, Rashi mentions that Jews draw on their walls scenes 'of strange animals or of people engaged in adventures (maasim = gesta) such as the battle between David and Goliath, and they write underneath \"this is the picture of a wild animal such and such\" or \"this is a picture of so and so.\"' Later, the French Tosafist, R. Judah (b. Isaac Sir Leon), ruled that reading about wars written in the vernacular is also forbidden on the Shabbat. His former teacher, the great Tosafist, Rabbi Isaac b. Samuel of Dampierre (RI), added that he did not understand why this kind of reading should be permitted even on weekdays, since it comes under the category of prohibited recreation. These expressions of rabbinic anxiety suggest that Jews were obviously doing this in northern France.\" §REF§(Marcus 2011, 139*-40*) Marcus, Ivan G. “Why Is This Knight Different? A Jewish Self-Representation in Medieval Europe\". In Tov Elem: Memory, Community and Gender in Medieval and Early Modern Jewish Socities - Essays in Honor of Robert Bonfil, edited by Elisheva Baumgarten et al., Mossad Bialik, 2011, p. 139*-152*. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P64V522V/item-list§REF§" }, { "id": 200, "polity": { "id": 458, "name": "fr_capetian_k_2", "long_name": "French Kingdom - Late Capetian", "start_year": 1150, "end_year": 1328 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"The battle against the appeal of the Christian healing shrines thus reflects the Jewish elite’s concern for the spiritual wellbeing of its marginal individuals. These individuals were probably more tempted than healthier members of the community to explore this possibility because of their strong desire to reverse their fortunes. Furthermore, the narrator’s familiarity with the most intimate details of the events that took place at such shrines suggests knowledge of practices common on the “other side,” within the neighboring Christian religious culture. The story’s verisimilitude seems designed to instill the fear of God in those Jews who either contemplated seeking aid at these shrines or actually endeavored to do so. The whereabouts of these individuals are said to be well known, and their thoughts and deeds are thus compromised. In light of this story, Jewish attempts to discredit the miracles of the healing saints, reinterpret them, and show them for what they truly are, as well as to offer an internal Jewish mechanism for faith healing, seem all the more important for a more nuanced appreciation of Jewish medieval culture and the challenges it faced.\" §REF§p. 128-9, Shoham-Steiner, Ephraim. “Jews and Healing at Medieval Saints’ Shrines: Participation, Polemics, and Shared Cultures*.” Harvard Theological Review, vol. 103, no. 1, 2010, pp. 111–29. Cambridge University Press, https://doi.org/10.1017/S0017816009990332. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AAQT64NT/library§REF§" }, { "id": 201, "polity": { "id": 461, "name": "fr_bourbon_k_2", "long_name": "French Kingdom - Late Bourbon", "start_year": 1660, "end_year": 1815 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "Same as above, in conversation with expert, Sean Health, he mentioned that he is not aware of this within Bourbon France, but this might have been something that happened in the colonies.Regarding the colony of Saint Domingue (Haiti) there is evidence of theological syncretism “Moreover, many of the Central Africans who bulked so large in the slave population arrived in Saint Domingue with a superficial familiarity with Christianity, the product of centuries of missionary influence, primarily Portuguese and Italian. Besides complicating the concept of acculturation in the New World, this factor must have facilitated the combining of Catholic ritual with African rites and theology that characterizes voodoo.” §REF§ (Geggus 1991: 22) Geggus, David. 1991. ‘Haitian Voodoo in the Eighteenth Century: Language, Culture, Resistance’. Jahrbuch fu Geschichte Lateinamerikas. 28(1): Pp 21-51. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/GJTRCZXS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: GJTRCZXS </b></a> §REF§ Regarding the French colony in Canada. “In spite of these inducements, the Jesuits’ success remained sharply limited […] Instead of the mass Christianization they had sought, the missionaries had simply disrupted a society that placed high value on consensus in its social, political and religious life. Their insistence that converts abandon traditional religious practices extended to community rituals such as funerals, the periodic reburials known as Feasts of the Dead, and war parties against the Iroquois. The result was bitter factionalism characterized by violence, family quarrels, threats, and bribes. The missionaries’ very success with some Hurons reinforced the rest in their conviction that the Jesuits sought to destroy their ties to the supernatural forces that held their society together.” §REF§ (Sailsbury 1992: 504; 505) Sailsbury, Neal. 1992. ‘Religious Encounters in a Colonial Context: New England and New France in the Seventeenth Century.’ American Indian Quarterly. 16:4. Pp 501-504. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RKRB3VXQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RKRB3VXQ </b></a> §REF§ One author suggests that the oppression of Calvinism in France led to a syncretic belief system, however, this is proposed as a hypothesis by one author and not as a definitive historical fact. “Furthermore, with their churches dismantled and their pastors in exile, most Huguenots in eighteenth-century France had little access to the sacraments or teachings of the Reformed Church, at least until it began to re-establish itself in the 1760s. The problem was particularly acute for those born after 1680, who were too young to have known an active Reformed congregation. They relied on parents and perhaps neighbours for explanations of Reformed Church dogma. As the generations passed, the problem became more severe. The pastor Jacques Saurin, in 1725, was concerned that “hatred of [the Catholic] religion, combined with ignorance of our own, will soon produce a rejection of both.”3 Some historians have concluded, with Elisabeth Labrousse, that many eighteenth-century Huguenots “were no longer really Protestants, but dubious Christians, vaguely deist, but also, in many cases, complete unbelievers.”4 But is it equally possible that, in this situation, French Protestants developed a syncretic form of religion, as did the Marranos, the Spanish Jews who were forced to convert to Catholicism in the fifteenth century but who continued to practise a divergent form of Judaism in secret?” §REF§ (Garrioch, 2015, 15) Garrioch, David. (2015) ‘Huguenot Belief and Practice in Eighteenth-Century Paris.’ Journal of Religious History 39(1), Pp. 14-30. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/M7DNPFWS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: M7DNPFWS </b></a> §REF§ “Particularly in the first forty to fifty years after the Revocation, many of them [Parisian Huguenots] made compromises and conformed to some type of Catholic practice, disregarding hardliners like Pierre Jurieu for whom only those who refused any compromise with Catholicism could claim to belong to the Reformed Church.” §REF§ (Garrioch, 2015, 22) Garrioch, David. (2015) ‘Huguenot Belief and Practice in Eighteenth-Century Paris.’ Journal of Religious History 39(1), Pp. 14-30. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/M7DNPFWS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: M7DNPFWS </b></a> §REF§ “One important element of Huguenot culture that changed in the eighteenth century was the choice of baptismal names for children. The Catholic custom of giving children multiple names was condemned by Reformed pastors as a sin of pride, although this had not stopped the seventeenth-century Huguenot nobility from adopting it. But those of humbler status did not. In my sample of 367 Paris Huguenots born between 1640 and 1685, only one in six children received more than one baptismal name. Among 312 born in the first half of the eighteenth century to parents who attended the Dutch chapel or who were arrested or buried as Reformed Protestants, however, over half (56.7 per cent) were given two, three, and occasionally even four names. In the second half of the century, four out of five Huguenot children (80.6 per cent) received multiple names. Throughout the century, 60 per cent of Catholic babies were given more than one name, fewer among the poor than among the wealthy.39 It seems that in this respect, the Protestants were indeed being influenced by the dominant Catholic culture, a mild form of syncretism… Bearing in mind that the people we can positively identify as Huguenots were primarily those who were prepared to take the risk of having their children received at the Dutch chapel or of rejecting the Catholic last rites, these changes in naming practices point not to a weakening of their faith and Protestant identity, but rather to a shift in practice. They were departing from Reformed traditions and becoming, probably unintentionally, less distinguishable from the Catholic population.” §REF§ (Garrioch, 2015, 23-24) Garrioch, David. (2015) ‘Huguenot Belief and Practice in Eighteenth-Century Paris.’ Journal of Religious History 39(1), Pp. 14-30. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/M7DNPFWS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: M7DNPFWS </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 202, "polity": { "id": 460, "name": "fr_bourbon_k_1", "long_name": "French Kingdom - Early Bourbon", "start_year": 1589, "end_year": 1660 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"[Y]our categories of religions leaves out a significant portion of the population whose beliefs and practices were neither strictly Catholic nor Protestant, but hovered somewhere in-between (see Thierry Wanegffelen, Ni Rome ni Genève: Des fidèles entre deux chaires en France au XVIe siècle (Paris: Honoré Champion, 1997).\"§REF§(Mack Holt, pers. comm., 2023)§REF§\r\n\r\n“With this encouragement, thousands of Converso emigrants settled in western France, forming their largest, most vibrant communities in Bordeaux and Bayonne. Here we can trace an evolution in Converso religious life from crypto-Jewish household practice in the sixteenth century to semi clandestine congregational worship in the seventeenth. Such worship took place in house-synagogues similar to ones in Hamburg and elsewhere. As long as they worshipped privately and made no gestures rejecting Catholicism, France’s Sephardic Jews (as they deserve to be called from this point) were left unmolested. So secure did they feel by the 1640s and 1650s that some began to put Hebrew inscriptions on their tombstones. Complaints later reached authorities that on Friday evenings Bayonne’s Jews left their windows open, so that one could see the Sabbath candles burning in their homes.” §REF§ Kaplan, B.J. 2007.Divided by Faith - Religious Conflict and the Practice of Toleration in Early Modern Europe. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Belknap Harvard.Pg 321. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CKE9T7FC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CKE9T7FC </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 203, "polity": { "id": 311, "name": "fr_carolingian_emp_2", "long_name": "Carolingian Empire II", "start_year": 840, "end_year": 987 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“The rise in popularity of a monotheism such as Christianity thus often created untidy situations in which religious beliefs blended. An important model for this process, borrowed from anthropology, is ‘enculturation’, in which conversion is seen as an initial confrontation between religious systems that gives way to a dialectic. [...] More successful pagan adoptions of Christian elements might include King Raedwald of East Anglia’s use of pagan and Christian altars, and the willingness of ninth-century Swedes at Birka to include Christ amongst their gods. Christianity was also changed by missionary activity; even where it was victorious, it still adapted to circumstance. James Russell’s thesis concerning the ‘Germanization’ of Christianity is a good, if flawed, example of how we might focus on religious transformation. Here is something one can maybe identify in Carolingian productions such as the Old Saxon Heliand, which famously transposed Germanic morals and expectations into the story of the Gospels.”§REF§ Palmer, J. (2007) pg 409/410. Defining paganism in the Carolingian World. Early Medieval Europe, 15: 402-425. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/X2TVBSHK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: X2TVBSHK </b></a> §REF§" } ] }