Sync Rel Pra Ind Beli List
A viewset for viewing and editing Syncretism of Religious Practices at the Level of Individual Believers.
GET /api/rt/syncretism-of-religious-practices-at-the-level-of-individual-believers/?format=api&page=2
{ "count": 272, "next": "https://seshat-db.com/api/rt/syncretism-of-religious-practices-at-the-level-of-individual-believers/?format=api&page=3", "previous": "https://seshat-db.com/api/rt/syncretism-of-religious-practices-at-the-level-of-individual-believers/?format=api", "results": [ { "id": 52, "polity": { "id": 619, "name": "bf_west_burkina_faso_red_1", "long_name": "West Burkina Faso Red I", "start_year": 701, "end_year": 1100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Suspected unknown due to the antiquity of this quasi-polity, the nature of the data, and the fact that this aspect of the quasi-polity's culture is not mentioned in a recent and comprehensive series of articles on prehistoric West Burkina Faso by Stephen Dueppen." }, { "id": 53, "polity": { "id": 668, "name": "ni_nri_k", "long_name": "Ọ̀ràézè Ǹrì", "start_year": 1043, "end_year": 1911 }, "year_from": 1043, "year_to": 1859, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "NB This quote only refers to syncretism after the arrival of Christianity. “In view of the fact that in less than two hundred years of Christian missionary effort, most followers of the Igbo Traditional religion have become Christians, but that nevertheless this traditional religion still retains quite a number of believers, considering particularly that the social and religious context in which most Igbo Christians live in heavily influenced by elements of Igbo Traditional Religion.” §REF§ (Arinze 2014, 10) Arinze, Francis Cardinal. 2014. ‘Christianity Meets Igbo Traditional Religion.’ In Interface Between Igbo Theology and Christianity. Edited by Akuma-Kalu Njoku and Elochukwu Uzukwu. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDKTH88F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SDKTH88F </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 54, "polity": { "id": 668, "name": "ni_nri_k", "long_name": "Ọ̀ràézè Ǹrì", "start_year": 1043, "end_year": 1911 }, "year_from": 1860, "year_to": 1911, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "NB This quote only refers to syncretism after the arrival of Christianity. “In view of the fact that in less than two hundred years of Christian missionary effort, most followers of the Igbo Traditional religion have become Christians, but that nevertheless this traditional religion still retains quite a number of believers, considering particularly that the social and religious context in which most Igbo Christians live in heavily influenced by elements of Igbo Traditional Religion.” §REF§ (Arinze 2014, 10) Arinze, Francis Cardinal. 2014. ‘Christianity Meets Igbo Traditional Religion.’ In Interface Between Igbo Theology and Christianity. Edited by Akuma-Kalu Njoku and Elochukwu Uzukwu. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDKTH88F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SDKTH88F </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 55, "polity": { "id": 708, "name": "pt_portuguese_emp_1", "long_name": "Portuguese Empire - Renaissance Period", "start_year": 1495, "end_year": 1579 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Former Jews were guaranteed their property. They were to be officially known as New Christians (crista˜os novos), and the use of insulting terms like marrano was prohibited. The government recognised it would take time for the new faith to take hold, so the New Christians were promised immunity from investigation into their beliefs and practices for twenty years.\" §REF§(Disney 2009a: 153-154) Disney, A. R. 2009a. A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire from Beginnings to 1807. Volume 1, Portugal. Cambridge University Press: 143. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/TKKDT5CZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: TKKDT5CZ </b></a>.§REF§ \"Most of the individuals arrested by the Goa Inquisition were Indian Christians. They were convicted and punished for a range of offences including heresy and apostasy. But the majority were found guilty of involvement in various syncretic practices considered to be proof of ‘Hinduizing’. Suspicions could be aroused by wearing Hindu dress, singing nuptial songs in Konkani, playing certain musical instruments, exchanging gifts of flowers, betel and areca in association with weddings, working at a temple or just celebrating diwali. However, 705 of the persons arrested, comprising almost 30 per cent of the total, were not Christian converts but Hindus. As such they could not of course be accused of heresy or apostasy. Nevertheless, they attracted Inquisition attention usually for breaching the strict prohibition on participating in non-Catholic rites in Portuguese territory.\" §REF§(Disney 2009b: 319) Disney, A. R. 2009a. A History of Portugal and the Portuguese Empire from Beginnings to 1807. Volume 1, Portugal. Cambridge University Press: 143. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/TKKDT5CZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: TKKDT5CZ </b></a>.§REF§" }, { "id": 56, "polity": { "id": 615, "name": "ni_nok_2", "long_name": "Middle and Late Nok", "start_year": -900, "end_year": 0 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "Apparent uniformity of belief, but data is scarce. \"As demonstrated by the uniformity of their material culture and their presumed belief system, most prominently reflected by the terracotta sculptures, external contacts within their culture must have existed. However, [...] It has to be considered that the preservation of features in Nok sites is generally poor and that the amount of data is not too large and regionally restricted to a rather small key study area. [...] Bound on what is indisputable, we may safely assert that the standalone peculiarity of the Nok Culture concerns its terracotta sculptures. Excavations have revealed contextual data emphasising their ritual significance - using the term \"ritual\" in a spiritual* context - and their role as materialised expression of a religion. Should it not be possible that the remarkable transregional uniformity of the complex, particularly mirrored by the omnipresence of the sculptures, was caused by the power of rituals and a complex system of beliefs? To accentuate this perspective, the Nok Culture deserves further investigation before the remaining evidence is irreversibly lost by looting which still takes place at many sites in Nigeria every day.\" §REF§(Breunig and Ruppe 2016: 251-3) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ES4TRU7R\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ES4TRU7R </b></a>.§REF§" }, { "id": 57, "polity": { "id": 659, "name": "ni_allada_k", "long_name": "Allada", "start_year": 1100, "end_year": 1724 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“But it is very likely that even in the early seventeenth century Christianity had been regarded in Allada as something to be added to, rather than substituted for, indigenous cults and customs, and that people had been willing to adopt Christianity only provided that this did not involve giving up their established local practices.”” §REF§ (Law 1991: 45) Law, Robin, 1991. Religion, trade and politics on the 'slave coast': Roman Catholic Missions in Allada and Whydah in the Seventeenth Century. Journal of Religion in Africa/Religion en Afrique. 21, pp. 42-77. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CZP6AQ6H\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CZP6AQ6H </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 58, "polity": { "id": 641, "name": "et_gomma_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Gomma", "start_year": 1780, "end_year": 1886 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“At the early stage of Islamic expansion to the Gibe states, conversion was nominal. The Muslim Oromo people continued practicing the OIR [Oromo indigenous religion] rituals together with their new religion […] Many Oromo Muslims continued attending OIR rituals such as the Butta ceremony and the Muudaa pilgrimage, which allowed them to continue having contact with other non-Muslim Oromo people.” §REF§ (Benti 2018, 129) Benti, Ujulu Tesso. 2018. Oromo Indigenous Religion and Oromo Christianity. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/GR89DNEK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: GR89DNEK </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 59, "polity": { "id": 640, "name": "so_habr_yunis", "long_name": "Habr Yunis", "start_year": 1300, "end_year": 1886 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"African Islam, at least south of the Sahara, has been strongly influenced by Sufism. This has made it much more eclectic, flexible, and less vulnerable, if not wholly immune, to external stridency than might otherwise have been the case. Although there has been and continues to be disagreement about the precise nature of Sufi influence in Africa, the emphasis placed by Sufism historically on personal piety and exemplary behaviour, in the words of Knut Vikor, has been rather more important than ‘its external functions as a focus for political combat and jihad’. In other words, African Muslims have been historically less responsive to the call to arms than others of the Faith. Second, and more directly pertinent to north-east Africa, it has been suggested that Somali ‘xenophobia’ has likewise rendered Islam in that area comparatively immune to external influence. This goes some way to explaining what Iqbal Jhazbhay terms ‘the relative inter-faith détente that has existed between Christian and Islamic spheres of influence in the Horn of Africa’. Somali Islam ‘appears to be solidly located within a tradition of regional, geo-cultural, peaceful co-existence between Christianity, Islam and indigenous animistic tendencies’.\" §REF§ (Reid 2011, 59) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CZB48WKQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CZB48WKQ </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 60, "polity": { "id": 656, "name": "ni_yoruba_classic", "long_name": "Classical Ife", "start_year": 1000, "end_year": 1400 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"Ilé-Ifè did more than leverage its knowledge capital in glass-bead production and develop a coherent ideology for the ìlúloba-aládé dyad and ebí fraternity to craft the idea of the Yorùbá community of practice and promote itself as the head of that community. It also attained referential status through a grand program of theogonic invention and revision. This involved the integration of deities from different backgrounds and ritual fields across the region into a standardized and universalized pantheon, and the cultivation of learning and intellectual pursuit that was associated with the several schools (cults) of these deities.\"§REF§(Ogundiran 2020: 128) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ADQMAKPW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ADQMAKPW </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 61, "polity": { "id": 787, "name": "ic_wattara_emp", "long_name": "Wattara Empire", "start_year": 1710, "end_year": 1895 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following suggests a context that would have fostered the mixing of Islamic and non-Islamic beliefs and practices. “In contrast to the important role played by economic motives and considerations in the formation and policies of Kong, the Islamic basis of the state was very shaky. The state was nominally Muslim. Its rulers claimed to be Muslim though they were very bad observers of Islamic practices. Mosques were built in principal towns and Muslim clerics concentrated near the rulers' courts. But neither the formation nor the policies and actions of the state could be attributed to Islamic or in fact any religious reasons or legitimation. The state did not result from a jihad, and it did not aim at establishing the rule of Islam; Islamic law was not enforced. The rulers did not make great efforts to develop Islamic institutions or propagate the Islamic faith. The concentration of Muslim clerics in the towns was in fact a reflection of Dyula settlement, since the Muslim clerics (in great contrast to the Fulbe clerics but like the clerics of the towns along the Niger) were frequently also part-time traders or at least belonged to trading families. In Levtzion's terms, \"Kong was regarded as a Muslim kingdom because it had a prosperous Dyula community, which made the town an important centre of Islamic learning. But even there the Islamic character of the Wattara chief was dubious.\" The development of Kong as an Islamic center was only an indirect consequence of its development as a commercial center, and in fact religious observance was lax in the city.” §REF§Azarya, Victor. “Traders and the Center in Massina, Kong, and Samori’s State.” The International Journal of African Historical Studies, vol. 13, no. 3, 1980, pp. 420–456: 434-435. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KKBXESK6\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KKBXESK6 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 62, "polity": { "id": 678, "name": "se_waalo_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Waalo", "start_year": 1287, "end_year": 1855 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following suggests a combination of traditional Wolof religion with a veneer of Islam and, increasingly, Islamic ritual. \"The veneration of ancestors constituted the foundation of this traditional religion, which remains not too well understood, but which resisted Islam for a very long time. [...] At the margins and often in the interior of this traditional division of society, Islam appeared as a new class consisting of the marabout and his followers. [...] The Portuguese reports in the fifteenth century also inform us about the expansion of Islam into Senegambia. This expansion was, however, very relative and unequal. Indeed, as Dapper says: “The religion is little observed by them; there is neither a church nor open places where they could hold some assemblies, each one follows his own sensibility and sentiment which however leans towards the Muslim doctrine.” [...]” Nevertheless, Islam began increasingly to supplant the traditional religion, which itself remains little known. Indeed, the role played by the marabouts in the social life ended up acquiring a considerable dimension. Some believe that this role included presiding over the majority of baptisms, weddings and funerals. \"However, this Islamic influence still remained superficial.\" §REF§ (Barry 2012, 33-34) Barry, Boubacar. 2012. The Kingdom of Waalo: Senegal Before the Conquest. New York: Diasporic Africa Press. Seshat URL:<a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9KV5MEKN\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9KV5MEKN </b></a> §REF§ \"Little is known of pre-Islamic Wolof religion, for by the nineteenth century only vestiges of it remained. Most observers mentioned no religion but Islam, agreeing that, 'the Muslim religion, whose precepts are very badly observed ... reigns exclusively.' Yoro Jaw wrote that the Wolof religion was based on worship of family gods, but that Islamic practices and ideas had been added; he called it, 'a sect of fetishism. . .with some borrowings from Islam.' [...] Marabouts taught the precepts of Islam and the Arabic language; the level of their teaching ranged from that of simple village clergy to scholars who attracted pupils from the whole Senegambian area. They were, however, best known to the general population for the Islamic amulets or gri-gris they made and which both rulers and commoners sought, to bring good fortune and ward off evil. This situation, which was similar to pre-jihad conditions in other parts of West Africa, continued for several centuries, with Islamic influence slowly permeating Wolof society.\" §REF§(Charles 1977: 19) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NRGZDV3Z\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NRGZDV3Z </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 63, "polity": { "id": 665, "name": "ni_aro", "long_name": "Aro", "start_year": 1690, "end_year": 1902 }, "year_from": 1690, "year_to": 1856, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Inferred from the fact that traditions deriving from indigenous Igbo religion remain today. “In view of the fact that in less than two hundred years of Christian missionary effort, most followers of the Igbo Traditional religion have become Christians, but that nevertheless this traditional religion still retains quite a number of believers, considering particularly that the social and religious context in which most Igbo Christians live in heavily influenced by elements of Igbo Traditional Religion.” §REF§ (Arinze 2014: 10) Arinze, Francis Cardinal. 2014. ‘Christianity Meets Igbo Traditional Religion.’ In Interface Between Igbo Theology and Christianity. Edited by Akuma-Kalu Njoku and Elochukwu Uzukwu. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDKTH88F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SDKTH88F </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 64, "polity": { "id": 665, "name": "ni_aro", "long_name": "Aro", "start_year": 1690, "end_year": 1902 }, "year_from": 1857, "year_to": 1902, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "Inferred from the fact that traditions deriving from indigenous Igbo religion remain today. “In view of the fact that in less than two hundred years of Christian missionary effort, most followers of the Igbo Traditional religion have become Christians, but that nevertheless this traditional religion still retains quite a number of believers, considering particularly that the social and religious context in which most Igbo Christians live in heavily influenced by elements of Igbo Traditional Religion.” §REF§ (Arinze 2014: 10) Arinze, Francis Cardinal. 2014. ‘Christianity Meets Igbo Traditional Religion.’ In Interface Between Igbo Theology and Christianity. Edited by Akuma-Kalu Njoku and Elochukwu Uzukwu. Newcastle: Cambridge Scholars Publishing. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SDKTH88F\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SDKTH88F </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 65, "polity": { "id": 652, "name": "et_harar_emirate", "long_name": "Emirate of Harar", "start_year": 1650, "end_year": 1875 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"The second aspect in which the Somalis integrated into the history of Harar was the ethnic and religious realm. The Somalis were connected to the first half of the sixteenth century enterprise of Gragn, whose mother, it seemed, was Somali. They were part of the Islamic revival on the coast and contributed to its political momentum. The Somali tribes merged Islam, headed by the wadād (the religious priest and spiritual leader) into their lives. Local beliefs survived among the Somali tribes alongside the Sharī‘a and the Quran. Even after fully adopting Islam, especially during the times of Gragn, the Somalis continued to adhere to a variety of popular beliefs, witchcraft, and sorcery.\" §REF§(Ben-Dror 2018: 22) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8XRCTHJZ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 8XRCTHJZ </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 66, "polity": { "id": 611, "name": "si_mane_emp", "long_name": "Mane", "start_year": 1550, "end_year": 1650 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“The Manes were a Mande-speaking people who, around 1550, migrated southwards into Sape territory. Initially their migration took the form of a military invasion, probably incited in part by the desire to collect taxes from the Sapes. The fighting destroyed parts of the coastal societies and led to the enslavement of several hundred Sapes. Within a generation, however, the Mane invaders were transformed into settlers who lived peacefully and intermarried with the original inhabitants leading to a thriving hybrid Sape/Mane society.” §REF§ (Mark 2014: 244) Mark, Peter. 2014. ‘African Meanings and European African Discourse: Iconography and Semantics in Seventeenth Century Salt Cellars from Serra Leoa.’ In Religion and Trade: Cross-Cultural Exchanges in World History 1000-1900. Edited by Francesca Trivellato et. al. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/J2EHGTWX\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: J2EHGTWX </b></a> §REF§ Among the Manes, women played a special role in the preparation of war ‘medicines’, and as a result the Mane invasion may well have strengthened existing female societies among the Sapes, and may perhaps have led to the formation of new ones […] For instance, the Manes established a large village exclusively for women, who could only be visited by men under certain circumstances. Their main function was the manufacture of ‘medicines’, especially for war, and every king had one of these ‘priestesses’ in his service, allowing her wide privileges.” […] “In one case of the male secret societies, the evidence also suggest that the Manes gave great impetus to institutions that were already established. Only the most obvious externals were described in the sixteenth century. Women could not enter the lodge of the male societies, nor were they permitted to pass nearby when the deliberations or prayers were going on. The plebeians were told that on certain days a powerful spirit walked abroad requiring that they should shut their doors and keep off the streets. What happened at this time was that the king and the nobles ran naked in the streets, making a great commotion. If any outsider came across their path, he was either killed or made a member.” §REF§ (Rodney 1967: 242-246) Rodney, Walter. 1967. ‘A Reconsideration of the Mane Invasion of Sierra Leone.’ The Journal of African History. Vol 8:2. Pp 219-246. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/SZMF4UPT\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: SZMF4UPT </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 67, "polity": { "id": 651, "name": "et_gumma_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Gumma", "start_year": 1800, "end_year": 1897 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“At the early stage of Islamic expansion to the Gibe states, conversion was nominal. The Muslim Oromo people continued practicing the OIR [Oromo indigenous religion] rituals together with their new religion […] Many Oromo Muslims continued attending OIR rituals such as the Butta ceremony and the Muudaa pilgrimage, which allowed them to continue having contact with other non-Muslim Oromo people.” §REF§ (Benti 2018, 129) Benti, Ujulu Tesso. 2018. Oromo Indigenous Religion and Oromo Christianity. Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/GR89DNEK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: GR89DNEK </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 68, "polity": { "id": 660, "name": "ni_igodomingodo", "long_name": "Igodomingodo", "start_year": 900, "end_year": 1450 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“The time of the so-called “1st (Ogiso) Dynasty” probably the early 10th first half of 12th centuries, is one of the most mysterious pages of the Benin history. The sources on this period are not abundant. Furthermore, it is obvious that archaeological and ethnohistorical evidence, rather scarce, should be supplemented by an analysis of different records of the oral historical tradition while it is well known that this kind of source is not very much reliable. However, on the other hand, it is generally recognized that it is unreasonable to discredit it completely. Though Benin students have confirmed this conclusion and demonstrated some possibilities of verifying and correcting its evidence, a reconstruction of the early Benin history will inevitably contain many hypothetical suggestions and not so many firm conclusions.” §REF§ (Bondarenko and Roese 2001: 185-186) Bondarenko, Dmitri M. and Peter M. Roese, 2001. “Ancient Benin: Where did the First Monarchs Come from?”, Asian and African Studies, 10 (1), pp.185-198. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/P4DQ36NB\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: P4DQ36NB </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 69, "polity": { "id": 674, "name": "se_cayor_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Cayor", "start_year": 1549, "end_year": 1864 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following suggests a combination of traditional Wolof religion with a veneer of Islam and, increasingly, Islamic ritual. \"The veneration of ancestors constituted the foundation of this traditional religion, which remains not too well understood, but which resisted Islam for a very long time. [...] At the margins and often in the interior of this traditional division of society, Islam appeared as a new class consisting of the marabout and his followers. [...] The Portuguese reports in the fifteenth century also inform us about the expansion of Islam into Senegambia. This expansion was, however, very relative and unequal. Indeed, as Dapper says: “The religion is little observed by them; there is neither a church nor open places where they could hold some assemblies, each one follows his own sensibility and sentiment which however leans towards the Muslim doctrine.” [...]” Nevertheless, Islam began increasingly to supplant the traditional religion, which itself remains little known. Indeed, the role played by the marabouts in the social life ended up acquiring a considerable dimension. Some believe that this role included presiding over the majority of baptisms, weddings and funerals. \"However, this Islamic influence still remained superficial.\" §REF§ (Barry 2012, 33-34) Barry, Boubacar. 2012. The Kingdom of Waalo: Senegal Before the Conquest. New York: Diasporic Africa Press. Seshat URL:<a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9KV5MEKN\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9KV5MEKN </b></a> §REF§ \"Little is known of pre-Islamic Wolof religion, for by the nineteenth century only vestiges of it remained. Most observers mentioned no religion but Islam, agreeing that, 'the Muslim religion, whose precepts are very badly observed ... reigns exclusively.' Yoro Jaw wrote that the Wolof religion was based on worship of family gods, but that Islamic practices and ideas had been added; he called it, 'a sect of fetishism. . .with some borrowings from Islam.' [...] Marabouts taught the precepts of Islam and the Arabic language; the level of their teaching ranged from that of simple village clergy to scholars who attracted pupils from the whole Senegambian area. They were, however, best known to the general population for the Islamic amulets or gri-gris they made and which both rulers and commoners sought, to bring good fortune and ward off evil. This situation, which was similar to pre-jihad conditions in other parts of West Africa, continued for several centuries, with Islamic influence slowly permeating Wolof society.\" §REF§(Charles 1977: 19) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NRGZDV3Z\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NRGZDV3Z </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 70, "polity": { "id": 672, "name": "ni_benin_emp", "long_name": "Benin Empire", "start_year": 1140, "end_year": 1897 }, "year_from": 1140, "year_to": 1400, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“[The] initial attempts to introduce Christianity to Benin failed. Between the periods of 16th to 19th centuries only little success was registered. Ryder maintains that the Benin rulers and peoples were not prepared to flirt at all with Christian missionaries (Ryder, 1961).” §REF§ (Aremu and Ediagbonya 2018: 85-86) Johnson Olaosebikan Aremu; Michael Ediagbonya(2018). “Trade and Religion in British-Benin Relations, 1553-1897”, Global Journal of Social Sciences Studies, 4(2), pp.78-90. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BZ3FI3NU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BZ3FI3NU </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 71, "polity": { "id": 672, "name": "ni_benin_emp", "long_name": "Benin Empire", "start_year": 1140, "end_year": 1897 }, "year_from": 1401, "year_to": 1897, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "“[The] initial attempts to introduce Christianity to Benin failed. Between the periods of 16th to 19th centuries only little success was registered. Ryder maintains that the Benin rulers and peoples were not prepared to flirt at all with Christian missionaries (Ryder, 1961).” §REF§ (Aremu and Ediagbonya 2018: 85-86) Johnson Olaosebikan Aremu; Michael Ediagbonya(2018). “Trade and Religion in British-Benin Relations, 1553-1897”, Global Journal of Social Sciences Studies, 4(2), pp.78-90. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BZ3FI3NU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BZ3FI3NU </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 72, "polity": { "id": 717, "name": "tz_early_tana_2", "long_name": "Early Tana 2", "start_year": 750, "end_year": 999 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "No information found in the sources consulted." }, { "id": 73, "polity": { "id": 676, "name": "se_baol_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Baol", "start_year": 1550, "end_year": 1890 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following suggests a combination of traditional Wolof religion with a veneer of Islam and, increasingly, Islamic ritual. \"The veneration of ancestors constituted the foundation of this traditional religion, which remains not too well understood, but which resisted Islam for a very long time. [...] At the margins and often in the interior of this traditional division of society, Islam appeared as a new class consisting of the marabout and his followers. [...] The Portuguese reports in the fifteenth century also inform us about the expansion of Islam into Senegambia. This expansion was, however, very relative and unequal. Indeed, as Dapper says: “The religion is little observed by them; there is neither a church nor open places where they could hold some assemblies, each one follows his own sensibility and sentiment which however leans towards the Muslim doctrine.” [...]” Nevertheless, Islam began increasingly to supplant the traditional religion, which itself remains little known. Indeed, the role played by the marabouts in the social life ended up acquiring a considerable dimension. Some believe that this role included presiding over the majority of baptisms, weddings and funerals. \"However, this Islamic influence still remained superficial.\" §REF§ (Barry 2012, 33-34) Barry, Boubacar. 2012. The Kingdom of Waalo: Senegal Before the Conquest. New York: Diasporic Africa Press. Seshat URL:<a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/9KV5MEKN\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 9KV5MEKN </b></a> §REF§ \"Little is known of pre-Islamic Wolof religion, for by the nineteenth century only vestiges of it remained. Most observers mentioned no religion but Islam, agreeing that, 'the Muslim religion, whose precepts are very badly observed ... reigns exclusively.' Yoro Jaw wrote that the Wolof religion was based on worship of family gods, but that Islamic practices and ideas had been added; he called it, 'a sect of fetishism. . .with some borrowings from Islam.' [...] Marabouts taught the precepts of Islam and the Arabic language; the level of their teaching ranged from that of simple village clergy to scholars who attracted pupils from the whole Senegambian area. They were, however, best known to the general population for the Islamic amulets or gri-gris they made and which both rulers and commoners sought, to bring good fortune and ward off evil. This situation, which was similar to pre-jihad conditions in other parts of West Africa, continued for several centuries, with Islamic influence slowly permeating Wolof society.\" §REF§(Charles 1977: 19) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NRGZDV3Z\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NRGZDV3Z </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 74, "polity": { "id": 613, "name": "bf_west_burkina_faso_yellow_5", "long_name": "West Burkina Faso Yellow I", "start_year": 100, "end_year": 500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Suspected unknown due to the antiquity of this quasi-polity, the nature of the data, and the fact that this aspect of the quasi-polity's culture is not mentioned in a recent and comprehensive series of articles on prehistoric West Burkina Faso by Stephen Dueppen." }, { "id": 76, "polity": { "id": 716, "name": "tz_early_tana_1", "long_name": "Early Tana 1", "start_year": 500, "end_year": 749 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "No information available in the literature consulted." }, { "id": 77, "polity": { "id": 649, "name": "et_funj_sultanate", "long_name": "Funj Sultanate", "start_year": 1504, "end_year": 1820 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“In November 1606, the Funj king, ‘Abd al-Qadir II was driven from his throne after a reign of less than three years. According to ‘Abdallabi tradition, he was expelled by ‘Ajib [viceroy] because of his religious innovations, i.e. his Islamic unorthodoxy.” §REF§ (Holt 2008, 42) Holt, P.M. 2008. ‘Egypt, the Funj and Darfur.’ In The Cambridge History of Africa Volume 4 C. 1600- C. 1790. Edited by Richard Grey. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VZVIMQWU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: VZVIMQWU </b></a> §REF§ “The Funj Sultan was obliged to plough a field with his own hand at the beginning of his reign, probably in order to insure fertility. The common Funj throne name, Badi (farmer) reflected this royal rite. At the conclusion of the investiture ceremony the new king performed ritual ablutions, and he took part in an annual festival that entailed the burning of ceremonial fires and animal sacrifice. When the king appeared in public he was praised as ‘the most-mighty, the most just, the richest, and a hundred titles of honor of a similar sort.’ For his part, the king used boast formulas such as ‘I am a bull, the son of a bull and will die or conquer!’ While it was believed in Sinnar that the Funj had become Muslim at the founding of the sultanate, much of the above clearly bears little resemblance to Islamic concepts. Brun-Rollet expressed the situation tactfully: ‘In Sinnar and the neighboring regions various beliefs, usages and festivals [exist], of which one cannot explain the origin but by proceeding to before the establishment of modern religions.’” §REF§ (Spaulding 1973, 28) Spaulding, Jay. 1973. ‘The Government of Sinnar.’ The International Journal of African Historical Studies. Vol 6:1. Pp 19-35. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/KKJC836D\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: KKJC836D </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 78, "polity": { "id": 655, "name": "ni_proto_yoruba", "long_name": "Proto-Yoruba", "start_year": 301, "end_year": 649 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "The following suggests that the proto-Yoruba came into contact with religions different from their own. This suggests the possibility of some form of syncretism. However, due to te antiquity of this quasi-polity, and the nature of the available data, it seems reasonable to infer that this information remains unknown. \"The landscape that these proto-Yoruboid ancestors were moving into, however, was not devoid of human populations. The Later Stone Age (LSA) populations had occupied the region as early as the ninth millennium BC as shown by the findings at IwòElérú, near Àkúré. [...] Nevertheless, the proto-Yorùbá migrants seem to have gained the upper hand in their southward radiation. They displaced, and also integrated, with these aboriginal LSA populations, who were already practicing a combination of agriculture, horticulture, and hunting, similar to what the proto-Yorùbá and their descendant migrants were familiar with in their Niger-Benue ancestral homeland.\"§REF§(Ogundiran 2020: 44-45) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ADQMAKPW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ADQMAKPW </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 79, "polity": { "id": 616, "name": "si_pre_sape", "long_name": "Pre-Sape Sierra Leone", "start_year": 600, "end_year": 1400 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "No information found in the literature. Indeed, what little literature we have been able to access provides little information on this period, not just with regards to religious matters. Some of the region's modern-day ethnic groups first arrived in the region or already inhabited it in the period under consideration, but it is unclear to us whether any aspect of their traditional beliefs and practices was also present at this time." }, { "id": 80, "polity": { "id": 680, "name": "se_futa_toro_imamate", "long_name": "Imamate of Futa Toro", "start_year": 1776, "end_year": 1860 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests that the majority inhabitants of this polity took part in both traditional Fulani and Islamic rituals, though more often the former than the latter. \"The toorodbe did not institutionalize the vision of the Islamic state beyond this [central] level. The Almamy's control over Futa was very uneven, even in Abdul Qadir's day. Fulbe clans like the Denyanke in the east and the Lam Toro in the west were able to maintain their control of land and followers and became Muslim only in the most superficial way.\"§REF§(Robinson 1973: 295) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CMRM3RTG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CMRM3RTG </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 81, "polity": { "id": 667, "name": "ni_igala_k", "long_name": "Igala", "start_year": 1600, "end_year": 1900 }, "year_from": 1500, "year_to": 1799, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“[T]he rulers (especially the Attah of Igala and the Aku of Wukari) who were, in the main, religious leaders. No doubt, these two powerful and contending rulers utilized the services of Muslims during warfare and in preparing charms for their personal well-being. In return, these rulers cheerfully participated in some Muslim festivals and Islamic rites though they remained non-Muslims.” §REF§ (Abdulkadir 2011: 6) Mohammed Sanni Abdulkadir, 2011. “ISLAM IN THE NON-MUSLIM AREAS OF NORTHERN NIGERIA, c.1600-1960”, Ilorin Journal of Religious Studies, (IJOURELS) Vol.1 No.1, 2011, Pp.1-20. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BZHQCJFG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BZHQCJFG </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 82, "polity": { "id": 667, "name": "ni_igala_k", "long_name": "Igala", "start_year": 1600, "end_year": 1900 }, "year_from": 1800, "year_to": 1900, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“[T]he rulers (especially the Attah of Igala and the Aku of Wukari) who were, in the main, religious leaders. No doubt, these two powerful and contending rulers utilized the services of Muslims during warfare and in preparing charms for their personal well-being. In return, these rulers cheerfully participated in some Muslim festivals and Islamic rites though they remained non-Muslims.” §REF§ (Abdulkadir 2011: 6) Mohammed Sanni Abdulkadir, 2011. “ISLAM IN THE NON-MUSLIM AREAS OF NORTHERN NIGERIA, c.1600-1960”, Ilorin Journal of Religious Studies, (IJOURELS) Vol.1 No.1, 2011, Pp.1-20. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/BZHQCJFG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: BZHQCJFG </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 83, "polity": { "id": 664, "name": "ni_proto_yoruboid", "long_name": "Proto-Yoruboid", "start_year": -300, "end_year": 300 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "Suspected unknown due to the antiquity of this quasi-polity, the nature of the data, and the fact that this aspect of the quasi-polity's culture is not mentioned in a recent and comprehensive cultural history of the Yoruba, Ogundiran 2020. §REF§(Ogundiran 2020) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/ADQMAKPW\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: ADQMAKPW </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 84, "polity": { "id": 685, "name": "ug_buganda_k_1", "long_name": "Buganda I", "start_year": 1408, "end_year": 1716 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "\"[A] singular Bugandan religion was common to all Baganda, with a variety of deities called lubaale to whom temples and priests were devoted. While lubaale were considered former clan members, they could be and were worshipped by all Baganda, since “it was the question of locality, not of kinship, that decided to which of the prophets an inquirer should go.” Indeed, according to Mair this is one of several “peculiarities” that “distinguish it from the religious ceremonies of Bantu Africa” along with the lack of any regular obligatory ceremonies.\"§REF§(Green 2010) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/248264BS\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 248264BS </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 85, "polity": { "id": 666, "name": "ni_sokoto_cal", "long_name": "Sokoto Caliphate", "start_year": 1804, "end_year": 1904 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following describes contemporary syncretism, but, given the long coexistence of indigenous religion and Islam in the region, it seems reasonable to infer that elements of Islamic theology had been incorporated in non-Islamic traditions at least as far back as this era. NB Bori is an aspect of indigenous Hausa religion. \"all bori members claim to be Muslims themselves, observing as do their spirits all Islamic obligations and injunctions. They celebrate all Muslims festivals, perform the daily prayers, observe the rahmadan (days of fasting), and keep the other pillars of Islam.\"§REF§(Danfulani 1999: 439) Seshat URL <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NG9ZRZX3\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NG9ZRZX3 </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 86, "polity": { "id": 648, "name": "so_majeerteen_sultanate", "long_name": "Majeerteen Sultanate", "start_year": 1750, "end_year": 1926 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "\"African Islam, at least south of the Sahara, has been strongly influenced by Sufism. This has made it much more eclectic, flexible, and less vulnerable, if not wholly immune, to external stridency than might otherwise have been the case. Although there has been and continues to be disagreement about the precise nature of Sufi influence in Africa, the emphasis placed by Sufism historically on personal piety and exemplary behaviour, in the words of Knut Vikor, has been rather more important than ‘its external functions as a focus for political combat and jihad’. In other words, African Muslims have been historically less responsive to the call to arms than others of the Faith. Second, and more directly pertinent to north-east Africa, it has been suggested that Somali ‘xenophobia’ has likewise rendered Islam in that area comparatively immune to external influence. This goes some way to explaining what Iqbal Jhazbhay terms ‘the relative inter-faith détente that has existed between Christian and Islamic spheres of influence in the Horn of Africa’. Somali Islam ‘appears to be solidly located within a tradition of regional, geo-cultural, peaceful co-existence between Christianity, Islam and indigenous animistic tendencies’.\" §REF§ (Reid 2011, 59) Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/CZB48WKQ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: CZB48WKQ </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 87, "polity": { "id": 39, "name": "kh_chenla", "long_name": "Chenla", "start_year": 550, "end_year": 825 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "The following quotes suggest that individual believers may worship local deities with Indian-derived names. They may also practice indigenous religion while publicly recognizing the state religion. “The deities of the Chenla period that are known to us are a mix of Hindu, Buddhist, and indigenous personalities. The local gods comprise vrah and kpoñ, who are, respectively, male and female. [...] Vickery (1998, 149) believes that most localities had their own deities, and these vrah and kpoñ could have Indian-derived names.” §REF§ O'Reilly, D. J. (2006). Pre-Angkorian and Angkorian Polities. p.113-114. Early Civilizations of Southeast Asia. Rowman Altamira. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/DB628MBV\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: DB628MBV </b></a>§REF§ “While some people may have converted to the \"new\" religions, it is probable that many practiced their traditional beliefs while also publicly recognizing Hinduism, and possibly Buddhism, as state religions.” §REF§ Steadman, S. R. (2016). Chapter 14: From Hunter-Gatherer to Empire. p.234-235. Archaeology of religion: cultures and their beliefs in worldwide context. Routledge. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/VIRUTCPJ\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: VIRUTCPJ </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 88, "polity": { "id": 40, "name": "kh_angkor_1", "long_name": "Early Angkor", "start_year": 802, "end_year": 1100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“A more markedly syncretic outlook is revealed around this period. An early piece of evidence from Preah Khan of Kompong Svay [K. 161], dated 1002, starts with an invocation to Śiva Natarāja and is followed by one to the Buddha. It contains a mélange of Buddhist and Śaiva ideas (Bhattacharya 1961, 35–36). Similarly, the inscription from 1041 CE at Phimai [K. 953] has a Sanskrit invocation to Śiva on one side of the stele, while a Khmer verse honors the Buddha on the reverse. That this state of affairs persisted is evidenced by the Trapan Don On inscription [K. 254] of 1129, which lists offerings to Śiva, Visnu, and the Jina (victor) of Vanśārāma—an epithet of the Buddha (v. 30). A probable explanation is that it is related to the growth of tantrism in the region.” §REF§ Harris, I. (2008). Origins to the Fall of Angkor. p.12-18. In Cambodian Buddhism: History and Practice. Honolulu. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/6FUXX8D5\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 6FUXX8D5 </b></a>§REF§“Although Shaivite like his father and many of the brahmans at the court, Jayavarman V was tolerant of Buddhism, and Buddhist scholarship flourished during his reign. An elegantly written inscription from Wat Sithor in Kompong Cham dating from this period shows how syncretic Buddhist thinking inside Cambodia had become, fusing elements of Buddhism and Shaivism in a way that led the nineteenth-century scholar Emile Senart to note, “Everywhere one senses a manifest preoccupation to disturb people’s habits as little as possible, and to submerge deep differences inside surface similarities.”” §REF§ Chandler, D. (2018). KINGSHIP AND SOCIETY AT ANGKORA. p.58. A history of Cambodia (Fourth ed.). London. <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/AXUKZQ4M\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: AXUKZQ4M </b></a>§REF§" }, { "id": 89, "polity": { "id": 359, "name": "ye_ziyad_dyn", "long_name": "Yemen Ziyadid Dynasty", "start_year": 822, "end_year": 1037 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“No contemporary account survives, so that Ziyadid Yemen remains poorly understood, a ‘missing piece of the puzzle’ as regards the early Islamic Red Sea.” §REF§ (Power 2012, 216) Power, Timothy. 2012. The Red Sea from Byzantium to the Caliphate: AD 500-1000. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/4KCRGQVX\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 4KCRGQVX </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 90, "polity": { "id": 59, "name": "gr_crete_nl", "long_name": "Neolithic Crete", "start_year": -7000, "end_year": -3000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "absent", "comment": null, "description": "The following quote suggests relative cultural isolation, making syncretism less likely. “Essential is the fact for most of the Neolithic period (approximately 7000 to 3000 cal BC) Knossos was the only settlement on the island, and was relatively isolated from cultural developments elsewhere in the Eastern Mediterranean. Although only 1% of Neolithic Knossos has been excavated, the surviving evidence, fragmentary figurines, suggest religious life was focused on the simplicity of the household rather than the broader community. The change comes in the Final Neolithic period, wherein there is a massive dispersal of settlements across the island, indicating population growth perhaps supported by an influx of new settlers. Religiously this manifest in a enriched diversification of ritual material culture, including cave shrines and burial sites, communal feasting at population power centres, and perhaps also the beginning of a ritual landscape.”§REF§ (Peatfield 2016, 174-185) Peatfield, Alan. 2016. ‘Ritual and Religion in Neolithic Crete?’ In Decoding Neolithic Atlantic and Mediterranean Island Ritual. Edited by George Nash and Andrew Townsend. Philadelphia: Oxbow Books. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RSR2X6GK\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RSR2X6GK </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 91, "polity": { "id": 79, "name": "pe_cuzco_3", "long_name": "Cuzco - Early Intermediate II", "start_year": 500, "end_year": 649 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“THE QOTAKALLI PERIOD in the Cuzco region covers an era between the rise of the first chiefly societies and invasion of the area by the Wari Empire. Unfortunately, this is one of the least-understood time periods of the Cuzco region.” §REF§ (Bauer 2004, 47) Bauer, Brian S. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NFKCCC8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NFKCCC8X </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 92, "polity": { "id": 78, "name": "pe_cuzco_2", "long_name": "Cuzco - Early Intermediate I", "start_year": 200, "end_year": 499 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“THE QOTAKALLI PERIOD in the Cuzco region covers an era between the rise of the first chiefly societies and invasion of the area by the Wari Empire. Unfortunately, this is one of the least-understood time periods of the Cuzco region.” §REF§ (Bauer 2004, 47) Bauer, Brian S. 2004. Ancient Cuzco: Heartland of the Inca. Austin, TX: University of Texas Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/NFKCCC8X\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: NFKCCC8X </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 93, "polity": { "id": 72, "name": "tr_east_roman_emp", "long_name": "East Roman Empire", "start_year": 395, "end_year": 631 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Some scholars have seen certain kinds of religious enthusiasm in behaviours of sixth-century Christians of the Phrygian borderlands as a survival of older methods of associating with the mother goddess Kybele, wherein the person became ‘possessed’ or ‘enthused’ by her divine force.” […] “One inscription contains a passage in Phrygian. The local rustics made offerings to Attis, the chthonic male deity seemingly worshipped in synoikism with the Christian archangel Michael at Colossae.” §REF§ (Trombley 2014, 80, 97, 101) Trombley, Frank. Hellenic Religion and Christianity c. 370-529. Vol. 2. Leiden: Brill. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/RXEDSXID\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: RXEDSXID </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 94, "polity": { "id": 175, "name": "tr_ottoman_emp_2", "long_name": "Ottoman Empire II", "start_year": 1517, "end_year": 1683 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“In Ottoman studies the concept of syncretism has been associated with the theory about the proselytizing ‘heterodox’ Sufi mystics […] According to this theory, antinomian dervishes unconcerned with Islamic orthodoxy incited numerous conversions among Christian peasantry in Anatolia and Rumeli by preaching a heavily, ‘Christianized’ Islam. Particularly important sites of the proselytizing activity, according to scholars working in this vein, were the so-called ambiguous sanctuaries’ scattered around Ottoman Rumeli and Anatolia where Muslims began to worship their own saints at traditionally Christian places of worship.” §REF§ (Krstic 2011, 16) Krstic, Tijana. 2011. Contested Conversions to Islam: Narratives of Religious Change in the Early Modern Ottoman Empire. Stanford: Stanford University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/DBRUGACB\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: DBRUGACB </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 95, "polity": { "id": 176, "name": "tr_ottoman_emp_3", "long_name": "Ottoman Empire III", "start_year": 1683, "end_year": 1839 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“Salonica offered the Marranos (Spanish Jews who converted to Catholicism to escape persecution) the possibility of a less concealed perilous and ambiguous king of life, and the activities of the Portuguese Inquisition after 1536 led many to make their home there. Yet even those who returned to Judaism for good preserved characteristic features of their old ways. Their past experience of the clandestine life, their inevitably suspicious attitude towards religious authority, as well as their exposure to Catholic illuminism, inclined them to esoteric beliefs and mysticism. Salonica became a renowned centre of Kabbalah where eminent rabbis were guided by heavenly voices and taught their pupils to comprehend the divine will through the use of secret forms of calculation known only to initiates [...] “The Ma’min or the religious followers of Sabbatai Zevi were originally Judeo-Spanish of Salonica who converted to Islam after Zevi converted to the Muslim faith. “Over time they developed a kind of mystical Islam with a Judaic component not found in mainstream Muslim life. While they attended mosque and sometimes made the haj, they initially preserved Judeo-Spanish for use within the home […] They celebrated Ramadan, and ate the rational sweets on the 10th of Moharrem, to mark the deaths of Hasan and Huseyn. Like their cooking, the eighteen commandments which they attributed to Zevi showed clearly the influence of both Muslim and Talmudic practice […] They prayed to their Messiah, ‘our King, our Redeemer,’ in ‘the name of God, the God of Israel,’ but followed many of the patterns of Muslim prayer. They increasingly followed Muslim custom in circumcising their males just before puberty, and read the Qur’an, but referred to their festivals using the Jewish calendar […] “The city, [Salonica] delicately poised in its confessional balance of power – ruled by Muslims, dominated by Jews, in an overwhelmingly Christian hinterland – lent itself to an atmosphere of overlapping devotion. With time it became covered in a dense grid of holy places – in search of divine intercession […] “The Bektashi themselves had a close connection with the worship of Christ. Their use of bread and wine in their rituals, their stress on the twelve Imams (akin to the twelve apostles), and many other features of their rites all bore a close resemblance to Christian practices […]“Salonica’s Casimiye Mosque, which had formerly been Saint Dimitrios’s church, saw the cult of the city’s patron sain continuing under Muslim auspices. Casim himself was an example – one of many in the Balkans – of those holy figures who were Islamicized versions of Christian saints, and Dimitrios’s tomb was kept open for pilgrims of both faiths by the Mevlevi officials who looked after the mosque.” §REF§ (Mazower 2006, 65-79) Mazower, Mark. 2006. Salonica City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims and Jews 1430-1950. New York: Vintage Books. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JX5W2B2S\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JX5W2B2S </b></a> §REF§ “Ottoman madrasas no doubt propagated certain elements of Sunni and Hanafi Islam, with the support of some of the Sufi orders; however, many other orders spread antinomian or Alid ideas, therefore, a coherent vision of Islam as Ottoman subjects themselves experience is difficult to discern and resembles more a colourful diversity. Intermittent heresy trials in the sixteenth century, as well as the periodic state-sponsored efforts to suppress these groups from the sixteenth century onwards, clearly demonstrates this breach between ‘desired’ and ‘actual’ Sunnism.” §REF§ (Erginbas 2019, 2-3) Erginbas, Vefa. 2019 ‘Introduction’. In Ottoman Sunnism: New Perspectives. Edited by Vefa Erginbas. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/T62EZPE8\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: T62EZPE8 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 96, "polity": { "id": 173, "name": "tr_ottoman_emirate", "long_name": "Ottoman Emirate", "start_year": 1299, "end_year": 1402 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“As observed above, the Christianity of the Anatolian population was created from an amalgam of the influences of old pagan cults and local religions within Christianity. A similar process applied too, to popular Islam. Thus, the formation in the towns and villages of an Islam and a Christianity which tended to superstition, outside the medreses and political government circles, brought the two people close to each other.” […] “As a result of the relations with the local population which inevitably began shortly after their arrival, Turkish settlers in different areas came into contact with cults, beliefs, and customs which pre-dated Christianity or dated from the Christian period. Even if not to the same degree in every region, they came over time to be aware of aspects of these cults, particularly in towns, which resembled aspects of their own beliefs, which attracted their interest. It was the same for the local population. This interest gradually opened the way to the birth of reciprocal exchange in saintly cults which both groups appropriated. This fusion around saintly cults which had already developed in Turkey in the Middle Ages attracted the attention of Western travellers who came to Anatolia in the Ottoman period and who discussed it in their works.” […] “Hasluck, basing his argument on convincing evidence, shows very clearly that just as, during the period of the conversion of the towns and villages of Anatolia to Christianity, the gods of the classical period, who now became Christian saints, were assured a smooth transition, so too a similar process occurred in the conversion from Christianity to Islam. For example, the graves or tombs of certain Christian saints and particularly of martyrs of the early Christian era over time became saint turbes among the Turks. These graves and tombs were thus transformed into shared pilgrimage sites of the two populations.” […] “It is important to remember that the seyhs and dervishes of the popular Sufi circles, members of the syncretic tarikats which were not tied to Sunnism, such as, in particular, the Kalenderi and the Bektasi, played a large role in this transformation. They benefited to a considerable degree from the saintly cults existing among the non-Muslim population in their spread of Islam. Thus over time very many of these cults of Christian saints turned into an Islamic mystic cults. Some of the saintly turbes became, again over time, shared places of pilgrimage among the non-Muslim population. For example, the cult of St Charalambos in the region of Urgup was combined with that of Haci Bektas, that of St Theodor and St Georgein the region of Amasya with the cult of Baba Ilyas, and, in the same way, the cult of Sari Saltik joined with the cults of saints such as St Spiridon and St Nikola in various places in the Balkans.” §REF§ (Ocak 2010, 400-402) Ocak, Ahmet Yasar. 2010. ‘Social, Cultural and Intellectual Life 1071-1453’. In Cambridge History of Turkey Vol. 1: Byzantium to Turkey 1071-1453. Edited by Kate Fleet. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/US5KKCXU\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: US5KKCXU </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 97, "polity": { "id": 177, "name": "tr_ottoman_emp_4", "long_name": "Ottoman Empire IV", "start_year": 1839, "end_year": 1922 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“The Bektashi themselves had a close connection with the worship of Christ. Their use of bread and wine in their rituals, their stress on the twelve Imams (akin to the twelve apostles), and many other features of their rites all bore a close resemblance to Christian practices […]“Salonica’s Casimiye Mosque, which had formerly been Saint Dimitrios’s church, saw the cult of the city’s patron sain continuing under Muslim auspices. Casim himself was an example – one of many in the Balkans – of those holy figures who were Islamicized versions of Christian saints, and Dimitrios’s tomb was kept open for pilgrims of both faiths by the Mevlevi officials who looked after the mosque.” §REF§ (Mazower 2006, 65-79) Mazower, Mark. 2006. Salonica City of Ghosts: Christians, Muslims and Jews 1430-1950. New York: Vintage Books. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/JX5W2B2S\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: JX5W2B2S </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 98, "polity": { "id": 169, "name": "tr_lysimachus_k", "long_name": "Lysimachus Kingdom", "start_year": -323, "end_year": -281 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“The Hellenistic period has been characterized as the time of religious syncretism.[…] Originally the religions of the Greeks as well as of Near Eastern peoples were local cults, firmly established by a state, city, or nation. Their deities were bound to particular places, like a shrine, a sacred grove, or a mountain. But this view was changing, due to the influence of philosophy and enlightenment, as well as the mobility of the population. Greek gods were brought to the east, sometimes literally carried in the form of a statue or another sacred object, to become gods of the new Greek cities. As the Hellenistic kings sought to strengthen the Greek element in their countries, this development was officially encouraged. […] Rites and practices of the eastern deities were usually preserved, but their myths and cult legends were translated into Greek, which also supplied Greek concepts along with the language.” §REF§(Koester, 1995, 156-8) Helmut Koester. (1995). History, Culture, and Religion of the Hellenistic Age. Second edition. De Gruyter. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/86TFTD7M\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 86TFTD7M </b></a> §REF§ “The spread of Hellenism that followed Alexander's conquest of the Persian Empire had a marked impact on the cities and cult centers of the non Greek Anatolian peoples. The older Anatolian languages and cultural forms disappeared, as centers such as Gordion, Ankara, Pessinous, and Sardis became increasingly Hellenized. The effect of the spread of Hellenism on the cult of the Phrygian Matar was not simply a replacement of Anatolian forms with Greek ones but a blending of the two that created a new formulation of Meter.” §REF§ (Roller, 1999, 188). Lynn E. Roller. (1999). In Search of God the Mother : The Cult of Anatolian Cybele. University of California Press. §REF§ “Gordion, the principal city of Phrygia, was an important center for the worship of the major Phrygian divinity, the Great Mother of Anatolia, the Greek and Roman Cybele. […] After the conquest of the Persian Empire by Alexander and the increasing influence of Hellenism which followed in his wake, a much stronger degree of Hellenization appears in several classes of material at Gordion. […] Characteristically Greek features of iconography, attributes, and newly appearing Greek deities in the cult of the Mother at Hellenistic Gordion signal some critical syncretisms that shaped the older Anatolian cult practices at the site. There is no evidence of a gradual infiltration of Greek cult practices, but rather a sudden fusion of the two traditions, Anatolian and Greek, in the third century BC. By that time the Mother goddess had long since passed from Phrygia into Greece and had been absorbed into the Greek pantheon. When this Hellenized deity was reintroduced into Phrygia, she was accepted unquestioningly, and her older Phrygian iconography disappeared without a trace. At the same time, however, we can see that the Hellenic aspects of the Mother's cult only reinforced Phrygian aspects that were already present. The Phrygians adopted Greek ideas, but they did so selectively, using the Greek forms and practices which they could relate to their own.” §REF§ (Roller, 1991, 128, 138, 142-3). Lynn E. Roller. (1991). The Great Mother at Gordion: The Hellenization of an Anatolian Cult. The Journal of Hellenic Studies, 111, 128–143. §REF§ “During the Hellenistic period, Hellenes began to equate the gods of foreign lands with their own native deities in a process often referred to by scholars as interpretatio or “translation”. A Hellene could, without any apparent theological dilemma, worship any foreign god that most closely resembled his own native deity. […] In the past these equations were seen as evidence of the impact of Hellenism in foreign lands. However, recent scholars have pointed out that these equations are found only in Greek sources, not Near Eastern ones, making them unlikely representations of Hellenization. Of course, this does not mean that they do not represent an effort to spread Hellenic culture, only that they do not represent the successful result of such an effort. Others have seen these translations as evidence for “syncretism” or “hybridity”, that is, the fusion of Aegean and Near Eastern religions. However, neither “syncretism” or “hybridity” offers a particularly useful model for understanding the process of interpretatio, and not just because of their tainted colonial histories. Neither model helps us to ascertain the processes that underlie these equations, and so neither is able to provide anything but a characterization of a phenomenon.” §REF§(Noegel, 2007,32 ) Noegel, S.B. 2007: Greek Religion and the Ancient Near East. In: D. Ogden (ed.): A Companion to Greek Religion. Malden MA, 21–37. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/WGAEUJT7\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: WGAEUJT7 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 99, "polity": { "id": 168, "name": "tr_lydia_k", "long_name": "Kingdom of Lydia", "start_year": -670, "end_year": -546 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "IFR", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“While the intricacies of the Lydians’ religious cosmos are invariably lost, the emerging picture such as can be reconstructed, is of particular interest for its interconnections with Anatolian and Greek traditions.” §REF§( Payne & Wintjes, 2016, 87), Payne, A., & Wintjes, J. (2016). The Lydian Civilisation. In Lords of Asia Minor: An Introduction to the Lydians (1st ed., pp. 87–116). Harrassowitz Verlag. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/HJISWH44\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: HJISWH44 </b></a> §REF§ “At the end of the series of Phrygian cult monuments representing Matar, probably in the second half of the sixth century B.C., are a number of seated statuettes depicting the Mother Goddess that seem to reflect direct Greek influence. The closest point of reference is the seated pose found in Meter statuettes in mid sixth century B.C. Ionia. Examples include two pieces from sites near Konya (south central Anatolia) and statuettes from Zonguldak (Black Sea cost), Gordion, and Takmaköy (near Eskisehir *). In all of these works, the goddess is shown seated on a formal throne, and in the first three, she is framed in a niche.” §REF§(Roller, 1999, 105) Roller, Lynn E. (1999). In Search of God the Mother : The Cult of Anatolian Cybele. University of California Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/5TT58SDG\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 5TT58SDG </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 100, "polity": { "id": 159, "name": "tr_konya_lca", "long_name": "Konya Plain - Late Chalcolithic", "start_year": -5500, "end_year": -3000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "SSP", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "unknown", "comment": null, "description": "“One of the main obstacles to reach interpretations of a higher level in Anatolia is the general lack of defined cultural units with specified spatial and chronological extension. Most regions are represented only by a few sites or even a single excavation during any particular period, making it very difficult to arrive at generalizing statements.” §REF§ (Schoop 2011, 165-166) Schoop, Ulf-Dietrich. 2011. ‘The Chalcolithic on the Plateau.’ In The Oxford Handbook of Ancient Anatolia. Edited by Gregory McMahon and Sharon Steadman. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/QS8HNST2\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: QS8HNST2 </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 101, "polity": { "id": 364, "name": "ir_seljuk_sultanate", "long_name": "Seljuk Sultanate", "start_year": 1037, "end_year": 1157 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“In this period, Sunnis too venerated the family of ‘Ali. The great shrine of the martyred eighth imam, ‘Ali al-Rida, at Mashhad in Khurasan, today one of the great pilgrimage spots for Shi’ites, was patronised in the early eleventh century by that staunch anti-Shi’ite, Mahmud of Ghazna, and several senior Ghaznavid officials. With the Seljuk takeover, this elite patronage continued. When heading east to fight his brother Tekish, Malikshah went in person to pray there in the company of his vizier and afterwards made presents to the local ‘Alids. The shrine near Balkh in Khurasan, today known as mazar-i sharif and reputed to contain the tomb of ‘Ali b. Abi Talib, was ‘rediscovered’ in 530/1135-6 and restored by the Seljuk governor of Balkh, Qumaj.” §REF§ (Peacock 2015, 259-260) Peacock, A.C.S. 2015. The Great Seljuk Empire. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press. Seshat URL: <a href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/37ZDZWAR\" target=\"_blank\" class=\"fw-bolder\"> <b> Zotero link: 37ZDZWAR </b></a> §REF§" }, { "id": 102, "polity": { "id": 506, "name": "gr_macedonian_emp", "long_name": "Macedonian Empire", "start_year": -330, "end_year": -312 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Sync_rel_pra_ind_beli", "coded_value": "present", "comment": null, "description": "“The Hellenistic period has been characterized as the time of religious syncretism.[…] Originally the religions of the Greeks as well as of Near Eastern peoples were local cults, firmly established by a state, city, or nation. Their deities were bound to particular places, like a shrine, a sacred grove, or a mountain. But this view was changing, due to the influence of philosophy and enlightenment, as well as the mobility of the population. Greek gods were brought to the east, sometimes literally carried in the form of a statue or another sacred object, to become gods of the new Greek cities. As the Hellenistic kings sought to strengthen the Greek element in their countries, this development was officially encouraged. […] Rites and practices of the eastern deities were usually preserved, but their myths and cult legends were translated into Greek, which also supplied Greek concepts along with the language.” §REF§(Koester, 1995, 156-8) Helmut Koester. (1995). History, Culture, and Religion of the Hellenistic Age. Second edition. De Gruyter. §REF§" } ] }