Sync Rel Pra Ind Beli List
A viewset for viewing and editing Syncretism of Religious Practices at the Level of Individual Believers.
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{ "count": 272, "next": "https://seshat-db.com/api/rt/syncretism-of-religious-practices-at-the-level-of-individual-believers/?format=api&page=4", "previous": "https://seshat-db.com/api/rt/syncretism-of-religious-practices-at-the-level-of-individual-believers/?format=api&page=2", "results": [ { "id": 104, "polity": { "id": 164, "name": "tr_hatti_new_k", "long_name": "Hatti - New Kingdom", "start_year": -1400, "end_year": -1180 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“First, it must be recognized that almost all of the available written sources pertain to the state cult or to the spiritual needs of the royal family. We have very little information concerning the religious beliefs and activities of the ordinary Hittite man or woman in the street. Second, Hittite religion was an amalgam of elements drawn from various cultural strata: that of the indigenous Hattic people as well as the cultures of the several groups speaking an Anatolian Indo-European language (Hittite, Palaic, or Luwian). To this mix were added influences from Mesopotamia (Babylonia and Assyria) and from the Semitic and Hurrian populations of northern Syria. But it is hazardous to assume, as some commentators have done,’ that particular spiritual features of these donor cultures documented only elsewhere were equally valid at Hattuda.” §REF§ (Beckman 2013, 86) Beckman, Gary. 2013. ‘Hittite Religion’. In The Cambridge History of the Religions in the Ancient World: From the Bronze Age to the Hellenistic Age. Edited by Michele Renee Salzman and Marvin A. Sweeney. Vol 1. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Sehat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/35ZH8IHU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 35ZH8IHU </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 105, "polity": { "id": 73, "name": "tr_byzantine_emp_1", "long_name": "Byzantine Empire I", "start_year": 632, "end_year": 866 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following source suggests widespread combination, at the level of individual believers, of Christian and non-Christian practices. \"The degree to which Christianity had been adopted by the populations of the territories remaining to the empire in the second half of the seventh century is still far from clear. While it had been the official religion of the Roman state since the time of Theodosius I, and while, by the end of the sixth century at least, non-Christians are treated by both Chalcedonian and monophysite writers alike as either maginal or backward, it is nevertheless clear that considerable numbers of people continued to observe traditional and pre-Christian cult practices, whether this occurred in a thinly disguised but nevertheless Christian form, in which non-Christian rituals and practices received a Christian veneer, or whether it occurred in an overtly pagan form.\"§REF§(Haldon 1990: 327) Haldon, J. F. 1990. Byzantium in the Seventh Century. Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/haldon/titleCreatorYear/items/K8BJIJ9V/item-list§REF§" }, { "id": 106, "polity": { "id": 445, "name": "pg_orokaiva_pre_colonial", "long_name": "Orokaiva - Pre-Colonial", "start_year": 1734, "end_year": 1883 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "The spread of Christianity and the emergence of new supralocal religious movements did not predate colonization: 'The traditional beliefs of the Orokaiva, though in many respects vague and locally variable, focused primarily on the \"spirits of the dead\" and their influence on the living. The Orokaiva had no high god. Formerly, they were animists, believing in the existence of souls (ASISI) in humans, plants, and animals. The taro spirit was of particular importance and was the inspiration and foundation of the Taro Cult. The Orokaiva have been swept recently by a series of new cults, indicative of their religious adaptability in the face of fresh experience. Mission influence is strong in the Northern District. Religious training is provided almost exclusively by the Anglican church, although mission influence has not totally eradicated traditional beliefs, producing an air of mysticism about the resultant religious system.' Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva (2004) §REF§ Latham, Christopher and John Beierle. 2004. ‘Culture Summary: Orokaiva’. In: eHRAF World Cultures. Online: http://ehrafworldcultures.yale.edu/document?id=oj23-000. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/V2AK2FR7\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: V2AK2FR7 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 107, "polity": { "id": 100, "name": "us_proto_haudenosaunee", "long_name": "Proto-Haudenosaunee Confederacy", "start_year": 1300, "end_year": 1565 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Based on the sources consulted, it seems that the earliest significant religious minorities emerged among the Iroquois in the 1640s, and Jesuit missionaries only began sustained conversion work in the late 1660s. However, given the traditional custom of \"adopting\" war captives from other tribes, and given that 17th-century Christian captives were allowed to continue performing Christian rituals, it might be reasonable to infer that captives in this era were also allowed to continue practising their own native rituals alongside those of their captors. Then again, given the significant timespans in question, it may be unwise to infer such a degree of continuity. Moreover, it is possible that differences in religious beliefs and practices may not have been a significant distinction in this era, compared to other aspects of identity. \"Sustained work among Iroquois began late in the day; a quarter century of false starts and brief attempts intervened between a Jesuit's first appearance - Father Isaac Jogues' captivity among Mohawks in 1642 - and the dispatch of French missionaries to each of the Five Nations under peace agreements of 1665-1667. [...] During the \"Beaver Wars\" of the 1640s through the 1660s, disease ravaged families bolstered the Five Nations through the wholesale adoption of war captives. Many adoptees had encountered missionaries before and had developed strong opinions - pro or con - that, to the extent their perilous position allowed, they readily shared with their hosts. [...] Throughout Iroquoia, clusters of Christian captives retained their faith and, despite the disapproval of adoptive relatives, met regularly for prayers. \"§REF§(Richter 1985: 2) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HPVINEVK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HPVINEVK </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 108, "polity": { "id": 471, "name": "cn_hmong_2", "long_name": "Hmong - Early Chinese", "start_year": 1895, "end_year": 1941 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quotes suggest the syncretism of traditional religious practices and Christian practices among Hua Miao. “This reformulated cultural basis for Hua Miao ethnic identity was manifested in collective endeavors to change cultural practices to conform to Christian standards. In addition to renouncing traditional religious practices (such as spirit worship and dealings with religious practitioners), they also changed various mundane aspects of their lives. Free sexual liaisons among young people were severely prohibited, bride-wealth was reduced, the marriage age was raised, and bride-kidnapping and polygyny were condemned. Practices such as whisky drinking and opium smoking were also banned. But the most apparent signs of the people’s new identity were their adoption of Christian names and changes in body adornments, such as women’s hairstyles.” §REF§ Cheung, S. W. (1995). Millenarianism, Christian Movements, and Ethnic Change among the Miao in Southwest China. In Cultural encounters on China's ethnic frontiers. Available at: https://uw.manifoldapp.org/read/f53eaa89-d3e1-42d9-a820-bce1265b853f/section/e692a3de-4f81-434d-aad6-85bba195d40a Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9AER5ZEK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9AER5ZEK </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 109, "polity": { "id": 470, "name": "cn_hmong_1", "long_name": "Hmong - Late Qing", "start_year": 1701, "end_year": 1895 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quotes suggest the syncretism of Miao’s indigenous religion, Buddhism, Daoism, Chinese folk religion, and Christianity. “Mixed in with the basically indigenous religion just outlined are elements of folk Buddhism and Daoism and the worship of Chinese folk deities. It is uncertain whether ancestor worship, which seems to have a long history among the Miao, was borrowed from Chinese. [...] There is evidence that some Miao groups drew on Chinese folk-Buddhist millenarian ideas at a relatively early date. [...] Folk religion on the Chinese model played a significant part among the Miao who participated in the rebellion of 1854-1873, though less so than among the Chinese.” §REF§ (Jenks 1994, 63-64) Jenks. (1994). Unrest in Guizhou during the Ming and Qing and Its Relation to Folk Religion. In Insurgency and Social Disorder in Guizhou (pp. 58–72). University of Hawaii Press. §REF§" }, { "id": 110, "polity": { "id": 115, "name": "is_icelandic_commonwealth", "long_name": "Icelandic Commonwealth", "start_year": 930, "end_year": 1262 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“The Icelanders had known about the Christian religion from the beginning of the Age of Settlements. Their earliest contacts with the new religion were, however, confined to Irish Christianity, which in some ways differed from the Roman Catholic tradition. To give an example, the Irish Church did not recognize the supreme authority of the Pope until 1152. The papar (Irish hermits), as has been said earlier, were Christians. Moreover, the settlers who came to Iceland from the Western Islands (the Norse colonies in Britain), where they had been living for a considerable period of time, had not only become familiar with the Christian faith there, but had in some instances received the sacrament of baptism. Probably most of these men moved between heathen and Christian beliefs in the same manner as Helgi the Lean, a settler in Eyjafjordur, who \"believed in Christ but invoked Thor when it came to voyages and difficult times. […] As could be expected, the Christianity which reached Iceland in the Age of Settlements gained only limited ground and then disappeared, even though memories of it lingered on.” §REF§ (Johannesson 2006, 122-123) Johannesson, Jon. 2006. A History of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/QSG2227N\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: QSG2227N </b></a> §REF§ Even after the polity's official conversion to Christianity in 1000 CE, the following quotes suggest that Old Norse beliefs and practices persisted in some forms: “The institutional structure necessary to support Christianity did not develop in Iceland until after its incorporation into Norway in 1262, in spite of the formal conversion of the country in 1000. As the institutional structure of Christianity was lacking, the intellectual and everyday outlook of Icelanders remained pagan.\" §REF§ (Durrenberger 1984, 3-4) Durrenberger, E. Paul. 1984. ‘Icelandic Saga Heroes: The Anthropology of Natural Existentialists’. In Anthropology and Humanism Quarterly. Vol. 9:1. Pp. 3-8. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2THFRG68\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2THFRG68 </b></a> §REF§ “During the seven or so decades following the conversion, Icelanders had only a limited knowledge of the new religion.” §REF§ (Byock 2001, 303) Byock, Jesse L. 2001. Viking Age Iceland. New York, NY: Penguin. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/952TGMR9\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 952TGMR9 </b></a> §REF§ However, it also seems that some non-Christian rituals were carried out in secret, though they were not forbidden immediately after conversion: “After the conversion, the temples (hof and horgar) were no longer maintained, since for a while sacrifices had to be in secret and later were strictly prohibited.” §REF§ (Johannesson 2006, 139) Johannesson, Jon. 2006. A History of the Old Icelandic Commonwealth. Winnipeg: University of Manitoba Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/QSG2227N\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: QSG2227N </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 111, "polity": { "id": 101, "name": "us_haudenosaunee_1", "long_name": "Haudenosaunee Confederacy - Early", "start_year": 1566, "end_year": 1713 }, "year_from": 1566, "year_to": 1640, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "\"During the \"Beaver Wars\" of the 1640s through the 1660s, disease ravaged families bolstered the Five Nations through the wholesale adoption of war captives. Many adoptees had encountered missionaries before and had developed strong opinions - pro or con - that, to the extent their perilous position allowed, they readily shared with their hosts. [...] Throughout Iroquoia, clusters of Christian captives retained their faith and, despite the disapproval of adoptive relatives, met regularly for prayers. [...] In 1679 Father Vincent Bigot claimed that the missionaries had 'baptized more than 4 thousand iroquois, of whom a goodly part are in possession of eternal happiness.' [...] In all, perhaps 20 percent of the Iroquois population of approximately 8,600 may have become sincere Christians. [...] Disputes came to a head when Christians boycotted or disrupted the village and confederacy rituals that bound together Iroquois of different clans and nations. [...] [O]n the advice of their priests, Christian headmen refused to perform their expected ceremonial roles. In early 1670, as the Onondaga council planned the Midwinter Festival, Garakontie announced that his Christian beliefs forbade him to participate. A few years later he denounced traditional curing ceremonies and eat-all feasts. [...] When Christians divorced themselves from ceremonies that had previously ratified their bonds to fellow villagers, they began to define themselves as a distinct people. Non-Christians treated them accordingly. During the 1670s some converts were stripped of their chiefly titles; others became targets of verbal abuse, attacks by stone-throwing boys, and physical assaults. Such violence-which went beyond ordinary sanctions of ridicule and ostracism of deviants-did not stamp out the new faith. Indeed, the early 1670s saw a steady growth in the number of native Iroquois baptisms and in the size of Christian factions. Perhaps, then, the violence should be seen not only as an effort by traditionalists to force deviants back into line but also as evidence of the formation of divergent communities within single villages. Christians were no longer the traditionalists' kinsmen. They were, in some respects, their enemies. [...] Throughout the Five Nations during the late 1670s, missionaries reportedly were 'struck, pursued in the streets, driven from the cabins, and threatened with cruel massacre, in order that war may be brought on by their death.' First to expel a priest were Cayuga traditionalists led by the headman Ourehouare, who drove Carheil from their country in 1682.\"§REF§(Richter 1985: 2-12) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HPVINEVK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HPVINEVK </b></a>§REF§\" \"Those [converts] who remained in the Iroquois homelands, particularly Mohawks, shied away from ties with the Jesuits, but some became interested in the power that could come through Protestant ministers. The initial connections came in the 1680s through Dutch Reformed ministers in Albany and Schenectady, supplanted after 1710 by Church of England missionaries sent by the London Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) to Fort Hunter, alongside the Mohawk village of Tiononderoge. Some of those Mohawks adopted and maintained rituals involving praying and singing psalms, and they occasion ally sought Anglican ministers to baptize their children while participating in traditional feasts and other tribal rituals; in the early 1740s the SPG hired three Mohawk headmen as schoolmasters and one as a catechist.\"§REF§(Mandell 2013: 213-214) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CVZTC27K\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CVZTC27K </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 112, "polity": { "id": 101, "name": "us_haudenosaunee_1", "long_name": "Haudenosaunee Confederacy - Early", "start_year": 1566, "end_year": 1713 }, "year_from": 1641, "year_to": 1713, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"During the \"Beaver Wars\" of the 1640s through the 1660s, disease ravaged families bolstered the Five Nations through the wholesale adoption of war captives. Many adoptees had encountered missionaries before and had developed strong opinions - pro or con - that, to the extent their perilous position allowed, they readily shared with their hosts. [...] Throughout Iroquoia, clusters of Christian captives retained their faith and, despite the disapproval of adoptive relatives, met regularly for prayers. [...] In 1679 Father Vincent Bigot claimed that the missionaries had 'baptized more than 4 thousand iroquois, of whom a goodly part are in possession of eternal happiness.' [...] In all, perhaps 20 percent of the Iroquois population of approximately 8,600 may have become sincere Christians. [...] Disputes came to a head when Christians boycotted or disrupted the village and confederacy rituals that bound together Iroquois of different clans and nations. [...] [O]n the advice of their priests, Christian headmen refused to perform their expected ceremonial roles. In early 1670, as the Onondaga council planned the Midwinter Festival, Garakontie announced that his Christian beliefs forbade him to participate. A few years later he denounced traditional curing ceremonies and eat-all feasts. [...] When Christians divorced themselves from ceremonies that had previously ratified their bonds to fellow villagers, they began to define themselves as a distinct people. Non-Christians treated them accordingly. During the 1670s some converts were stripped of their chiefly titles; others became targets of verbal abuse, attacks by stone-throwing boys, and physical assaults. Such violence-which went beyond ordinary sanctions of ridicule and ostracism of deviants-did not stamp out the new faith. Indeed, the early 1670s saw a steady growth in the number of native Iroquois baptisms and in the size of Christian factions. Perhaps, then, the violence should be seen not only as an effort by traditionalists to force deviants back into line but also as evidence of the formation of divergent communities within single villages. Christians were no longer the traditionalists' kinsmen. They were, in some respects, their enemies. [...] Throughout the Five Nations during the late 1670s, missionaries reportedly were 'struck, pursued in the streets, driven from the cabins, and threatened with cruel massacre, in order that war may be brought on by their death.' First to expel a priest were Cayuga traditionalists led by the headman Ourehouare, who drove Carheil from their country in 1682.\"§REF§(Richter 1985: 2-12) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HPVINEVK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HPVINEVK </b></a>§REF§\" \"Those [converts] who remained in the Iroquois homelands, particularly Mohawks, shied away from ties with the Jesuits, but some became interested in the power that could come through Protestant ministers. The initial connections came in the 1680s through Dutch Reformed ministers in Albany and Schenectady, supplanted after 1710 by Church of England missionaries sent by the London Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (SPG) to Fort Hunter, alongside the Mohawk village of Tiononderoge. Some of those Mohawks adopted and maintained rituals involving praying and singing psalms, and they occasion ally sought Anglican ministers to baptize their children while participating in traditional feasts and other tribal rituals; in the early 1740s the SPG hired three Mohawk headmen as schoolmasters and one as a catechist.\"§REF§(Mandell 2013: 213-214) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CVZTC27K\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CVZTC27K </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 113, "polity": { "id": 57, "name": "fm_truk_1", "long_name": "Chuuk - Early Truk", "start_year": 1775, "end_year": 1886 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "The earliest Christian presence dates to 1879. Between 1879 and 1886, it seems unlikely that syncretism would already emerge in a significant way. ‘Christian missionaries first came to Chuuk in 1879, when a mission station was established in Mwáán district on Wééné (Moen) Island by the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions [Krämer 1932:37].\" §REF§ Goodenough, Ward Hunt. 2002. Under Heaven’s Brow: Pre-Christian Religious Tradition in Chuuk. Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BAX6HMH7\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BAX6HMH7 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 114, "polity": { "id": 195, "name": "ru_sakha_late", "long_name": "Sakha - Late", "start_year": 1632, "end_year": 1900 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“By the end of the 18th century, the majority of the population of the Yakutsk Territory was converted to the new Orthodox faith, but then, and later, the local population was characterized by syncretism, when the assimilation of religion was superficial, without knowledge of the necessary Orthodox norms, which, along with the recognition of the official status of the Orthodox Church, was largely based on customary law. There is a spread of Christian names, cross icons become a necessary attribute of a dwelling. Facts of a sincere desire to accept and understand Orthodoxy and even make a pilgrimage to the holy relics have been established (22). According to the 7th revision (1815), only 485 out of 76,918 Yakut yas-payers (0.6%) retained their adherence to paganism.” (Rough translation of Russian text) §REF§ (Yurganova, 2014, 122) Yurganova, I. \"Missionary Activities of Russian Orthodox Church in Yakutia (Xvii - Early Xxth Centuries).\" RUDN Journal of Russian History no. 3 Pp.117-128. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HT89A2HW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HT89A2HW </b></a> §REF§ “Laying penance on a shaman was difficult for a priest, who was supposed to take care of the maintenance of both the shaman himself and his family during penance. But having repented, the shaman again returned to his ritual practice, avoiding meetings with a priest…” (Rough translation of Russian text) §REF§ (Yurganova, 2021, 152-153) Yurganova, Inna 2021. \"Travel Notes of the Priest of the Ugulyat Annunciation Church. Preparation of the Text for Publication, Introductory Article and Comments by Inna Yurganova.\" Вестник Свято-Филаретовского института no. 39 Pp. 148-169. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WBVMUJER\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WBVMUJER </b></a> §REF§ “Along with the Orthodox wedding ceremony, the traditional forms of concluding a Yakut marriage and the practice of marriages between minors continued to exist.” (Rough translation of Russian text) §REF§ (Yurganova, 2021, 154) Yurganova, Inna 2021. \"Travel Notes of the Priest of the Ugulyat Annunciation Church. Preparation of the Text for Publication, Introductory Article and Comments by Inna Yurganova.\" Вестник Свято-Филаретовского института no. 39 Pp. 148-169. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WBVMUJER\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WBVMUJER </b></a> §REF§ “Obviously, along with belonging to Orthodoxy (through baptism, the presence of a parish church with a clergy, participation in Orthodox rites), the population of the Yakutsk region in late 19th century maintained a commitment to traditional tribal paganism.” (Rough translation of Russian text) §REF§ (Yurganova, 2021, 155) Yurganova, Inna 2021. \"Travel Notes of the Priest of the Ugulyat Annunciation Church. Preparation of the Text for Publication, Introductory Article and Comments by Inna Yurganova.\" Вестник Свято-Филаретовского института no. 39 Pp. 148-169. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WBVMUJER\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WBVMUJER </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 115, "polity": { "id": 153, "name": "id_iban_1", "long_name": "Iban - Pre-Brooke", "start_year": 1650, "end_year": 1841 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "“Hinduism has touched the Iban, as the title for deity (petera) and the names of some of the spirits imply. But neither Hinduism nor Islam has radically influenced Iban religion, which remains cult based on a belief in the spirits on men, nature, and super-nature.” §REF§ (Jensen, 1974, 4) Jensen, Erik. 1974. The Iban and Their Religion. London: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CVIQZD7C\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CVIQZD7C </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 116, "polity": { "id": 111, "name": "in_achik_1", "long_name": "Early A'chik", "start_year": 1775, "end_year": 1867 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "\" The only other significant religious tradition mentioned in the sources consulted is Christianity, and it does not seem to have been particularly influential in the region at this time. ‘The third major influence on the Garos, and in some ways the most important, has been that of Christianity. American Baptist missionaries began to have a few peripheral contacts with the Garos even before their hills were occupied by the British. Missionaries were stationed in Goalpara, a town on the Brahmaputra just north of the Garo Hills, and some of their work was with Garos. However, intensive Christianization began only after the occupation of the hills. American missionaries followed the government officers into the hills and like them set up their headquarters in the town of Tura, which remains the center of Garo Christian activities today. The missionaries not only evangelized, but from the beginning carried out extensive medical and educational work.’ §REF§Burling, Robbins 1963. “Rengsanggri: Family And Kinship In A Garo Village”, 312§REF§ ‘Today we know that the encounter has resulted in the Christianization of the majority of Garos: the missionaries somehow succeeded in converting the Garos in large numbers. At the time of their arrival, however, their success was evidently not ensured. The very presence of missionaries could not explain their successes. These were not the result of a simple, unilineal, and cumulative process, but the outcome of fragmented Garo responses to fragmented missionary propositions and offers, varying in time and place. In other words, the large-scale conversion of Garos was the result of a complex, fragmented process in which missionaries and their objectives – the Garos and their goals, needs, and considerations – and the larger context in which this encounter occurred all played a role. \"Thus, we need to distinguish different variables: missionaries (their message, methods, behaviour, personality), the Garos (their reasons for conversion), and the context (socio-economic, cultural, and political). (Bal 2007:136) §REF§ Bal, Ellen. 2007. They Ask If We Eat Frogs: Garo Ethnicity in Bangladesh. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.<a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARMDH9MD\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ARMDH9MD </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 117, "polity": { "id": 251, "name": "cn_western_han_dyn", "long_name": "Western Han Empire", "start_year": -202, "end_year": 9 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Most “Han” Chinese throughout China’s long history have not had confessional religious identities, with the exception of very small pockets of groups claiming Muslim, Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, and millenarian/sectarian identities. The overwhelming majority of Han Chinese would not call themselves Daoist, Buddhist, or Confucian. They enshrine Daoist, Buddhist, or other kinds of deities on their domestic altars alongside the tablets for their ancestors in a seemingly indiscriminate manner and they approach in a seemingly opportunistic manner deities or religious specialists of whichever persuasion to exorcize evil spirits, ward off bad fortune, produce a good marriage partner or a long-awaited male descendant, deliver good fortune and blessing for the family or cure for a difficult illness, find a lost cattle or motorcycle, or resolve a life dilemma. [...] The temples and specialists might, and do, vie with one another for clientele and donations, 4 but they never take the form of one religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Buddhism) against another religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Daoism) except occasionally at the elite, discursive level and in competition for patronage by the dynastic court (again usually at the elite level)[...]. [...] In contrast to among the commoner majority, more or less coherent religious group identities did develop during dynastic times among the elite religious practitioners such as members of the Buddhist sangha , the Quanzhen Daoist monastic order, and Confucian academies. [...] But one has to remember that the elite members of these religious traditions with a stronger sense of religious identities were a very small minority.\"§REF§(Chau 2013: 146-148) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BETEPDVT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BETEPDVT </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 118, "polity": { "id": 254, "name": "cn_western_jin_dyn", "long_name": "Western Jin", "start_year": 265, "end_year": 317 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Families and individuals often handled their own dealings with gods, ghosts, and spirits. But sometimes they employed a specialist. Diviners not only advised clients on their future prospects but also diagnosed the source of persistent problems. [...] The other prominent sort of religious specialist in this period was the spirit medium or shaman(ess) (wu). [...] Their central function was to mediate communication and interactions between gods or spirits, on the one hand, and their client communities, families, and individuals, on the other. They did so in both directions, channeling requests and messages between humans and gods. [...] Finally, transcendence seekers, Daoist adepts, and Buddhist monks also numbered among the specialists called upon by laypersons for assistance, healing, and protection—including protection against the demands of local gods, the depredations of ghosts and demons, and even in some cases the power of spirit mediums.\" §REF§(Campany 2019: 592- 595) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/R5HXEWQB\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: R5HXEWQB </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 119, "polity": { "id": 258, "name": "cn_northern_wei_dyn", "long_name": "Northern Wei", "start_year": 386, "end_year": 534 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Most “Han” Chinese throughout China’s long history have not had confessional religious identities, with the exception of very small pockets of groups claiming Muslim, Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, and millenarian/sectarian identities. The overwhelming majority of Han Chinese would not call themselves Daoist, Buddhist, or Confucian. They enshrine Daoist, Buddhist, or other kinds of deities on their domestic altars alongside the tablets for their ancestors in a seemingly indiscriminate manner and they approach in a seemingly opportunistic manner deities or religious specialists of whichever persuasion to exorcize evil spirits, ward off bad fortune, produce a good marriage partner or a long-awaited male descendant, deliver good fortune and blessing for the family or cure for a difficult illness, find a lost cattle or motorcycle, or resolve a life dilemma. [...] The temples and specialists might, and do, vie with one another for clientele and donations, 4 but they never take the form of one religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Buddhism) against another religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Daoism) except occasionally at the elite, discursive level and in competition for patronage by the dynastic court (again usually at the elite level)[...]. [...] In contrast to among the commoner majority, more or less coherent religious group identities did develop during dynastic times among the elite religious practitioners such as members of the Buddhist sangha , the Quanzhen Daoist monastic order, and Confucian academies. [...] But one has to remember that the elite members of these religious traditions with a stronger sense of religious identities were a very small minority.\"§REF§(Chau 2013: 146-148) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BETEPDVT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BETEPDVT </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 120, "polity": { "id": 268, "name": "cn_yuan_dyn", "long_name": "Great Yuan", "start_year": 1271, "end_year": 1368 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Most “Han” Chinese throughout China’s long history have not had confessional religious identities, with the exception of very small pockets of groups claiming Muslim, Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, and millenarian/sectarian identities. The overwhelming majority of Han Chinese would not call themselves Daoist, Buddhist, or Confucian. They enshrine Daoist, Buddhist, or other kinds of deities on their domestic altars alongside the tablets for their ancestors in a seemingly indiscriminate manner and they approach in a seemingly opportunistic manner deities or religious specialists of whichever persuasion to exorcize evil spirits, ward off bad fortune, produce a good marriage partner or a long-awaited male descendant, deliver good fortune and blessing for the family or cure for a difficult illness, find a lost cattle or motorcycle, or resolve a life dilemma. [...] The temples and specialists might, and do, vie with one another for clientele and donations, 4 but they never take the form of one religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Buddhism) against another religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Daoism) except occasionally at the elite, discursive level and in competition for patronage by the dynastic court (again usually at the elite level)[...]. [...] In contrast to among the commoner majority, more or less coherent religious group identities did develop during dynastic times among the elite religious practitioners such as members of the Buddhist sangha , the Quanzhen Daoist monastic order, and Confucian academies. [...] But one has to remember that the elite members of these religious traditions with a stronger sense of religious identities were a very small minority.\"§REF§(Chau 2013: 146-148) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BETEPDVT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BETEPDVT </b></a>§REF§\r\n\r\nMongols punishment of certain instances of <i>refusing</i> to participate in syncretism of this kind also suggests that it was present. \"‘Positive intolerance’ refers to the active persecution of the religious other. ‘Negative intolerance’, in contrast, signifies the refusal to ‘perform “intolerable” actions demanded by others’.45 Negative intolerance included, in the Mongol case, the refusal to venerate Chinggis Khan’s image by visitors and attendants at the court, the refusal to abide by Mongol taboos such as the prohibition on washing in running water, and food-related practices such as the halal slaughter of animals, or even the exclusionary requirement of baptism (or other confessional rites) as a precondition to participate in, and benefit from, access to spiritual power and divine blessing. As indicated by diverse reports from the period, the Mongol overlords might respond harshly and violently punish these expressions of ‘negative intolerance’.\"§REF§(Brack 2021, 26) Brack, J. 2021. Disenchanting Heaven: Interfaith Debate, Sacral Kingship, and Conversion to Islam in the Mongol Empire, 1260-1335. Past & Present 250(1): 11-53. Seshat URL: https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/search/BRACK/titleCreatorYear/items/MADZH84Q/item-list §REF§" }, { "id": 121, "polity": { "id": 269, "name": "cn_ming_dyn", "long_name": "Great Ming", "start_year": 1368, "end_year": 1644 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"The overwhelming majority of late imperial Chinese would not think of defining themselves in denominational terms. It was often on the basis of a specific occasion that they would determine their choice of religious patronage. For example, in case of drought a local community would most likely hire Daoist liturgists who could perform thunder rituals, while the hope for absolving ancestors from their perils in the netherworld would probably be translated into donations to Buddhist institutions or the performance of a land and water ritual. Yet Buddhists sometimes also were asked to pray for rain, and Daoists had their own rituals for absolution. Moreover, these two types of religious specialist could also be called upon for a variety of smaller occasions, such as individual disease, repentance, vows, exorcisms, and so on.\" §REF§(Meulenbeld 2012: 138-139) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/5GSNSDRT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 5GSNSDRT </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 122, "polity": { "id": 419, "name": "cn_yangshao", "long_name": "Yangshao", "start_year": -5000, "end_year": -3000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "\"Very little is known about the religious beliefs of the Yangshao people.\" §REF§(Lee in Peregrine and Ember 2001, 336)§REF§" }, { "id": 123, "polity": { "id": 420, "name": "cn_longshan", "long_name": "Longshan", "start_year": -3000, "end_year": -1900 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "‘‘‘ Unclear, but worth noting the presence of possible evidence for the standardization of ritual, which perhaps went hand in hand with restriction on heterodox practices, including syncretic ones. \"The presence of several altar sites, and a whole array of ritual jade and pottery objects of comparable shapes over a good part of the Chinese territory, appear to indicate that by the Longshan era the standardization of ritual and religious practices and the formation of iconographic formulae was already well in place (Wu Hung 1990). This would include the finds of recognizable ritual objects, such as hi discs and cong tubes, beyond the Liangzhu nuclear culture to an area that ranges north-south from Inner Mongolia to Guangdong, and east-west from Shandong to Gansu (Huang 1992:78-80, figs. 9-10), and the existence of an established set of ritual vessel types (li pitchers, dou cups, ding tripods, etc.), which were to have a paramount religious importance throughout the early dynastic period.\" §REF§(Demattè 1999, 141) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/G6J58ENC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: G6J58ENC </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 124, "polity": { "id": 244, "name": "cn_western_zhou_dyn", "long_name": "Western Zhou", "start_year": -1122, "end_year": -771 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "Regarding this variable, expert Edward Shaughnessy has acknowledge that there is not a lot of information about religion in the Western Zhou period. \"Religious beliefs and practices in the Shang (1600(?)–1045(?) BCE ) were themselves a mixture from different parts or tribes of the empire that were then absorbed by, or merged into, the ones brought forward by the newly established Western Zhou dynasty (1045(?)–771 BCE ).\" §REF§(Xinzhong 2013: 65) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/MMMJFGZP\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: MMMJFGZP </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 125, "polity": { "id": 2, "name": "cn_qing_dyn_2", "long_name": "Late Qing", "start_year": 1796, "end_year": 1912 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"The overwhelming majority of late imperial Chinese would not think of defining themselves in denominational terms. It was often on the basis of a specific occasion that they would determine their choice of religious patronage. For example, in case of drought a local community would most likely hire Daoist liturgists who could perform thunder rituals, while the hope for absolving ancestors from their perils in the netherworld would probably be translated into donations to Buddhist institutions or the performance of a land and water ritual. Yet Buddhists sometimes also were asked to pray for rain, and Daoists had their own rituals for absolution. Moreover, these two types of religious specialist could also be called upon for a variety of smaller occasions, such as individual disease, repentance, vows, exorcisms, and so on.\" §REF§(Meulenbeld 2012: 138-139) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/5GSNSDRT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 5GSNSDRT </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 126, "polity": { "id": 1, "name": "cn_qing_dyn_1", "long_name": "Early Qing", "start_year": 1644, "end_year": 1796 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"The overwhelming majority of late imperial Chinese would not think of defining themselves in denominational terms. It was often on the basis of a specific occasion that they would determine their choice of religious patronage. For example, in case of drought a local community would most likely hire Daoist liturgists who could perform thunder rituals, while the hope for absolving ancestors from their perils in the netherworld would probably be translated into donations to Buddhist institutions or the performance of a land and water ritual. Yet Buddhists sometimes also were asked to pray for rain, and Daoists had their own rituals for absolution. Moreover, these two types of religious specialist could also be called upon for a variety of smaller occasions, such as individual disease, repentance, vows, exorcisms, and so on.\"§REF§(Meulenbeld 2012: 138-139) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/5GSNSDRT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 5GSNSDRT </b></a>§REF§ “The idea of the \"unity of the three religions' ' has been popular since the Tang and Song dynasties. In fact, Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism have all developed from their own ideas of uniting the three religions. Since the Liao, Song, Jin and Yuan dynasties, there have been many initiatives to establish folk scriptures and temples in the name of the unity of the three religions, which have appeared repeatedly throughout northern China. Especially by the middle of the Ming Dynasty, many folk scripture halls had been called the Three Religion Hall. (儒释道“三教合一”的思想，唐宋以降已颇流行。实际上，儒、释、道三教都有从自身出发，以我为主，贯通三教的思想发展。辽宋金元以来，华北各地以三教合一为名，倡设民间经堂、庙宇的活动，更是屡见不鲜。特别是到了明中叶以降，不少民间教团的经堂即称三教堂。)” §REF§(Cao, Xinyu, 2019, No.3 ) Cao, Xinyu. 2019. The Qing History Journal. Beijing: The Institute of Qing History. Seshat URL: §REF§" }, { "id": 127, "polity": { "id": 253, "name": "cn_eastern_han_dyn", "long_name": "Eastern Han Empire", "start_year": 25, "end_year": 220 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Most “Han” Chinese throughout China’s long history have not had confessional religious identities, with the exception of very small pockets of groups claiming Muslim, Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, and millenarian/sectarian identities. The overwhelming majority of Han Chinese would not call themselves Daoist, Buddhist, or Confucian. They enshrine Daoist, Buddhist, or other kinds of deities on their domestic altars alongside the tablets for their ancestors in a seemingly indiscriminate manner and they approach in a seemingly opportunistic manner deities or religious specialists of whichever persuasion to exorcize evil spirits, ward off bad fortune, produce a good marriage partner or a long-awaited male descendant, deliver good fortune and blessing for the family or cure for a difficult illness, find a lost cattle or motorcycle, or resolve a life dilemma. [...] The temples and specialists might, and do, vie with one another for clientele and donations, 4 but they never take the form of one religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Buddhism) against another religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Daoism) except occasionally at the elite, discursive level and in competition for patronage by the dynastic court (again usually at the elite level)[...]. [...] In contrast to among the commoner majority, more or less coherent religious group identities did develop during dynastic times among the elite religious practitioners such as members of the Buddhist sangha , the Quanzhen Daoist monastic order, and Confucian academies. [...] But one has to remember that the elite members of these religious traditions with a stronger sense of religious identities were a very small minority.\"§REF§(Chau 2013: 146-148) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BETEPDVT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BETEPDVT </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 128, "polity": { "id": 260, "name": "cn_sui_dyn", "long_name": "Sui Dynasty", "start_year": 581, "end_year": 618 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"But Buddhism, in its popular forms, had also made its way into the peasant villages where cult organizations of all kinds proliferated. A whole range of immemorial peasant observances had been taken over and given a Buddhist cast, so that both peasant and elite life were punctuated with Buddhist holidays and festivals. Thus Buddhism, in addition to Chinese traditions, served as a powerful common bond among these diverse areas and cultures.\"§REF§(Wright 1979: 55) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/MB9CHFJB\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: MB9CHFJB </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 129, "polity": { "id": 264, "name": "cn_tang_dyn_2", "long_name": "Tang Dynasty II", "start_year": 763, "end_year": 907 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"[O]ne must be cautious when assigning labels to particular elements of religious practice in this era, which, as the opening line of the nominally Buddhist Treasure Store Treatise suggests, were often profound intertwinings of Buddhism, Daoism, and other things besides.\" §REF§(Copp 2012: 83) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SGG5RZ8N\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SGG5RZ8N </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 130, "polity": { "id": 424, "name": "cn_wei_dyn_warring_states", "long_name": "Early Wei Dynasty", "start_year": -445, "end_year": -225 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Broad textual evidence of a great diversity of religious concepts in all their syncretic forms exists only from Warring States times (475–221 BCE ). One of the earliest texts in Chinese literature dealing with the problem of diverse religious institutions is the “Great Plan” (Hongfan) chapter in the Book of Documents dating between the eighth- and fourth-century BCE . In one passage, the text discusses the need to consult with two different divinatory institutions (oracle bone divination with a tortoise shell and Yijing divination with milfoil stalks) in addition to the ruler, nobles and officers, and the common people.\"§REF§(Gentz & Schmidt-Leukel 2013: 1) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NRPQN37F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NRPQN37F </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 131, "polity": { "id": 266, "name": "cn_later_great_jin", "long_name": "Jin Dynasty", "start_year": 1115, "end_year": 1234 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Most “Han” Chinese throughout China’s long history have not had confessional religious identities, with the exception of very small pockets of groups claiming Muslim, Protestant, Catholic, Jewish, and millenarian/sectarian identities. The overwhelming majority of Han Chinese would not call themselves Daoist, Buddhist, or Confucian. They enshrine Daoist, Buddhist, or other kinds of deities on their domestic altars alongside the tablets for their ancestors in a seemingly indiscriminate manner and they approach in a seemingly opportunistic manner deities or religious specialists of whichever persuasion to exorcize evil spirits, ward off bad fortune, produce a good marriage partner or a long-awaited male descendant, deliver good fortune and blessing for the family or cure for a difficult illness, find a lost cattle or motorcycle, or resolve a life dilemma. [...] The temples and specialists might, and do, vie with one another for clientele and donations, 4 but they never take the form of one religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Buddhism) against another religious tradition as a whole (e.g., Daoism) except occasionally at the elite, discursive level and in competition for patronage by the dynastic court (again usually at the elite level)[...]. [...] In contrast to among the commoner majority, more or less coherent religious group identities did develop during dynastic times among the elite religious practitioners such as members of the Buddhist sangha , the Quanzhen Daoist monastic order, and Confucian academies. [...] But one has to remember that the elite members of these religious traditions with a stronger sense of religious identities were a very small minority.\"§REF§(Chau 2013: 146-148) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BETEPDVT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BETEPDVT </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 132, "polity": { "id": 250, "name": "cn_qin_emp", "long_name": "Qin Empire", "start_year": -338, "end_year": -207 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"There can be little doubt that the intellectual realm of divinatory theory and closely related issues of religious rituals such as sacrifices to the spirits and ancestors were contested topics, and the Qin conquest crucially involved a policy of assimilation in the occupied territories . There were active attempts to tame the wild Chu spirits and cults, but standardization sometimes brought with it unexpected consequences . Ultimately, it was a combination of deliberate changes to the script, the calendar, and the pantheon of greater and lesser calendrical spirits underlying traditional hemerology that brought about a perhaps unintentional shift in the meaning of Inspection Days.” §REF§(Harkness 2019, 568) Harkness, Ethan. 2019. ‘Good Days and Bad Days: Echoes of the Third-Century Bce Qin Conquest in Early Chinese Hemerology’. Journal of the American Oriental Society 139.3 (2019). Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/DQ69M9TV\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: DQ69M9TV </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 133, "polity": { "id": 286, "name": "mn_uygur_khaganate", "long_name": "Uigur Khaganate", "start_year": 745, "end_year": 840 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "No discussion of religious syncretism at the individual level was found in the sources consulted." }, { "id": 134, "polity": { "id": 288, "name": "mn_khitan_1", "long_name": "Khitan I", "start_year": 907, "end_year": 1125 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Buddhism continued to be embraced by the Song's northern neighbours, in particular the Khitan (Ch. Qidan 契丹), although the latter had not completely abandoned their indigenous tribal religious beliefs.\"§REF§(Lin 2019: 24) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ARB5VD3Q\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ARB5VD3Q </b></a>§REF§ \"However, in A.D. 918 Taizu decreed that both Buddhist and Daoist monasteries and a Confucian temple be built in the Supreme Capital, and personally made his pilgrimage to the latter while ordering the empress and heir apparent to offer sacrifices to the Buddhist and Daoist monasteries respectively.\" §REF§(Lin 2011: 237) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/N778IHRD\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: N778IHRD </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 135, "polity": { "id": 50, "name": "id_majapahit_k", "long_name": "Majapahit Kingdom", "start_year": 1292, "end_year": 1518 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB this quote does not provide a clear example of syncretic religious practices, yet it mentions the existence of syncretism in rituals and religious activities. “When Hinduism and Buddhism were introduced in Nusantara, they grew in an environment that had developed its own faith system, namely the worship of the spirit of the ancestors. Together with the development, these three systems of faith influenced each other, which was reflected in not only the system of the ideas but also the ritual activities and the material manifestation of the objects used to support such activities (Sedyawati & Djafar, 2012, p. 286)” §REF§ (Susanti 2018, 585) Susanti, N. 2018. “Variety of distinct style scripts in inscriptions found in Mandalas of the late MAjapahit era: An overview of the paleography to mark religious dynamics”, in Budianta et al. (eds.) Cultural Dynamics in a Globalized World. London: Taylor and Francis. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RD73Q2NC\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RD73Q2NC </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 136, "polity": { "id": 51, "name": "id_mataram_k", "long_name": "Mataram Sultanate", "start_year": 1568, "end_year": 1755 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Agung 's spiritual life as depicted in Javanese babads (chronicles), however, also included prominent features of pre-Islamic origins, notably his mystic marriage to Ratu Kidul , the Goddess of the SouthernOcean. […] Sultan Agung is depicted at the same time as the lover of the distinctly non -I slamic Javanese deity Ratu Kidul , as a monarch with supernatural powers, and as a pious Muslim who would not seek to interfere in the will of God .” §REF§ (Ricklefs 2006: 35) Merle Calvin Ricklefs, 2006. Mystic Synthesis in Java: A History of Islamization from the Fourteenth to the Early Nineteenth Centuries. Norwalk, CT: EastBridge Books. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JKGH84GW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JKGH84GW </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 137, "polity": { "id": 49, "name": "id_kediri_k", "long_name": "Kediri Kingdom", "start_year": 1049, "end_year": 1222 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“In this dynasty [Kediri] the syncretism of Buddhism and Hindu-Çiva resulted in the Buddha-Çiva religion. The syncretism led into a compromise and harmonious relationship, because religions need each other. Syncretism did not only happen between these two religions but also with the folk religions knows as animism and dynamism. Syncretism took place smoothly because there were similarities between the three belief systems, both in the structure and the principles: the existence of a Super Being having a particular position; the existence of worship and sacrifice as well as rites, magic, magical authority, mythology, and other rituality. This situation was conducive to the creation of an attitude of give and take among the co-existing religions, as a necessity of survival.” §REF§ (Wasim in Pye et al. 2012: 86) Wasim, Alef Theria, 2012. “Religious Ecology and the Study of Religions”, in Michael Pye, Abuddarhman, Mas’ud, Alef Theria Wasim, and Edith Franke (eds.), Religious Harmony: Problems, Practice, and Education. Proceedings of the Regional Conference of the International Association for the History of Religions. Yogyakarta and Semarang, Indonesia. September 27th - October 3rd, 2004. (Berlin: De Gruyter), pp. 85-98. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RBZCU8KV\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RBZCU8KV </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 138, "polity": { "id": 48, "name": "id_medang_k", "long_name": "Medang Kingdom", "start_year": 732, "end_year": 1019 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Rulers were devotees of both Hindu deities and Buddhism of the Mahayana variety.” §REF§ (Miksic 2004: 863) Miksic, J., 'Mataram', in Ooi, K.G., Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor, Santa Barbara, CA: ABC-Clio, 2004. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WVEHV2M9\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WVEHV2M9 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 139, "polity": { "id": 234, "name": "et_ethiopian_k", "long_name": "Ethiopia Kingdom", "start_year": 1270, "end_year": 1620 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Despite Yeshaq's decree and his decision to build \"many churches in Dambeya and Wagara,\" the issue of the ayhud remained largely unresolved. While some ayhud did convert and eventually may have become committed Christians, many others were either nominal Christians or continued in their old ways. Considerable information on the religious situation of the ayhud in the years immediately after Yeshaq is contained in some relatively neglected passages in the gadl of the fifteenth-century holy man Abba Takla Hawaryat. This material, which is of relevance not only for their history, but also for a general understanding of the process of ethnic and religious interaction in Solomonic Ethiopia, reveals that in the middle of the fifteenth century the ayhud were only temporarily subdued, at best superficially converted, and minimally integrated into the Christian kingdom.\" §REF§(Kaplan 1992: 58) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PT9MJQBE\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PT9MJQBE </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 140, "polity": { "id": 210, "name": "et_aksum_emp_2", "long_name": "Axum II", "start_year": 350, "end_year": 599 }, "year_from": 300, "year_to": 500, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of \"normative\" Judaism or Christianity. Syncretism was probably the rule rather than the exception, and it is probably best to view the different faiths as closely related rather than clearly defined units. The elements held in common may well have outweighed those that differentiated between the various groups. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one.\" §REF§(Kaplan 1992: 35-39) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PT9MJQBE\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PT9MJQBE </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 141, "polity": { "id": 210, "name": "et_aksum_emp_2", "long_name": "Axum II", "start_year": 350, "end_year": 599 }, "year_from": 501, "year_to": 599, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "\"Fourth-century Aksum appears to have provided fertile ground for a variety of religious identities, none of which necessarily conformed to idealized notions of \"normative\" Judaism or Christianity. Syncretism was probably the rule rather than the exception, and it is probably best to view the different faiths as closely related rather than clearly defined units. The elements held in common may well have outweighed those that differentiated between the various groups. [...] On the basis of the information presented above, it is difficult to escape the conclusion that the first quarter of the sixth century must have been an especially trying time for the most Judaized groups in the Aksumite kingdom. The extreme politicization of religious identity in South Arabia may well have made itself felt by a hardening of distinctions in Aksum as well. The hitherto vague differentiation between Judaized groups and the growing number of Old Testament oriented Christians may have become far sharper. Even if they were not subject to overt persecution (and it must be remembered that in the early seventh century Ethiopia enjoyed a reputation for religious tolerance), the position of the former could not have been an easy one.\" §REF§(Kaplan 1992: 35-39) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PT9MJQBE\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PT9MJQBE </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 142, "polity": { "id": 287, "name": "uz_samanid_emp", "long_name": "Samanid Empire", "start_year": 819, "end_year": 999 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "\"Religiously, there is no substantial evidence to suggest that the Samanids were anything but orthodox Hanafi Sunnis; it should be noted that there was a brief flirtation by certain elements of the Samanid military (particularly a general named al-Husain al-Marwazi) with Isma’ili Shi‘i preachers in the 920s, but by and large Shi‘is and heterodox groups were considered anathema by the authorities.\" §REF§Mitchell, C.P. 2006. Samanids. In Meri, J.W. and Bacharach (eds) Medieval Islamic Civilization: An Encyclopedia pp. 691-693. New York: Routledge. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/DEU4G64K\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: DEU4G64K </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 143, "polity": { "id": 467, "name": "af_tocharian", "long_name": "Tocharians", "start_year": -129, "end_year": 29 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"The Kushan, like other nomads in Central Asia, tended to change objects of worship, or even embrace other religions through interactions with other peoples, especially sedentary peoples. Religious tolerance and the diversity of Bactrian religion itself also encouraged the Kushan to adopt the various religious cults they encountered.” §REF§ (Liu 2001: no page number) LIU, Xinru., 2001. “Migration and Settlement of the Yuezhi-Kushan: Interaction and Interdependence of Nomadic and Sedentary Societies.”, Journal of World History, v. 12, n. 2, p. 261–292. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HR7RXZ4H\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HR7RXZ4H </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 144, "polity": { "id": 468, "name": "uz_sogdiana_city_states", "long_name": "Sogdiana - City-States Period", "start_year": 604, "end_year": 711 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Although there were non-Zoroastrian divinities among these gods, the influence of Zorastrianism was indubitable. The Sogdians probably regarded themselves as Zoroastrians, as indeed they were considered by al-Biruni and other authors writing in Arabic. Those Sogdian customs that seem contrary to Zoroastrian doctrine (Hindu-style iconography, the mourning of the dead) also existed in Khwarizan, whose Zoroastrianism is not open to doubt and where the Avestan gahanbars (phases of creation) were celebrated as religious feasts. There is evidence from the fifth century onwards in the Sughd of the custom of cleaning the flesh from bones and burying them in ossuaries, as in Khwarizam.” […] “No correctly painted Buddhist images exist in Sogdiana paintings, but images of Hindu gods (of secondary importance from the Buddhist point of view) helped the Sogdians to create their own religious iconography in the sixth to the eight century. As in Sogdian Buddhist and Manichaean texts, Zurvan [Zoroastrian creator deity] is depicted in the form of Brahma, Adbag (Ohrmazd) in that of Indra (Sakra) and Veshparkar (Vayu) in that of Shiva (Mahadeva). A four-armed Nana mounted on a lion, a divine couple with symbols in the form of a camel and a mountain ram and other images of divinities are also known. The absence of highly developed forms of state organization explains the important role played by the worship of the divine patrons of individual families and communities.” §REF§ (Marshak and Negmatov 1996: 253) Marshak, B.I. and Negmatov, N.N. 1996. ‘Sogdiana.’ In History of Civilization of Central Asia. Vol. III. (Paris: UNESCO Press). Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9U8K89BD\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9U8K89BD </b></a> §REF§ “Sogdian religion was a local form of Mazdeism, but it was also syncretic, having absorbed Hellenic and Indian influences. Fire alters were an important feature of the local religion as in the state of Zoroastrianism of Sasanian Iran.” §REF§ (Frye and Litvinsky 1994: 467) Frye, Richard N. and Litvinsky, Boris A. 1994. ‘The Northern Nomads, Sogdiana and Chorasmia.’ In J. Herrmann and E. Zurcher (eds.), History of Humanity: From the Seventh Century B.C. to the Seventh Century A.D. Vol. III. (Paris: UNESCO Press). Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WW8P2A7R\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WW8P2A7R </b></a> §REF§ “At the same time the Sogdian artists, besides deriving much inspiration from India, showed considerable ability in creating images directly inspired by Zoroastrian texts. One of the most impressive examples is the group of portrait of the Amesa Spentas, shown on a series of ossuaries produced in a small region between Samarkand and Bukhara in the 6th and 7th centuries.” §REF§ (Grenet 2015: 136) Grenet, Frantz. 2015. ‘Zoroastrianism in Central Asia.’ In Michael Stausberg et. al. (eds.), The Wiley Blackwell Companion to Zoroastrianism. (Oxford: Wiley). Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/PSNJIZPA\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: PSNJIZPA </b></a> §REF§ “There was no centralized state system in Sogd. The Sogdian states formed a kind of confederacy, while each one of them had its own ruling dynasty. This system existed until the end of the seventh century. Sogd did not have an organized state religion, although the majority of its population adhered to Mazdeism and Zurvanism [a sect of Zoroastrianism/Mazdeism], which included some Hellenistic and Indian Buddhist influences. There was also a religious tolerance towards other cults (such as Nestorianism and Manichaeism).” §REF§ (Zhivkov 2015: 225) Zhivkov, Boris. 2015. Khazaria in the Ninth and Tenth Centuries. (Leiden: Brill). Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/V8KA2GID\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: V8KA2GID </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 145, "polity": { "id": 370, "name": "uz_timurid_emp", "long_name": "Timurid Empire", "start_year": 1370, "end_year": 1526 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "Experts Blake Pye and A. Azfar Moin also highlight that there were: \"Presence of pre-Islamic Persian influence among populace of Iran, specifically in chivalric guilds (futuvvat) and Sufi orders.\" (pers.comm 2024) Also see source: Kathryn Babayan, Mystics, Monarchs and Messiahs: Cultural Landscapes of Early Modern Iran (Cambridge: Harvard University Center for Middle Eastern Studies, 2003), 161-96.\r\n\r\n“There were innumerable unseen forces which the individual and holy sites revered by the population which had no connection to organized systems of belief. Some popular practices may have been subsumed into Sufism, but many remained independent and provided a source of blessing and intercession mediated by neither shayks or ulama. For lack of a better expression, I will call this kind of faith and practice popular religion, but it was not at odds with the religion of the urban ulama.” §REF§(Manz 2003, 178) Manz, Beatrice Forbes. 2003. Power, politics and religion in Timurid Iran. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/34BJBWMZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 34BJBWMZ </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 146, "polity": { "id": 127, "name": "af_kushan_emp", "long_name": "Kushan Empire", "start_year": 35, "end_year": 319 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“As early as the Kushan era, Buddhist rituals were mixed with Zoroastrian fire worship, as Kushan kings patronized both religions.” §REF§ (Liu 2011: 60) LIU, X. (2011). A Silk Road Legacy: The Spread of Buddhism and Islam. Journal of World History, 22(1), 55–81. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/2AGHBK5G\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 2AGHBK5G </b></a> §REF§ “Victories in Gandhara allowed Vema Takhtu to replace Sasan, the last of the Gondophares line. Sasan had designed his coinage on a standard of 9.5 grams, originally of silver, showing the usual horse man to the right and a standing Zeus on the reverse. Exactly this type was continued in Gandhara after Vema Takhtu had taken over. But there is one formal change. The Godopharan tamgha was replaced by the three-pronged tamgha of Vema Takhtu, added to by a Kharosthi letter vi, already known from the ‘Mars’ editions. The legend changed, but for us the most important element come in the form of a pot-of-plenty, Sanskrit purnaghata, which now finds its place on the ground in front of Zeus. A pot-of-plenty already was a symbol for the buiders of Sanchi in most of its three leaves it has not exact counterpart in Iran or the West. It is a genuine Indian symbol, and once on the coin of a Kushan it must be addressing the Gandharan population. Following the inherent meaning of the purnaghata the new coins seem to suggest that political changes will be slight and to the advantage of all. The main deity is Zeus, and this is being part of Indo-Greek symbol language. But the addition of the purnaghata shows that Vema wants to be accepted as a conqueror with a recognized concern for the local population.” […] “We would call the mixture of symbols on both sides ‘syncrestistic’ because of the collection being composed from different sources, putting stress on the differences. The alternative is to call the mixture ‘inclusivistic,’ seeing from Vima Kadphises’ image-world that all the myth systems alluded to with their own set of names and notions want to represent one single idea, namely that there is a highest power that regulates every-thing – irrespective of the names applied […] In the wake of Hellenism the idea of monotheism appeared as the ultimate solution and forced the standard systems to merge, with different regions ending up with different amalgamations from similar base materials.” §REF§ (Falk 2019:9; 30) Falk, Harry. 2019. ‘Kushan Religion and Politics.’ Bulletin of the Asia Institute. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4HJ4V4A5\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4HJ4V4A5 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 147, "polity": { "id": 289, "name": "kg_kara_khanid_dyn", "long_name": "Kara-Khanids", "start_year": 950, "end_year": 1212 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests that there might have been different forms of syncretism present. “Buddhism here was deeply mixed with shamanism or at least appeared as such to Muslim observers” §REF§ (Golden 2008: 344) Golden, Peter B. 2008. ‘The Karakhanids and Early Islam.’ In The Cambridge History of Inner Asia. Edited by Denis Sinor. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AJ3JPUFR\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AJ3JPUFR </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 148, "polity": { "id": 17, "name": "us_hawaii_1", "long_name": "Hawaii I", "start_year": 1000, "end_year": 1200 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "Judging from the fact that the consulted literature does not mention the presence of religious minorities, it seems reasonable to infer absence." }, { "id": 149, "polity": { "id": 18, "name": "us_hawaii_2", "long_name": "Hawaii II", "start_year": 1200, "end_year": 1580 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "Judging from the fact that the consulted literature does not mention the presence of religious minorities, it seems reasonable to infer absence." }, { "id": 150, "polity": { "id": 19, "name": "us_hawaii_3", "long_name": "Hawaii III", "start_year": 1580, "end_year": 1778 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "Judging from the fact that the consulted literature does not mention the presence of religious minorities, it seems reasonable to infer absence." }, { "id": 151, "polity": { "id": 20, "name": "us_kamehameha_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Hawaii - Kamehameha Period", "start_year": 1778, "end_year": 1819 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "Judging from the fact that the consulted literature does not mention the presence of religious minorities, it seems reasonable to infer absence." }, { "id": 152, "polity": { "id": 21, "name": "us_hawaii_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Hawaii - Post-Kamehameha Period", "start_year": 1820, "end_year": 1898 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Through their involvement with the government, the missionaries were completing their assignment during the 1820s. While there were still the aforementioned rural areas that still had some traditional belief, “their native religion was diluted by imported beliefs,” and “[i]t is unlikely that any present-day Hawaiians adhere to the ancient religion in its pure form” (Heatwole, 1988).\" §REF§(McCall 2022, 4) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/T4EBCFH6\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: T4EBCFH6 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 153, "polity": { "id": 67, "name": "gr_crete_archaic", "long_name": "Archaic Crete", "start_year": -710, "end_year": -500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Although archaeologists have often viewed Cretan orientalizing culture in terms of class conflict and of positional elite and civic interests, activity at Praisian sanctuaries suggests a more complicated dynamic. Rather than following a predetermined and unchanging script, Cretans during this period had contingent social roles. Elites from Praisos at times stressed a connection to other elites outside the community through a common style. For example, at the Third Acropolis sanctuary, they dedicated bronzes similar to those at regional cult centers and the civic sanctuaries of other states. Since lavish dedications brought divine favor to the entire community, these bronzes probably did not trigger a counter reaction from the masses. Moreover, this was not an orientalizing culture in opposition to masses using a plain style. In fact, elites made only se lective use of Near Eastern iconography and styles. An exception was the Idaean cave, where a few impressive bronze dedications asserted an explicit link to the exotic world of foreign styles, craftsmen, and rituals. Here, Cretan participants defined themselves as part of an international elite. Within their borders, however, members of different poleis had occasions for emphasizing group solidarity, even if elites led these ceremonies. At Vavelli and Roussa Ekklesia, terracotta styles played a role in forming local identity while also incorporating diverse foreign influences. Architectural styles perhaps further distinguished Eteocretan Praisos as more open than other Cretan communities to Greek artistic conventions and culture” §REF§ (Erickson 2009, 389) Erickson, Brice. 2009. ‘Roussa Ekklesia, Part 1: Religion and Politics in East Crete’. In American Journal of Archaeology. Vol. 113:3. Pp. 353-404. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8ATBFDFA\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8ATBFDFA </b></a> §REF§" } ] }