Administrative Level List

HTTP 200 OK
Allow: GET, HEAD, OPTIONS
Content-Type: application/json
Vary: Accept

{
    "count": 570,
    "next": "https://seshat-db.com/api/sc/administrative-levels/?format=api&page=5",
    "previous": "https://seshat-db.com/api/sc/administrative-levels/?format=api&page=3",
    "results": [
        {
            "id": 151,
            "polity": {
                "id": 39,
                "name": "kh_chenla",
                "long_name": "Chenla",
                "start_year": 550,
                "end_year": 825
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>(4) Overall king (e.g., mratan-varman),(3) regional governor/chief/sub-king (e.g., mratan pura; -purasvami or lord of pura),(2) subordinate to the regional governor/pura (grama),(1) important leaders of the community (pon).<br>'Throughout the pre-Angkor period there is no reference to any political or administrative entity higher than the pura (with the possible exception of three nagara, whose rank relative to pure is not known), of which some thirty are names in the inscriptions. Sauk and drama are also named, the latter as subordinate to a pure, but the relationship between pure and souk is not certain. Chiefs of pure other than the king bore Khmer titles, mratan klon, and possibly kurun, in Sanskrit svami or isvara ('lord', 'king') of their pure, the latter probably a higher rank than the former.'§REF§(Vickery 1998, p 24)§REF§ 'Jayavarman I was the great-grandson of Ishanavarman. His inscriptions indicate the tightening of central power and control over a considerable area, the creation of new titles and admin- istrators, and the availability of an army, the means of defense and destruction. A text described how King Jayavarman’s commands were obeyed by “innumerable vassal kings.” Jayavarman also strengthened the legal code: “Those who levy an annual tax, those who seize carts, boats, slaves, cattle, buffaloes, those who contest the king’s orders, will be punished.” New titles were accorded highly ranked retainers who fulfilled important posts in government. One lineage held the priestly position of hotar. Another functionary was a samantagajapadi, chief of the royal elephants, and a military leader; the dhanyakarapati would have controlled the grain stores. The king also appointed officials known as a mratan and pon to a sabha, or council of state. Another inscription prescribes the quantities of salt to be distributed by barge to various foundations and prohibits any tax on the ves- sels going up- or downriver. Thus Jayavarman I intensi- fied royal control over dependent fiefs begun by his great-grandfather, Ishanavarman. Thereafter this dynasty loses visibility, although the king’s daughter, Jayadevi, ruled from a center in the vicinity of ANGKOR.'§REF§(Higham 2004,  75)§REF§ 'Men of high status with the title pon are often mentioned for their role in temple manage- ment. Inscriptions indicate that they could donate com- munal land to the temple and organize their kin to produce surpluses.'§REF§(Higham 2004,  76)§REF§ 'The inscriptions reflect a social organisation with a vrah kamraten an at its apex. This Khmer title may be translated as ruler, or king, but it was also applied to gods, suggesting that the king was at least semi divine. Personal names of rulers ended with the Sanskrit title -varman. Hence the name Isanavarman means prote ́ge ́ of Siva or Siva’s shield. There was no single state or ruler at this time, but rather a series of competing micro city states. Some inscriptions record a local hegemon appointed over a dependent centre by a king. Others name a local ruler but no such dependency. Vickery (1998) has extracted from the available texts the divisions of the population below these rulers. Pon was a title accorded a person of high status, who exercised authority over temples and their sustaining populace. It is important to appreciate that the temple was not just an institution for the worship of an indigenous god or a Hindu deity, but it fulfilled the role of a community ritual and economic centre, to which donations of land, workers and domestic stock including cattle and buffalo were directed. The personnel included dancers, singers and officiants, as well as weavers, spinners, leaf sewers, potters and field workers. The surpluses of cloth, precious metals, ceramics and foodstuffs including rice were available for the pon to deploy to maintain the non-productive section of the community, exchange with other elite leaders, and accumulate for such social purposes as feasting. These texts describe the pon as being in charge of water reservoirs, which are often cited when designating rice field boundaries. Thus a web of social and economic characteristics identified in the Chenla texts resonate with the late prehistoric Iron Age: elite individuals, weavers, potters and smiths, as well as bounded rice fields and water control.'§REF§(Higham 2014, p 831-832)§REF§ 'Their contents inform us on two vital issues. The first is the use of official titles, such as President of the Royal Court, which was located at a centre called Purandarapura. Another prescribed punishment for those who disobey a royal order. Two brothers of high social standing were appointed to a variety of posts: officer of the royal guard, chief of rowers, military chief, and governor of Dhruvapura. Another highly-ranked courtier became chief of elephants, reminding us of the traditional role of elephants in warfare. A further text mentions a chief of the royal grain store. These high officials were rewarded with honorific symbols, such as a parasol embellished with gold. The trends already evident under Ishanavarman were greatly strengthened under his great grandson: with Jayavarman I, we can identify the establishment of a state. It was, however, ephemeral. Only one inscription of his daughter Jayadevi survives. Thereafter, the dynasty disappears from the historic record.'§REF§(Higham 2014b,  294)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 152,
            "polity": {
                "id": 37,
                "name": "kh_funan_1",
                "long_name": "Funan I",
                "start_year": 225,
                "end_year": 540
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 3,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. (3) Leader of the most wealthy/politically influential set of settlements (pon), (2) leader of a superior community within a larger community (pon), (1) chief of a hamlet or an inferior settlement within larger community (pon). 'The chiefs of Funan core a Mon-Khmer title pon, but some were taking Indic names with the suffice -varman, and the later 7th-century inscription suggest that the reason was related to the question of inheritance of accumulated wealth. A pon was chief of a settlement, and the typical pon-dom was a large village, or supra village or several hundred or a thousand or two persons living around or near a pond, sometimes artificial, and growing at least enough rice for self-sufficiency. Some settlements had several pon, perhaps watch one a chief over a hamlet-size community, with one superior to the others within the larger community. The population of each core pon-dom consisted of a lineage or a clan, with its own deity whore representative, and putative descendent, as the pon. Poh-Ship was inherited matrilineally through sisters' sons; and there a hierarchy, perhaps informal, of pon, probably based on wealth and political influence. During the florescence of Funan, the greatest wealth would have been accumulated through maritime activity, and it was the coastal pon-doms which would have become most directly involved in sea trade, and their upon were called 'kings' by Chinese visitors. By the 7th century, and presumably earlier, their was a ruling stratum in each pon-dom, and others, even though relatives of the same clan, were subordinate juniors [...]'§REF§(Vickery 1998, pp. 19-20)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 153,
            "polity": {
                "id": 38,
                "name": "kh_funan_2",
                "long_name": "Funan II",
                "start_year": 540,
                "end_year": 640
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. (3) Leader of the most wealthy/politically influential set of settlements (pon), (2) leader of a superior community within a larger community (pon), (1) chief of a hamlet or an inferior settlement within larger community (pon). 'A pon was chief of a settlement, and the typical pon-dom was a large village, or supra village or several hundred or a thousand or two persons living around or near a pond, sometimes artificial, and growing at least enough rice for self-sufficiency. Some settlements had several pon, perhaps watch one a chief over a hamlet-size community, with one superior to the others within the larger community. ... [There was] a hierarchy, perhaps informal, of pon, probably based on wealth and political influence.'§REF§(Vickery 1998, pp. 19-20)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 154,
            "polity": {
                "id": 432,
                "name": "ma_saadi_sultanate",
                "long_name": "Saadi Sultanate",
                "start_year": 1554,
                "end_year": 1659
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 5,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. Sultan<br>The Saadis had an Ottoman-style palace government ruled by a Sultan.§REF§(García-Arenal 2009, 57-58) Mercedes García-Arenal. 2009. <i>Ahmad Al-Mansur: The Beginnings of Modern Morocco</i>. Oxford: OneWorld.§REF§<br>_Central government_<br>2. WazirAlso known as the viceroy, governor of Fez, crown prince, or vizir§REF§M. García-Arenal, Ahmad Al-Mansur: The beginnings of modern Morocco (2009), pp. 57-58§REF§.<br>2. Sultan's councilComprising the chancellor of the seal, the chancellor in charge of protocol and ceremony, one in charge of the Sultan's horses and camels, and one in charge of administration and division of rents and taxes§REF§M. García-Arenal, Ahmad Al-Mansur: The beginnings of modern Morocco (2009), pp. 57-58§REF§<br>3. bureaucrat in charge of rents <i>inferred level</i>4. Scribe or sub-manager<br>3. bureaucrat in charge of taxes <i>inferred level</i>4. Scribe or sub-manager <i>inferred level</i>5. Tax collector§REF§M. García-Arenal, Ahmad Al-Mansur: The beginnings of modern Morocco (2009), pp. 48-58§REF§<br>2. First secretaryHead of Sultan's council, secretary of state, majordomo, treasurer§REF§M. García-Arenal, Ahmad Al-Mansur: The beginnings of modern Morocco (2009), pp. 57-58§REF§<br>2. Qadi al-qudatThe main qadi, head of the judiciary, whose task it was to assign qadis to different cities and regions§REF§M. García-Arenal, Ahmad Al-Mansur: The beginnings of modern Morocco (2009), pp. 57-58§REF§.<br>Petty bureaucrats<br>Tax collectors, clerics, secretaries, and qadis§REF§M. García-Arenal, Ahmad Al-Mansur: The beginnings of modern Morocco (2009), pp. 48-58§REF§.<br>_Regional government_<br>2.<br>3.<br>4.<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 155,
            "polity": {
                "id": 427,
                "name": "ml_jenne_jeno_1",
                "long_name": "Jenne-jeno I",
                "start_year": -250,
                "end_year": 49
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 1,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>There is no evidence of a hierarchical social system§REF§(Reader 1998, 219)§REF§ Jenne-jeno was \"a large, complex, but non-coercive urban settlement.\"§REF§(Reader 1998, 225)§REF§ \"the demands of specialization pushed groups apart while the requirements of a generalized economy pulled them together ... created a dynamism that ensured growth and the establishment of urban settlements. And they were non-coercive settlements. Groups congregated by choice. This is an instance of transformation from a rural to an urban society that did not establish a hierarchical society and coercive centralized control... The process in the delta and at Jenne-jeno in particular, was one of 'complexification' rather than centralization.\"§REF§(Reader 1998, 228)§REF§<br>Clan<br>(General reference for West African states) \"the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land.\" §REF§(Bovill 1958, 53)§REF§<br>Kinship group<br>(General reference for West African states) \"the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land.\" §REF§(Bovill 1958, 53)§REF§<br>In West Africa \"Early states were simple in their government ... Some were ruled by a single chief or king and his counsellors. Others were governed by a council of chiefs or elders. Others again were formed by several neighbouring peoples whose chiefs were bound in loyalty to one another. Elsewhere, at the same time, there were people who found it better to get along without any chiefs.\"§REF§(Davidson 1998, 13) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>\"Traditional groups such as clans ... or age-sets of people born at about the same time, had influence in these early states, as in later times, because they could underpin a system of law and order.\"§REF§(Davidson 1998, 13) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 156,
            "polity": {
                "id": 428,
                "name": "ml_jenne_jeno_2",
                "long_name": "Jenne-jeno II",
                "start_year": 50,
                "end_year": 399
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>There is no evidence of a hierarchical social system§REF§(Reader 1998, 219)§REF§ Jenne-jeno was \"a large, complex, but non-coercive urban settlement.\"§REF§(Reader 1998, 225)§REF§ \"the demands of specialization pushed groups apart while the requirements of a generalized economy pulled them together ... created a dynamism that ensured growth and the establishment of urban settlements. And they were non-coercive settlements. Groups congregated by choice. This is an instance of transformation from a rural to an urban society that did not establish a hierarchical society and coercive centralized control... The process in the delta and at Jenne-jeno in particular, was one of 'complexification' rather than centralization.\"§REF§(Reader 1998, 228)§REF§<br>Clan<br>(General reference for West African states) \"the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land.\" §REF§(Bovill 1958, 53)§REF§<br>Kinship group<br>(General reference for West African states) \"the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land.\" §REF§(Bovill 1958, 53)§REF§<br>In West Africa \"Early states were simple in their government ... Some were ruled by a single chief or king and his counsellors. Others were governed by a council of chiefs or elders. Others again were formed by several neighbouring peoples whose chiefs were bound in loyalty to one another. Elsewhere, at the same time, there were people who found it better to get along without any chiefs.\"§REF§(Davidson 1998, 13) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>\"Traditional groups such as clans ... or age-sets of people born at about the same time, had influence in these early states, as in later times, because they could underpin a system of law and order.\"§REF§(Davidson 1998, 13) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 157,
            "polity": {
                "id": 431,
                "name": "ml_jenne_jeno_4",
                "long_name": "Jenne-jeno IV",
                "start_year": 900,
                "end_year": 1300
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 3,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br><i>Decline of Jenne-Jeno accompanied the rise of the new city of Djenne (the modern town, established \"much earlier\" than 1100 CE§REF§McIntosh, Roderick. McIntosh, Susan. \"Results of recent excavations at Jenné-jeno and Djenné, Mali\" in Sanogo, K. Togola, T. 2004. Proceedings of the Eleventh Congress of the Pan-African Association for Prehistory and Related Fields. Institut des Sciences Humaines. Bamako. pp. 469-481.§REF§). We could hypothesize that Djenne started out as a political, military and ritual center which controlled the economic center at Jenne-Jeno, until Djenne took that over itself. However, this is my speculation. R and S McIntosh says: \"Analyses conducted thus far have not yielded any information on the possible reasons for the new settlement at Djenné.\"§REF§McIntosh, Roderick. McIntosh, Susan. \"Results of recent excavations at Jenné-jeno and Djenné, Mali\" in Sanogo, K. Togola, T. 2004. Proceedings of the Eleventh Congress of the Pan-African Association for Prehistory and Related Fields. Institut des Sciences Humaines. Bamako. pp. 469-481.§REF§</i><br>\"First, where are the elites, the chiefs, the kings, the early state bureaucracies? In other words, who keeps the peace? This is the first fundamental complaint raised by the distinctiveness of these towns with the traditional 'hierarchy as adaptive solution' approach to emerging complex society. To date, excavation at sites such as Jenne-jeno reveals no obvious signs of social stratification, as opposed to abundant evidence of (horizontal) social complexification. Where are the public buildings, the monuments, the shrines to state ideologies that classic preindustrial city theory tells use should be present? One has the strong impression of a highly complex society, with multiple overlapping and competing agencies of authority and decision making, and of resistance to centralization. The city's lay-out - the dispersed cluster - was an instrument of that resistance.\"§REF§(McIntosh, 31) McIntosh, Roderick J. Clustered Cities of the Middle Niger: Alternative Routes to Authority in Prehistory. in Anderson, David M. Rathbone, Richard. eds. 2000. Africa's Urban Past. James Currey Ltd. Oxford.§REF§<br>\"This assertion that heterarchy, rather than hierarchy, is the better description of authority at these cities recalls persistent Mande notions of who has decision-making roles in society, notions very familiar to historians, social anthropologists and art historians. Authority is shared amongst many corporate groups rather than being the monopoly of a charismatic individual (in Weber's sense) or of one bureaucratic lineage.\"§REF§(McIntosh, 31) McIntosh, Roderick J. Clustered Cities of the Middle Niger: Alternative Routes to Authority in Prehistory. in Anderson, David M. Rathbone, Richard. eds. 2000. Africa's Urban Past. James Currey Ltd. Oxford.§REF§<br>There is no evidence of a hierarchical social system§REF§(Reader 1998, 219)§REF§ Jenne-jeno was \"a large, complex, but non-coercive urban settlement.\"§REF§(Reader 1998, 225)§REF§ \"the demands of specialization pushed groups apart while the requirements of a generalized economy pulled them together ... created a dynamism that ensured growth and the establishment of urban settlements. And they were non-coercive settlements. Groups congregated by choice. This is an instance of transformation from a rural to an urban society that did not establish a hierarchical society and coercive centralized control... The process in the delta and at Jenne-jeno in particular, was one of 'complexification' rather than centralization.\"§REF§(Reader 1998, 228)§REF§<br>Clan<br>(General reference for West African states) \"the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land.\" §REF§(Bovill 1958, 53)§REF§<br>Kinship group<br>(General reference for West African states) \"the basic social and political unit appears in the past to have been the small local group, bound together by ties of kinship. When a number of groups came together they formed a clan. The heads of local clans were usually responsible for certain religious rites connected with the land.\" §REF§(Bovill 1958, 53)§REF§<br>In West Africa \"Early states were simple in their government ... Some were ruled by a single chief or king and his counsellors. Others were governed by a council of chiefs or elders. Others again were formed by several neighbouring peoples whose chiefs were bound in loyalty to one another. Elsewhere, at the same time, there were people who found it better to get along without any chiefs.\"§REF§(Davidson 1998, 13) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>\"Traditional groups such as clans ... or age-sets of people born at about the same time, had influence in these early states, as in later times, because they could underpin a system of law and order.\"§REF§(Davidson 1998, 13) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 158,
            "polity": {
                "id": 229,
                "name": "ml_mali_emp",
                "long_name": "Mali Empire",
                "start_year": 1230,
                "end_year": 1410
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. King of kings (mansa)<br>king had title Mansa §REF§(Conrad 2010, 44)§REF§<br>\"As in other African empires, the supreme ruler was a king of kings.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 591)§REF§<br>The ruler \"bore the military title of mansa, conqueror.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 591)§REF§<br>\"The mansas adopted the Ghanaian and Sudanic concepts of kingship to institutionalize their power.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 591)§REF§<br>\"The rulers surrounded themselves with a bodyguard, servants, and elaborate ceremonies.\"§REF§(Lapidus 2012, 591)§REF§<br>_Central government_<br>2. Head of the imperial council or one of the officials of the imperial councilthere was an \"imperial council\" §REF§(Conrad 2010, 56)§REF§<br>late 14th century government characterised by rule of powerful government officials and a sidelined monarch §REF§(Conrad 2010, 56)§REF§<br>3. Government officialsAfter his pilgrimage to Cairo and Mecca \"Mansa Musa returned to Mali with Arab and Berber adventurers to serve in his administration.\"§REF§(Lapidus 2012, 592)§REF§<br>Santigui (master of the treasury) §REF§(Niane 1984, 160-61)§REF§<br>4. Scribes\"court circle included clerics and lawyers literate in Arabic\" §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 63)§REF§<br>4. State farms official\"Client clans, castes of dependent craftsmen, and people allied by marriage or by past service supported the ruler. Slaves and serfs worked in agricultural settlements to provide produce for the court, the army, and the administration.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 591)§REF§<br>royal slaves worked in \"settled colonies\" in the inland delta region. \"each had to produce a quota of grain for collection by boat at the appointed season.\"§REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 63)§REF§<br>_Mande chiefdoms_<br>2. Chief (fama) of a kafu (or kafts)\"Mande-speaking ethnic core\" §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 62)§REF§<br>\"Mande-speaking peoples lived in family and village units, the head of the family being both priest and chieftain. A group of villages in turn formed a kafts, or kafu, a community of 1,000 to 15,000 people living around a mud-walled town and ruled by a hereditary chieftain called a fama.\"§REF§(Lapidus 2012, 591)§REF§<br>\"Within the Mande-speaking heartland the basic building-block of government was the kafu, a community of anything from 1000 to 15,000 people living in or near a mud-walled town and ruled by a hereditary dynast called a fama.\"§REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 62)§REF§<br>Mema was a province in the Mali Empire §REF§(Conrad 2010, 57)§REF§<br>the paramount ruler \"bore the military title of mansa, \"conquerer\", which underlined the reality that his dominion might expand or contract according to the range of his armed forces. Where the mansa's soldiers were no longer seen, there the kafus would soon resume their independence under their traditional famas.\" §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 62)§REF§<br>Oral tradition \"Sunjata Epic\" says Mali Empire founded by Sunjata Keita. Initially there was a Mande Chiefdom in Farakoro. The chief had the title maghan. Sunjata \"organized the soldiers of all the Mande chiefdoms into a powerful army. They went to war against Susu.\" The unified Mande chiefdoms formed the basis of the Mali Empire. §REF§(Conrad 2010, 42-44)§REF§<br>3. Village headman\"Mande-speaking peoples lived in family and village units, the head of the family being both priest and chieftain. A group of villages in turn formed a kafts, or kafu, a community of 1,000 to 15,000 people living around a mud-walled town and ruled by a hereditary chieftain alled a fama.\"§REF§(Lapidus 2012, 591)§REF§<br>_Vassal kingdoms_<br>2. Vassal king or chief\"Outside the Mande-speaking nucleus, the relationship with subordinate rulers was even more essentially based upon the regular or occasional payment of tribute.\"§REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 62)§REF§<br>Mid-13th century: \"the Wolof and the Fulbe recognised its paramountcy\" and gave tribute §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 62)§REF§<br>ruler of Mali received tribute from lesser kings and chiefs. §REF§(Conrad 2010, 51)§REF§<br>Mansa Musa reigned 1312-1337 CE. Ibn Kathir (c1300-c1374 CE) sad he ruled over 24 other kings. §REF§(Conrad 2010, 45)§REF§ Al-Umari said Musa had \"conquered 24 cities, each with its surrounding district with villages and estates\" and that he had a palace §REF§(Conrad 2010, 45 cite: Levtzion, N and Hopkins J F P. Corpus of Early Arabic Sources for West African History)§REF§<br>\"In Mali, as in other African empires, the supreme ruler was essentially a paramount, a king of kings, the degree of whose authority varied greatly from one part of his dominions to another, according to the accessibility of each to the imperial armies and tax collectors.\" §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 62)§REF§<br>3. District<br>4. Villages<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 159,
            "polity": {
                "id": 433,
                "name": "ml_segou_k",
                "long_name": "Segou Kingdom",
                "start_year": 1650,
                "end_year": 1712
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 2,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. King<br>2. Village chiefs<br>2. Commercial towns<br>\"The Bambara relied heavily on the extended family for order and structure. Society was organized by patrilineal lineages, with families residing together in large compounds. Several lineages composed a village, which was then ruled by a chief. Marriages were an 'investment,' intended to unite households, lineages, and villages for the common good.\"§REF§(Keil 2012, 108) Sarah Keil. Bambara. Andrea L Stanton. ed. 2012. Cultural Sociology of the Middle East, Asia, and Africa: An Encyclopedia. Sage. Los Angeles.§REF§<br>\"preexisting commercial towns (marka) ... were incorporated into the kingdom and ... enjoyed some autonomy from direct state intervention.\"§REF§(Monroe and Ogundiran 2012, 25) J Cameron Monroe. Akinwumi Ogundiran. Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa. J Cameron Monroe. Akinwumi Ogundiran. eds. 2012. Power and Landscape in Atlantic West Africa: Archaeological Perspectives.Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 160,
            "polity": {
                "id": 242,
                "name": "ml_songhai_2",
                "long_name": "Songhai Empire - Askiya Dynasty",
                "start_year": 1493,
                "end_year": 1591
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. King<br>when the Zuwa dynasty was replaced in the mid-15th Century, the Songhay kings had the title \"sii (short for sonyi)\" §REF§(Conrad 2010, 60)§REF§<br>kings called dias until c1335 CE. After that titles were sunni or shi.§REF§(Davidson 1998, 50-51) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>__Court Bureaucracy__<br>Askia Muhammad Toure \"supported by Mande clans ... created a standing army and a central bureaucracy.\"§REF§(Lapidus 2012, 593)§REF§<br>\"The Songhay empire, like that of Mali before it thus involved a gigantic effort of state enterprise in production and trade as well as in military operations and civil government.\"§REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 70)§REF§<br>2. barey-koyin charge of court-arrangements§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>3. kukura-koyassistant, \"whose job it was to provide food and other necessary supplies\"§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>3. garei-farmerassistant, called master of the camp.§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>2. katisi-farmahead of finance.§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>3. waney-farmaassistant, \"responsible for questions of property\".§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>3. bara-farmaassistant, in charge of wages.§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>3. dey-farmaassistant, buying and selling activities of government.§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>2. fari-mudiafarming official§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>2. sao-farmaforestry official§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>2. asari-mundiahead of the department of justice§REF§(Davidson 1998, 167) Davidson, Basil. 1998. West Africa Before the Colonial Era. Routledge. London.§REF§<br>Slave colonies<br>\"the Songhay empire depended greatly on its colonies of royal slaves and on its privileged castes of craftsmen, which had probably been built up originally from the more skilled groups of war captives, such as smiths, weavers and leather-workers. Here again, Songhay took over a system already initiated in Mali, while adding greatly to the numbers of slaves by means of the regular annual raids carried out by the Songhay cavalry among the unprotected, stateless peoples living south of the Niger bend.\" §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 69)§REF§3. State farms manager (possibly 4. if responsible to an official from the court)State farms \"were spread right across the empire, to supply the government and the garrisons, but the largest concentration was still to be found in the well-watered inland delta\" - a lot of this grain went to the towns, desert caravans and salt mines. §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 69)§REF§<br>4. Lower-level official<br>__Regional government__<br>2. Western Songhai (Mande speakers) - rule based in Timbuktu?\"Not under Muhammad only, but also under the succession of sons and grandsons who followed him as Akiyas until 1591, the real thrust of Songhay was toward the west and the north. It was an impetus based upon Timbuktu, both as the centre of Islamic learning in the western Sudan and as the meeting-point of river and desert communications.§REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 70)§REF§<br>Askia Muhammad divided the army into two parts: \"one for the western provinces based in Timbuktu and one for the eastern provinces based in Gao.\" §REF§(Conrad 2010, 66)§REF§3. Provinces\"Under Askia Muhammad, the Songhai Empire established lands in which the kings paid tribute.\" §REF§(Conrad 2010, 66)§REF§4. Town - kafu ruled by a famaWithin the Mande-speaking heartland the basic building-block of government was the kafu, a community of anything from 1000 to 15,000 people living in or near a mud-walled town and ruled by a hereditary dynast called a fama.\" §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 62)§REF§<br>\"Sudanic societies were built on small agricultural villages or herding communities, sometimes but not always integrated into larger tribal and linguistic groups.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 590)§REF§<br>5.possibly another level below the fama, or someone who worked for the fama<br>2. Eastern Songhai (Songhai speakers) - rule based in Gao?<br>Wars of Askiya Muhammad Toure (1493-1528 CE), according to himself, \"were undertaken to distract the Songhay-speaking element in his armies from meddling in the Mande-speaking western half of his empire where his own interests were strongest, and where he preferred to rule through slave armies recruited from his own war captives.\" §REF§(Roland and Atmore 2001, 70)§REF§<br>Askia Muhammad Toure divided the army into two parts: \"one for the western provinces based in Timbuktu and one for the eastern provinces based in Gao.\" §REF§(Conrad 2010, 66)§REF§3. Provinces<br>4. Village\"Sudanic societies were built on small agricultural villages or herding communities, sometimes but not always integrated into larger tribal and linguistic groups.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 590)§REF§<br><br>2. ProvincesSonghai \"was divided into provinces, cantons, villages, large cities of commercial character such as Djenne and Timbuktu, border areas which were strongholds such as Teghezza, Ualata, Nema, etc.\"§REF§(Diop 1987, 111) Diop, Cheikh Anta. Salemson, Harold trans. 1987. Precolonial Black Africa. Lawrence Hill Books. Chicago.§REF§<br>3. Cantons?4. Villages<br>2? Large cities: Djenne/Timbuktu3. koira-banda mundio\"suburban administrator of a city.\"§REF§(Diop 1987, 112) Diop, Cheikh Anta. Salemson, Harold trans. 1987. Precolonial Black Africa. Lawrence Hill Books. Chicago.§REF§<br>2? Border strongholds: Teghezza/Ualata/Nema<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 161,
            "polity": {
                "id": 283,
                "name": "mn_turk_khaganate_1",
                "long_name": "Eastern Turk Khaganate",
                "start_year": 583,
                "end_year": 630
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. At least 4 levels.<br>\"Although the two Turk empires are distinct, they are combined here because of similar organization and their spatial and temporal proximity. For both, there were at least four recognized levels in the administrative hierarchy, almost all of whose members came from the ruling Ashina clan.\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 225)§REF§<br>c582 CE: \"The First Turkic Khaganate officially split into the Western and the Eastern Turkic Khaganate. In the Eastern Turkic Khaganate, the Sogdian language and script was used for chancellery purposes and inscriptions.\"§REF§(Hosszú 2012, 285) Hosszú, G. 2012. Heritage of Scribes: The Relation of Rovas Scripts to Eurasian Writing Systems. Rovas Foundation.§REF§<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 162,
            "polity": {
                "id": 288,
                "name": "mn_khitan_1",
                "long_name": "Khitan I",
                "start_year": 907,
                "end_year": 1125
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. Emperor<br>2. Grand princes3. Tribe chief (ilichin)\"the tribes were basic administrative-political units in the northern part of the country\"§REF§(Kradin 2014, 156)§REF§<br>4. \"Each tribe had its own control organization\"§REF§(Kradin 2014, 156)§REF§5? another level?<br>\"The highest levels of the empire’s social pyramid were occupied by the imperial clan of Yeh-lü and clan of the empress Hsiao. The representatives of these clans were the first-rate proprietors in the country and held a major portion of the most important military and civil posts in the empire administration. Since the rule of the empire founder Apao-chi, the clan has been subdivided into two parts: Five or North Divisions and Six or South Divisions. These parts were governed by grand princes (wang). The family of the Kitans’ emperor was related to five divisions. The direct descendants of Apao-chi gave belonged to so called Horizontal Tents (hêng chang) while the descendants of two his uncles and brothers were known as Three Patriarchal Household (san fu fang). Jointly, they have formed four leading lineages (LS 73: 6b; Wittfogel, Feng 1949: 191-192).\" §REF§(Kradin 2014, 152-153)§REF§<br>\"The North part was considered to be higher than the South one by rank though, as for the administrative machine size and bureaucracy qualification, it ranks below the latter. The heartland of nomadic empire was headed by the Prime Minister of the Northern Administration (LS 1: 10b; Wittfogel, Feng 1949: 472) who, as a rule, has been appointed from the representatives of Yeh- lü and Hsiao clans. His competence included the most important affairs of state such as, for example, army control, supervision of the state sector of stock- raising business, participation in working out of the most important political decisions.\" §REF§(Kradin 2014, 155)§REF§<br>\"In accordance with the hierarchical principle of the steppe society organization, the nomads were divided into subdivisions by the decimal principle (Taskin 1979: 511-513). In this case, only a part of nomads has taken part in acts of war while the remaining warriors have always stayed put as the basis of a tribe (ibid: 426). The tribes being autonomous and independent formations before the Apao-chi accession to the throne have become main administrative units for a period of empire. Their duties included the following functions: [...] Second, the tribes were basic administrative-political units in the northern part of the country. Each tribe had its own particular territory for leading a nomad’s life. Each tribe had its own control organization being headed by a traditional chief (ilichin). A title of the tribal chief was transmitted hereditably. In the course of signification a pressure on the nomadic tribes has occurred. Traditional territories of a leading of nomad’s life became to limit and reduce by the imperial government. Sometimes, the tribes were transferred from their traditional pastures to new lands.\" §REF§(Kradin 2014, 156)§REF§<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 163,
            "polity": {
                "id": 267,
                "name": "mn_mongol_emp",
                "long_name": "Mongol Empire",
                "start_year": 1206,
                "end_year": 1270
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 5,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>“Patrimonial in nature, Mongol administration grew out of the ruler’s household.” Positions in the household such as ‘cook’ (ba’urchi) actually responsible for testing for poisoning, provisioning for retainers.Mongke: central secretariat in Mongolia. Titles: ‘chief judge’ ‘chief scribe’. “Khubilai’s orders to rulers of Annam and Korea made clear that was expected from dependent rulers; they had to pay court in person, register their populations, raise militia units, establish postal relay stations, and have a Mongol resident to take charge of affairs. Tributary rulers also had to send sons or younger brothers as hostages - another way to expand the ruler’s household into a system of control for a complex empire” §REF§Findley, Carter V., The Turks in World History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp.80-82.§REF§<br>1) Khan. The Khan had sovereign power over the empire. §REF§Thomas Allsen, ‘The Rise of the Mongolian Empire’, in Herbert. Franke and Denis C. Twitchett (eds), The Cambridge History of China. Volume 6. Alien Regimes and Border States, 710-1368 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Pr., 1995), p.347.§REF§<br>2) Royal household, containing chamberlains, stewards, quiver bearers, doorkeepers, grooms. There was strong overlap with his body guard, in terms of personnel. Both came form his retinue of military commanders. They travelled wherever the Khan went.§REF§Findley, Carter V., The Turks in World History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp.80-82; Thomas Allsen, ‘The Rise of the Mongolian Empire’, in Herbert. Franke and Denis C. Twitchett (eds), The Cambridge History of China. Volume 6. Alien Regimes and Border States, 710-1368 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Pr., 1995), p.344§REF§ Also Chinggis Khan appointed a chief judge (<i>yeke jarghuchi</i>) \"to supervise and coordinate the activities of the recently expanded administrative system\" §REF§Thomas Allsen, ‘The Rise of the Mongolian Empire’, in Herbert. Franke and Denis C. Twitchett (eds), The Cambridge History of China. Volume 6. Alien Regimes and Border States, 710-1368 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Pr., 1995), p.344.§REF§ Allsen says that both the household and the guard came from the nokod - companions or warrior commanders.<br>3) Dependent and tributary rulers, e.g of Annam and Korea. §REF§Findley, Carter V., The Turks in World History (New York: Oxford University Press, 2005), pp.80-82.§REF§<br>4) <i>Darugha</i> or <i>darughaci</i> - “all-purpose Mongol official in conquered territory\" or provincial governor. §REF§Morgan, David. The Mongols. 2nd ed. The Peoples of Europe. Malden, MA ; Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. p.97§REF§ They oversaw census taking, tax collection, military recruitment. Initially came from the Khan's retinue of commanders. §REF§Thomas Allsen, ‘The Rise of the Mongolian Empire’, in Herbert. Franke and Denis C. Twitchett (eds), The Cambridge History of China. Volume 6. Alien Regimes and Border States, 710-1368 (Cambridge: Cambridge Univ. Pr., 1995), p.373.§REF§<br>5) Local administrators - There is evidence that the Mongols absorbed the existing bureaucrats and structures in areas they conquered such as Persia. §REF§Morgan, David. The Mongols. 2nd ed. The Peoples of Europe. Malden, MA ; Oxford: Blackwell Publishing, 2007. p.97§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 164,
            "polity": {
                "id": 442,
                "name": "mn_mongol_early",
                "long_name": "Early Mongols",
                "start_year": 1000,
                "end_year": 1206
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 2,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>(1) Ayl (group of tents)<br>(2) clan"
        },
        {
            "id": 165,
            "polity": {
                "id": 443,
                "name": "mn_mongol_late",
                "long_name": "Late Mongols",
                "start_year": 1368,
                "end_year": 1690
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 3,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.Late 15th century: “These 6 tümens were major administrative units, often called ulu ̄s tümens (princedoms), comprising the 40 lesser tümens of the military-administrative type inherited from the Yüan period, each of which was reputedly composed of 10,000 cavalry troops, and the 4 Oirat tribal tümens. For this reason, the Mongol state was sometimes known as the ‘Forty Mongol Tümens and the Four Oirat Tümens’, or simply the ‘Forty and Four’\" §REF§(Ishjamts 2003, 213)§REF§<br>1. Khan or Khagan<br>2. Ulus tümens (princedoms) : 6<br>3. Tümens (administrative units consisting of 10,000 cavalry troops) : 40 (Mongol) and 4 (Oirat)<br>\"In the early seventeenth century, in the remaining part of Mongolia, the Khalkha khanatewas headed by the grandson of Abtai Khan, the Tüsheet khan Ghombodorji. It consisted of three large aymaqs (princedoms). The largest and most important of these was the aymaq of the Tüsheet khan himself. The other two aymaqs of the right and left flanks were under the direct control of their own khans, who were subordinate to the Tüsheet khan. The leader of the left-flank aymaq was the Sechen khan, and of the right-flank aymaq, the Jasaghtu khan. As previously, the aymaqs continued to be divided into qoshuns, which were headed by jasaq noyans. The Tüsheet khan’s aymaq had two large qoshuns, the Sechen khan’s a single qoshun and the Jasaghtu khan’s four small qoshuns. The three aymaqs of the Khalkha khanate contained a total of seven qoshuns.\" §REF§(Ishjamts 2003, 218)§REF§<br>1. Khan, leader of the largest Aymaq (princedom)<br>2. Left and right Aymaqs -princedoms<br>3. Qoshuns headed by jasaq noyans (7 in total)<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 166,
            "polity": {
                "id": 439,
                "name": "mn_shiwei",
                "long_name": "Shiwei",
                "start_year": 600,
                "end_year": 1000
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 1,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. Tribal leaders<br>\"The Wuluohou, who were believed a component part of the Shiwei tribal complex, inhabited the northwestern part of Manchuria. The Wuluohou’s pattern of succession in the period of northern Wei (383-534) is recorded in the Wei Shu. It reads, \"They had no supreme leader. The position of the tribal chieftain Mofu (Mufuhe) was succeeded hereditarily\".95\" §REF§(Xu 2005, 127)§REF§<br>\"The productive activities were organized by the tribal leaders, as described in the Xin Tangshu, \"in hunting (the tribes) were banded together, and dispersed afterward; the tribes did not rule over one another or submitted to one another\".103 It can be seen that no united tribal confederation had been formed yet by the Shiwei. Compared with their southern neighbors the Khitan, and the eastern neighbors, the Mohe, in the same period, the social organization of the Shiwei was not as developed. On account of their lower level of social organization, as declared in the Xin Tangshu, \"they finally could not become a strong power, although they were valiant and belligerent\".104\" §REF§(Xu 2005, 180)§REF§<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 167,
            "polity": {
                "id": 440,
                "name": "mn_turk_khaganate_2",
                "long_name": "Second Turk Khaganate",
                "start_year": 682,
                "end_year": 744
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. \" Although the two Turk empires are distinct, they are combined here because of similar organization and their spatial and temporal proximity. For both, there were at least four recognized levels in the administrative hierarchy, almost all of whose members came from the ruling Ashina clan.\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 225)§REF§<br>\"The administrative structure of the empire, which incorporated the tribal leaders, was more complex. At the head of the administration stood the kaghan and his closest kinsmen, who held the titles of shad and yabghu. The kaghan was surrounded by his counsellors (buyur), who discharged military, administrative, diplomatic and legal functions and bore titles such as tarkhan, chor and tudun. In order to facilitate the administration, the tribes were divided into two territorial groups, the Tardush (western) and the Tölish (eastern). The soldiery of these two groups composed the right and left wings of the army’s battle order, and they were led by the close kinsmen of the kaghan (the shads) and the most influential tribal leaders of each wing.\" §REF§(Klyashtorny 1996, 332)§REF§<br>Khagan<br>Counsellors (buyur): titles are tarkhan, chor and tudun.<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 168,
            "polity": {
                "id": 438,
                "name": "mn_xianbei",
                "long_name": "Xianbei Confederation",
                "start_year": 100,
                "end_year": 250
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 3,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. \"A report from around A.D. 1 notes that the Xianbei were composed of 36 tribes made up of 99 clans (Dien 1991, p. 41). Although Xianbei bureaucracy was minimal, there is evidence that they divided their territory into eastern, central, and western divisions, reminiscent of the more formal Xiongnu administrative structure, and utilized a form of organizational imposition and dual administration as the empire expanded.\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 223)§REF§<br>3. Leader - very loose control<br>2. Tribe leader (36 tribes)<br>1. Clan leader (99 clans)<br>Territorial organization:3 territorial divisions and dual administration.<br>\"Therefore, based on our knowledge of the Wuhuan, one can as- sume that the Xianbei had the following forms of social organiza- tion: family (luo) - kin or clan (yiluo) - tribe or chieftainship (bu). Most probably, luo are individual ordinary or extended families. They were united by real kinship, common household and property for the cattle. Yiluo is a territorial group including the small family groups. The clans were based on both distant real and fictitious kinship, nomads' seasonal labor cooperation (repair of wells, shear- ing, etc.), necessity to defend the fellow tribesmen and to perform common cults and rites. The highest levels bu (a word can be trans- lated ‘a camping ground’) are greater formations which could be both tribes or chieftainships and chiefdoms.\" §REF§(Kradin 2011, 198)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 169,
            "polity": {
                "id": 274,
                "name": "mn_hunnu_late",
                "long_name": "Late Xiongnu",
                "start_year": -60,
                "end_year": 100
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>Inferred from the description below:<br>1. Emperor<br>2. King (wang)3. Local tribal chiefs and elders\"The economic, judicial, cultic, fiscal, and military functions were considered to be responsibilities of chiefs and elders (Taskin 1973, 9-11).\"§REF§(Kradin 2011, 89)§REF§<br>\"The Chinese historian Fan Ye, author of the Hou Han shu, gave the same detailed description of the Xiongnu political system in the first century AD as his eminent predecessor Sima Qian had centuries before (Lidai 1958: 680; Taskin 1973: 73). This provides a unique opportunity to observe the dynamics of the Xiongnu political institutions throughout 250 years. The most considerable differences between the power of the Mode/Maodun epoch and Xiongnu society before it collapsed are as follows:1. There has been a transition, from the triadic military-administrative division to dual tribal division into wings.2. Sima Qian wrote clearly about the development of the military- administrative structure with “chiefs of a ten thousand.” Fan Ye does not mention a decimal system; instead military rank of “chiefs of a ten thousand” are enumerated as civil titles of “king” (wang).3. According to Fan Ye, the whole first ten of “strong” “chiefs of a ten thousand” had, from the viewpoint of the Chinese chronicles, a more independent position from the shanyu headquarters.4. The order of succession to the throne had changed. While the shanyu's throne had ordinarily passed from father to son (with a few extraordinary exceptions), the order from uncle to nephew had now become predominant.5. The Xiongnu polity came to adopt a prevailing principle of joint government according to which the ruler of the nomadic empire had a co- ruler, who controlled one of the polity's wings. The capacity of become a junior co-ruler was held by birth; but a co-ruler's successors could not pretend to the shanyu's throne.These changes demonstrate a gradual weakening of the autocratic power of the center, and development of more diffused authority and federative relations, as demonstrated by, among other things, the transition from triadic administrative-territorial division to a dual one. The military-hierarchical relations were pressed back and the genealogical hierarchy between senior and junior by rank tribes was pushed into the foreground.\" §REF§(Kradin 2014, 142)§REF§<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 170,
            "polity": {
                "id": 272,
                "name": "mn_hunnu_emp",
                "long_name": "Xiongnu Imperial Confederation",
                "start_year": -209,
                "end_year": -60
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. \"There were three main geographical divisions consisting of the east and west, otherwise known as the ‘‘left and right’’ kingships, with an implied third division being the core central region administered directly by the paramount leader. Within this system there were 24 regional leaders, each with the title of ‘‘ten thousand horsemen.’’ The 24 regional leaders represent a dispersed control hierarchy, probably composed of the leaders of long-standing aristocratic lineages (e.g., Sneath 2007, p. 116).\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 220)§REF§<br>According to Rogers:<br>1. Empire - ruled by the Chanyu, supreme leader<br>2. 3 Kingships (Left, Right and Core region)3. 24 regions under the command of a regional leader, commanding 10,000 horsemen<br>According to Kradin, the hierarchy is as follows:<br>1. Empire - ruled by the Chanyu, supreme leader<br>2. advisers and personal men-at-arms<br>2. 10 kings commanding 10,000 people - 4 of which are called kings or 'wang'3. tribal chiefs or elders, commanding 1000, 100 or 10 people4. chiefs of non-Xiongnu tribes, paying tribute<br>\"The chanyu was the supreme ruler of the Xiongnu steppe empire and its representative in the political and economical relations with other countries and nations. His competence included the declaration of war and peace, the conclusion of political treaties, the right to obtain gifts and tribute and to re-distribute them, dynastic marriages, etc. Most likely, the chanyu was also chief commander and superior judge (Taskin 1973, 7-11). He was also the concentration of irrational power and performed the most important devotions providing the nomads with a patronage of the super-natural forces.\" §REF§(Kradin 2011, 89)§REF§\"The most highly titled relatives of the chanyu were ten superior commanders of ten thousand warriors which were comprised of four and six horns respectively20. The first four of them were called “wang” (king) by the Chinese chroniclers. Besides the chanyu’s relatives there were other noble families (clans): Huyan, Lan, Xubu, and Qiulin were among the highest Xiongnu aristocracy (Fan Ye 1965, ch. 91, 7b; Zhong- yang 1958, 680-681).The next level in the Xiongnu hierarchy was occupied by the tribal chiefs and elders. In the annals, they are mentioned, as a rule, as ‘subordinate kings’, ‘chief commandants’, ‘household administrators’, “juqu” officials21. Probably, a part of the ‘chiefs of a thousand’ were tribal chiefs. The ‘chiefs of a hundred’ and ‘chiefs of ten’ were, most likely, clan leaders of different ranks. The economic, judicial, cultic, fiscal, and military functions were considered to be responsibilities of chiefs and elders (Taskin 1973, 9-11).The Xiongnu had a particular stratum of service nobility (Kradin 1996, 152 pp.), advisers, immigrants from China and bodyguards. First of all, these are men-at-arms of the chanyu bound to him by personal devotion. It was probably the most trusted men-at-arms who obtained the title of gudu marquis (“gudu hou”). Besides the nomads, defectors from China, such as the famous Zhong Hangyue, could also be subsumed within the ranks of the administrative aristocracy. These immigrants proved to be very useful advisers, as they familiarized the nomads with Chinese tactics of military science, agricultural activities, systems of record keeping, principles of court etiquette, and administration practices (Pritsak 1954, 178-202).\" §REF§(Kradin 2011, 89)§REF§\"Slightly lower in the hierarchical ladder was the position of the chiefs of non-Xiongnu tribes in the imperial confederation. In the scale of rank the chiefs of non-Xiongnu tribes, chiefs of dependent tribes and of territories paying tribute, were situated slightly lower than the service nobility.\" §REF§(Kradin 2011, 90)§REF§<br>\"The eminent Chinese historian Sima Qian gives a detailed description of the administrative system of the Xiongnu empire28. The empire under Modun was divided into three parts: centre and left and right wings. The wings, in turn, were divided into subsections. The complete supreme power was concentrated in the hands of the chanyu. Concurrently, he was in charge of the centre - tribes of the metropolis of the steppe empire. The 24 highest officials, who were in charge of large tribal associations, were in the military rank of a chief of ten thousand, and were subordi- nate to the chanyu. His elder brother - successor to the throne - was in charge of the left wing. The nearest relatives of the ruler of a steppe empire were his co-ruler, the leader and co-ruler of the right wing. They were attributed the title ‘kings’ (“wang”) as the highest title possible. ‘Kings’ and six most noble ‘chiefs of ten thousand’ were considered to be “strong” and were in command of not less than 10,000 riders. The rest of the ‘chiefs of a ten thousand’ were in fact in command of less than 10,000 cavalrymen (e.g. Zhongyang 1958, 17; Watson 1961a, 163-164).At the lowest level of the administrative hierarchy, local tribal chiefs and elders were situated. Officially, they submitted to 24 deputies from the center. Yet, in reality, the dependence of tribal leaders was limited. The headquarters was far away and local chiefs enjoyed support of related tribal groups. Thus, the influence of the imperial deputies on local authorities was, to a certain extent, restricted and they were forced to take into account the interests of subordinate tribes. The total quantity of these tribal groups within the Xiongnu imperial confederation is unknown.\" §REF§(Kradin 2011, 91-92)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 171,
            "polity": {
                "id": 444,
                "name": "mn_zungharian_emp",
                "long_name": "Zungharian Empire",
                "start_year": 1670,
                "end_year": 1757
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 2,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. Khung-Taiji ruler, later known as Khan<br>2. 54 albachi zaisang (tax officials) administering 24 otogs<br>2. Nobles administering 21 anggis (six Choros, one Khoshud, two Torghud, eight Khoid, and (presumably) four Dörböd)<br>\"While often called the “Zunghar Khanate,” the Zünghar ruler bore the title of khan only rarely. Instead, the Zünghar ruler bore the title of Khung-Taiji, a title derived from Chinese huang-taizi, “crown prince” and originally meaning viceroy or regent for the khan. The title of khan was taken later, if at all, and only by special grant from an outside power, such as the Dalai Lama. While Galdan held the title of khan, his nephew and successor Tse- wang-Rabtan was merely Khung-Taiji. GALDAN-TSEREN (r. 1727-45) is usually called khan, but it is unclear from whom he received the title.\" §REF§(Atwood 2004, 622)§REF§<br>\"Galdan-Tseren reorganized the Zünghar principality, nominally numbering 200,000 households, into directly ruled otogs and appanages, or anggis. His directly subject households, nomadizing in the Ili valley, numbered 24 otogs administered by 54 albachi zaisang (tax officials), with a nominal strength of 87,300 households. These were his personal Choros subjects, captured Siberian and Mongolian peoples, and functional units such as the 4,000 Kötöchi-Nar (equerries), 1,000 Buuchin (musketeers), 5,000 Uruud (craftsmen), and 2,000 ZAKHACHINs (borderers). The appanages of the great nobles, which surrounded the Ili center, were arranged into 21 anggis, specified as six Choros, one Khoshud, two Torghud, eight Khoid, and (presumably) four Dörböd. The anggis did not pay regular taxes to the ruler.\" §REF§(Atwood 2004, 622)§REF§<br>\"The Kalmyk and Zünghar confederations were similar in many ways. Both were divided into tribes (AIMAG), which themselves were conglomerations of exogamous yasun (bones, or patrilineages). The khan or khung-taiji was assisted by an office (yamu) or court (zarghu) composed of four chief officials, variously called ministers (tüshimed), judges (zarghuchis; see JARGHUCHI), or zaisangs (from Chinese zaixiang, grand councillor). These were commoner retainers of the ruler’s tribe. The Zünghar ruler GALDAN-TSEREN (r. 1727-45) expanded the council by adding six zarghuchis to assist the four tüshimed.The people were assigned to appanages (ulus or anggi) controlled by a nobility (noyod or taiji; see NOYAN) of the tribes’ particular ruling “bones.” Below the noyods were the tabunangs, or sons-in-law or those who had married women of the noyod lineages. The positions of “four ministers,” or “judges,” were restricted to such tabunangs of the ruler. Below them were minor functionaries: standard bearers, trumpeters, aides-de-camp (kiya), and so on.Each appanage was divided into otogs (a camp district composed of several clans and usually with 3,000 to 6,000 households; see OTOG). The otogs were divided into groups of 40 households, and they in turn into 20s. Each of these units had officials: zaisangs, demchis, and shülengges, respectively. These local officials were all accounted commoners. Commoners without office were divided into the “good” (said), the “middle,” and the “base.” \"§REF§(Atwood 2004, 421)§REF§<br>1. Khan<br>_Social structure_<br>2. Tribes3. Patrilineages (yasun)<br>_Central government_<br>2. 4 Chief officials at court, called ministers (tüshimed), judges (zarghuchis; see JARGHUCHI), or zaisangs. These were tabunangs of the ruler.3. Six zarguchis to assist them<br>_Distribution of the people_<br>2. Appanages (ulus or anggi) controlled by a noyod or taiji noble.<br>__Appanage central government__<br>3. Tabunangs: sons-in-law or those who had married women of the noyod lineages4. Minor functionaries: standard bearers, trumpeters, aides-de-camp, etc.<br>__Administrative hierarchy of the appanage__<br>3. Otog (a camp district composed of several clans and usually with 3,000 to 6,000 households) governed by zaisang officials.4. Groups of 40 households governed by demchi officials.5. Groups of 20 households governed by shülengge officials.<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 172,
            "polity": {
                "id": 216,
                "name": "mr_wagadu_2",
                "long_name": "Middle Wagadu Empire",
                "start_year": 700,
                "end_year": 1077
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. King<br>According to oral tradition, the Cisse was the ruling clan of Wagadu. Ruler had the title \"maghan.\" §REF§(Conrad 2010, 25-27)§REF§<br>In earlier times there may have been \"matrilineal descent (power passed to the son of the king's sister)\" and \"There might even have been instances of female chieftains.\" §REF§(Conrad 2010, 28)§REF§<br>\"Ghana is a title given to their kings\"§REF§(Al-Bakri 1068 CE in Levtzion and Spaulding 2003, 14)§REF§<br>_Central court_<br>2. Head official of the General Council\"L’autorite du roi et de son gouvernement central s’exercait de façon directe sur le berceau originel du royaume soninke.\" (The authority of the king and his central government was exercised directly from the original birthplace of the Soninke kingdom).§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§<br>The most powerful aristocratic clans were collectively known as wago. \"That term, and the name of the kingdom, Wagadu, are probably related. \"Wagadu\" is a contraction of wagadugu, which can be translated as \"land of the wago\".\"§REF§(Conrad 2010, 27)§REF§<br>\"La societe etait organisee en clans. Le clan royal etait celui des Tounkara qui formaient avec trois autres clans l’aristocratie:( les Souba ou Magasouba étaient les guerriers du roi, les Kagoro qui formaient une elite militaire, les Magassi etaient les cavaliers du roi qui composaient la garde royale.). Ces clans qui constituent la noblesse fournissaient au roi, les grands dignitaires et hauts fonctionnaires de sa cour. On trouvait a la cour du roi, le gouvernement et le grand conseil dont les membres se recrutaient aussi bien dans l’aristocratie locale que chez les arabes et les lettres musulmans. On trouvait au sein de son gouvernement, les fils des rois vassaux, otages a la cour. La succession sur le trône se faisait d’oncle à neveu.\" (The society was organized in clans. The royal clan was that of Tounkara who formed with three other aristocratic clans: (the Souba or Magasouba were the warriors of the king, the Kagoro who formed a military elite, the riders were Magassi king composing the royal guard). These clans that make up the nobility provided the king, the great dignitaries and senior officials of his court. It was at the king's court, the government and the general council whose members were recruited in both the local aristocracy among Arab and Muslim scholars. It was within his government, son of the vassal kings, hostages to the court. The succession to the throne was uncle to nephew.<i>§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§</i><br>3. Treasury official\"The king has a palace and a number of domed dwellings all surrounded with an enclosure like a city wall. ... The king's interpreters, the official in charge of his treasury and the majority of his ministers are Muslims.\"§REF§(Al-Bakri 1068 CE in Levtzion and Spaulding 2003, 15)§REF§<br>4. Scribes\"For the sake of administrative support, legitimization, and commercial contacts, the rulers of Kawkaw, Takrur, Ghana, and Bornu adopted Islam in the late tenth and eleventh centuries. Islam became an imperial cult and the religion of state and trading elites, while the agricultural populations maintained their traditional beliefs.\" §REF§(Lapidus 2012, 590)§REF§<br>\"A Sudanic empire commonly had a core territory integrated by ethnic, linguistic, or similar ties and a larger sphere of power defined by the rule of a particular person or lineage over numerous subordinate families, castes, lineages, and village communities. The key political factor was not the control of territory but the relations that enabled the ruler to garner religious prestige, draw military support, and extract taxes or tributes. The kings were considered sacred persons and were believed to have divine powers. They did not appear in public and were not to be seen carrying out ordinary bodily functions such as eating. Around the kings were numerous officeholders who helped govern the realm and provincial and district chiefs often recruited from junior members of the noble families.\"§REF§(Lapidus 2012, 590)§REF§<br>_Regional government_<br><br>2. Princes (governors called fado) of a province\"L’empire etait subdivise en royaumes et en provinces eux-memes morcelés en villages et cantons.\" (The empire was divided into kingdoms and provinces themselves broken up into villages and townships).§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§<br>\"Les princes avaient en charge la gestion des provinces tandis que les royaumes vassaux tels que Sosso, Diara et le Tékrour conservaient leur organisation initiale et se contentaient de verser un tribut annuel et d’apporter leur contribution sur le plan militaire en fournissant à l’empereur un contingent.\" (The princes had control over the management of the provinces while the vassal kingdoms such as Sosso, Diara and Tekrour retained their initial organization and were happy to pay an annual tribute and to contribute militarily by providing the Emperor a quota).§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§<br>According to oral tradition there were four provinces, whose governors/commanders (dual military and administrative powers implied) were known as fado. Ruler had the title \"maghan.\" §REF§(Conrad 2010, 25-27)§REF§<br>Al-Bakri 1068 CE: king's city had a governor §REF§(Al-Bakri 1068 CE in Levtzion and Spaulding 2003, 16)§REF§<br>\"Among the provinces of Ghana is a region called Sama, the inhabitants of which are known as the Bukum. From that region to Ghana is four day's travel.\"§REF§(Al-Bakri 1068 CE in Levtzion and Spaulding 2003, 19)§REF§<br>3. Village chief\"L’empire etait subdivise en royaumes et en provinces eux-memes morceles en villages et cantons.\" (The empire was divided into kingdoms and provinces themselves broken up into villages and townships).§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§<br>4. Townships\"L’empire etait subdivise en royaumes et en provinces eux-memes morceles en villages et cantons.\" (The empire was divided into kingdoms and provinces themselves broken up into villages and townships).§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§<br>_Vassal Kingdoms_<br>2. KingAhmad al-Yaqubi (d. 897) said Ghana's king had \"lesser kings under his authority.\"§REF§(Conrad 2010, 15)§REF§<br>Al-Bakri 1068 CE: king of Ghana had vassal kings §REF§(Al-Bakri 1068 CE in Levtzion and Spaulding 2003, 16)§REF§<br>\"Les princes avaient en charge la gestion des provinces tandis que les royaumes vassaux tels que Sosso, Diara et le Tekrour conservaient leur organisation initiale et se contentaient de verser un tribut annuel et d’apporter leur contribution sur le plan militaire en fournissant à l’empereur un contingent.\" (The princes had control over the management of the provinces while the vassal kingdoms such as Sosso, Diara and Tekrour retained their initial organization and were happy to pay an annual tribute and to contribute militarily by providing the Emperor a quota).§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§<br>\"On peut distinguer deux groupes composant le peuplement de l’empire: un au Nord et l’autre au Sud. Les gens du Nord se composent des tribus nomades berbères ou Touaregs (Les berbères Macmouda au sud du Maroc, les Zenata), les Sanhadja ( les Goddala, les Messoufa, les Lemtouma spécialistes du deésert.). Le groupe Sud comporte deux fractions: les Mazzara composés de Lebou, Wolof, Toucouleur, Sérères) et les Bafours (Soninke ou Ouakare, les Marka, les Bambaras, les Malinké, les Songhai.).\" <i>There can be distinguished two peoples within the empire ... Northerners consist of Berber Tuareg nomads (Berber Macmouda in southern Morocco, the Zenâta) and Sanhadja (the Goddala the Messoufa the Lemtouma specialists of the desert). The southern group included two fractions: the Mazzara composed of Lebu, Wolof, Toucouleur, Serere) and Bafour (Soninké or Ouakaré, Marka, Bambara, Malinke, Songhai ).</i>§REF§(Kabore, P. <a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://lewebpedagogique.com/patco/tag/ouagadou/</a>)§REF§<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 173,
            "polity": {
                "id": 528,
                "name": "mx_monte_alban_3_a",
                "long_name": "Monte Alban III",
                "start_year": 200,
                "end_year": 500
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 3,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. Three administrative tiers consisting of Monte Albán, regional administrative centers, and local administrative centers, were present by the Monte Albán II phase (100 BCE – 200 CE) and lasted until c. 500 CE. §REF§(Carballo, David. Personal Communication with Jill Levine, Dan Hoyer, and Peter Turchin. Email. April 2020)§REF§<br>1. Monte Alban<br>2. Secondary centres (including Jalieza) §REF§Blanton, R. E., et al. (1979). \"Regional evolution in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Journal of Field Archaeology 6(4): 369-390, p382§REF§3. Tertiary centres (including new medium-sized settlements on the piedmont, such as Rancho Tejas, Sta. Cruz Mixtepec and \"El Choco\" near Ayoquezco)§REF§Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p87§REF§4. Small villages and hamlets"
        },
        {
            "id": 174,
            "polity": {
                "id": 532,
                "name": "mx_monte_alban_5",
                "long_name": "Monte Alban V",
                "start_year": 900,
                "end_year": 1520
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 2,
            "administrative_level_to": 3,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. Ethnohistoric records written by the Spanish after 1520 describe the coqui or noblemen who oversaw the villages, as well as the golaba, or “lord’s solicitor” who oversaw the collection of goods and services from the villages.§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1976). \"Formative Oaxaca and Zapotec Cosmos.\" American Scientist 64(4): 374-383, p376§REF§ The levels of organisation are supported by the archaeological evidence which suggests that there was a head town in each of the polities, with supporting villages and hamlets.§REF§Blanton, R. E., et al. (1979). \"Regional evolution in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Journal of Field Archaeology 6(4): 369-390. p385§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 175,
            "polity": {
                "id": 16,
                "name": "mx_aztec_emp",
                "long_name": "Aztec Empire",
                "start_year": 1427,
                "end_year": 1526
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 6,
            "administrative_level_to": 6,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.§REF§Carballo, David. Personal Communication to Jill Levine and Peter Turchin. Email. April 23, 2020)§REF§<br>1. Huey Tlatoani (Great Speaker/Paramount ruler)2. Cihuacoatl (Secretary of State)3. Noble council members (could range from low dozens to low hundreds by city state)4. Provincial governor (tlatoani) of subject city-state5. Ward or district chiefs6. Lineage heads<br>6. Hereditary nobles §REF§(Hassig 1988: 29) Seshat URL: <a class=\"external free\" href=\"https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8U993JEU\" rel=\"nofollow\">https://www.zotero.org/groups/1051264/seshat_databank/items/8U993JEU</a>)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 176,
            "polity": {
                "id": 13,
                "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_8",
                "long_name": "Epiclassic Basin of Mexico",
                "start_year": 650,
                "end_year": 899
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. \"We could infer about 4 [tiers] earlier (Teo and Toltec) through art and architecture, but they are not textually documented.\"§REF§(Carballo, David. Personal Communication to Jill Levine and Peter Turchin. Email. April 23, 2020)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 177,
            "polity": {
                "id": 8,
                "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_3",
                "long_name": "Early Formative Basin of Mexico",
                "start_year": -1200,
                "end_year": -801
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. Based on excavation data and survey data, Sanders et al. (1979), Earle (1976), Santley (1977), Parsons (1989), and Steponaitis (1981) argue for village political autonomy (1 admin level).§REF§Steponaitis, Vincas P. (1981). \"Settlement hierarchies and political complexity in nonmarket societies: the Formative Period of the Valley of Mexico.\" <i>American Anthropologist</i>, 83(2): 320-363.§REF§§REF§Earle, Timothy K., (1976). \"A nearest-neighbor analysis of two formative settlement systems.\" In Flannery, Kent V. (Ed.), <i>The Early Mesoamerican Village.</i> San Diego: Academic Press, pp. 196-223.§REF§§REF§Santley, Robert S. (1977). \"Intra-site settlement patterns at Loma Torremote, and their relationship to formative prehistory in the Cuautitlan Region, State of Mexico.\" Ph.D. Dissertation, Depatartment of Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State University, pp. 365-425.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) <i>The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization.</i> Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-7, 305-334.§REF§ However, Nichols and Charlton (1994) and Niederberger (1996; 2000) use the same data to argue for hierarchical sociopolitically-integrated settlement clusters (i.e. 2 admin levels).§REF§Charlton, Thomas H., &amp; Deborah L. Nichols. (1997). \"Diachronic studies of city-states: Permutations on a theme—Central Mexico from 1700 BC to AD 1600.\" In Charlton and Nichols, eds. <i>The Archaeology of City-States: Cross-Cultural Approaches</i>. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, pp.169-207.§REF§§REF§Niederberger, Christine. (2000) \"Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC.\" In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 178,
            "polity": {
                "id": 9,
                "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_4",
                "long_name": "Middle Formative Basin of Mexico",
                "start_year": -800,
                "end_year": -401
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. Based on excavation data and survey data, Sanders et al. (1979), Earle (1976), Santley (1977), Parsons (1989), and Steponaitis (1981) argue for village political autonomy (1 admin level).§REF§Steponaitis, Vincas P. (1981). \"Settlement hierarchies and political complexity in nonmarket societies: the Formative Period of the Valley of Mexico.\" <i>American Anthropologist</i>, 83(2): 320-363.§REF§§REF§Earle, Timothy K., (1976). \"A nearest-neighbor analysis of two formative settlement systems.\" In Flannery, Kent V. (Ed.), <i>The Early Mesoamerican Village.</i> San Diego: Academic Press, pp. 196-223.§REF§§REF§Santley, Robert S. (1977). \"Intra-site settlement patterns at Loma Torremote, and their relationship to formative prehistory in the Cuautitlan Region, State of Mexico.\" Ph.D. Dissertation, Depatartment of Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State University, pp. 365-425.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) <i>The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization.</i> Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-7, 305-334.§REF§ However, Nichols and Charlton (1994) and Niederberger (1996; 2000) use the same data to argue for hierarchical sociopolitically-integrated settlement clusters (i.e. 2 admin levels).§REF§Charlton, Thomas H., &amp; Deborah L. Nichols. (1997). \"Diachronic studies of city-states: Permutations on a theme—Central Mexico from 1700 BC to AD 1600.\" In Charlton and Nichols, eds. <i>The Archaeology of City-States: Cross-Cultural Approaches</i>. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, pp.169-207.§REF§§REF§Niederberger, Christine. (2000) \"Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC.\" In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 179,
            "polity": {
                "id": 524,
                "name": "mx_rosario",
                "long_name": "Oaxaca - Rosario",
                "start_year": -700,
                "end_year": -500
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. Possibly two could be inferred, based on the number of levels in the settlement hierarchy and the logistics required to import large limestone blocks for public buildings at San José Mogote (particularly Structure 19 which was possibly the largest and measured roughly 22x28m in extent). The stone came from a quarry at Rancho Matadamas which was 5km from San José Mogote.§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). \"The Cloud People.\" New York, p57§REF§§REF§Feinman, G. M., et al. (1985). \"Long-term demographic change: A perspective from the valley of Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Journal of Field Archaeology 12(3): 333-362, p344§REF§ This division may, however, be incorrect as it should not be assumed that the settlement hierarchy corresponds with the administrative hierarchy for this period (the sites may have been competing with each other rather than in dominant or subordinate administrative positions).§REF§Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p53§REF§<br>1. Main administrative centre, corresponding with primary centres of the settlement hierarchy (e.g. San José Mogote)<br>2. Secondary administrative centres, corresponding with other smaller settlements with evidence for public architecture"
        },
        {
            "id": 180,
            "polity": {
                "id": 523,
                "name": "mx_san_jose",
                "long_name": "Oaxaca - San Jose",
                "start_year": -1150,
                "end_year": -700
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. Two administrative levels are inferred to be present, based on the settlement hierarchy and the inferred links with villages to import building materials to San José Mogote,§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11§REF§ although this division may be incorrect as it should not be assumed that the settlement hierarchy corresponds with the administrative hierarchy for this period (the sites may have been competing with each other rather than in dominant or subordinate administrative positions).§REF§Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p53§REF§<br>1. leaders of San José Mogote<br>2. village heads in surrounding settlements"
        },
        {
            "id": 181,
            "polity": {
                "id": 14,
                "name": "mx_toltec",
                "long_name": "Toltecs",
                "start_year": 900,
                "end_year": 1199
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. \"We could infer about 4 [tiers] earlier (Teo and Toltec) through art and architecture, but they are not textually documented.\"§REF§(Carballo, David. Personal Communication to Jill Levine and Peter Turchin. Email. April 23, 2020)§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 182,
            "polity": {
                "id": 116,
                "name": "no_norway_k_2",
                "long_name": "Kingdom of Norway II",
                "start_year": 1262,
                "end_year": 1396
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 5,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>(5) King; (4) Governor/Hirðstjóri (but lawmen and Alþingi at the same level); (3) Sheriffs (a better term than commissioners or magistrates); (2) Communes and local gentry; (1) Farmers/Heads of Households<br>'I suggest 5 levels: 1) King; 2) Governor/Hirðstjóri (but lawmen and Alþingi at the same level): 3) Sheriffs (a better term than commissioners or magistrates); 4) Communes and local gentry; 5) Farmers. Perhaps the last level is questionable both here and in the preceding period. In the codebook example ‘village head’ is the lowest level.' §REF§Árni Daniel Júlíusson and Axel Kristissen 2017, pers. comm. to E. Brandl and D. Mullins§REF§ With the union agreement, Iceland became part of the Kingdom of Norway. The office of jarl proved unpopular and was discontinued shortly after its initial establishment: 'During the first years following the establishment of the union conditions in Iceland remained quite unchanged. The godords were still in the hands of the leading chieftains. Gizur, who was to exercise the highest authority as jarl, was unpopular, and his power was very limited. Royal commissioners were sent to Iceland to exercise control with or without his consent, and and he had to share his nominal authority with the powerful Oddaverjar chieftains of southern Iceland, Hrafn Oddsson of the Borgarfjord district, and Orm Ormsson of eastern Iceland. The king regarded him with suspicion; the chieftains hated him because of his rank and title; opposition and difficulties confronted him everywhere. Even his own character and previous record rendered him unfit to maintain peace and order, which was his principal official duty. He was unable to see the need of any change in the general régime, and the last chapter of his stormy life formed a fitting close to the drama of bloody feuds in which he had played so conspicuous a part. Shortly after the meeting of the Althing of 1264, while visiting in southern Iceland, he was suddenly attacked by Thord Andrisson, the head of the Oddaverjar family. With great difficulty he escaped from his assailants, and after gathering an army of 750 men he cruelly ravged the Rangarvalla district, where the Oddaverjar chieftains were dwelling.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 211p§REF§ 'After Gizur's death no new jarl was appointed, and for a time there was no real head of Icelandic affairs. In 1267 Orm Ormsson and Thorvard Thorarinsson went to Norway, Hrafn Oddsson following in 1268. Both Hrafn and Orm seem to have aspired to succeed Gizur, but the king found it advisable not to elevate another chieftain to the rank of jarl, as the title had been very unpopular. After some delay, and probably with the advice of Sturla Thordsson, he gave both ranks as hirdmenn and placed them in charge of Icelandic affairs with no other title than that of valdsmadr, or royal magistrate. Hrafs was to govern the western and Orm the eastern districts. Hrafn assumed the duties of his office, but Orm was drowned shortly after his appointment, probably on the homeward voyage.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 213§REF§ Many Commonwealth offices and institutions were abolished. The new office of lawman was created, and royal officals were to preside over the general assembly: 'Some of the most important parts of the code were, nevertheless, sanctioned already in 1271, as the thingfararbölkr, or constitution of the thing, the thegngildi, or laws governing the payment of fines to the king in cases of murder of freemen, and a part of the arfabölkr, or laws about inheritance. The remaining portions of the code received sanction in 1272 ad 1273. The introduction of this code wrought a fundamental change in the Icelandic constitution and jurisprudence. Norwegian law had been substituted for the old Icelandic code, the \"Grágás\"; the godords were abolished, so also the characteristic features of the Althing: the fjordungsdómar, the fimtardómr, and the office of lögsögumadr. The thing system was reorganized according to Norwegian pattern. The valdsmadr should choose a certain number of men from each thing district, 140 in all, to constitute the thing, and from these the lawman should select three from each thing district, in all-thirty-six, to sit in the lögrétta. Instead of the lögsögumadr there should be a lawman, after 1277 two lawmen, as in Norway. Royal officials and representatives of the crown should preside over the Althing and take part in its decisions.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 214§REF§ The Althing's political importance declined: 'The judicial powers were lodged in the lögrétta; the legislative functions should be exercized by the Althing and the king conjointly. But the thing and the crown might take the initiative in legislation. As the king now acted as lawgiver, the legislative functions of the thing were greatly reduced, and it became principally a judicial tribunal like the Norwegian lagthings. The laws were no longer recited from the Mount of Laws, and as the Althing now consisted of chosen representatives, who were soon further reduced in number, it lost its popular character. As the general public ceased to attend its sessions, its significance as a center of national and social life disappeared.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 214p§REF§ The crown appointed royal magistrates for the administration of districts: 'It may have been the many faults of the \"Jarnsída\" which led King Magnus Lagaboter to prepare a new code for Iceland, the \"Jónsbók\", which was brought to Iceland in 1280 by the lawman Jon Einarsson and the royal commissioner Lodin Lepp. It is possible that Jon Einarsson, and possibly also Hrafn Oddsson and Thorvard Thorarinsson assisted the king in preparing this code, as they were in Norway in the year 1278-1279. Hrafn Oddsson, who received the title of royal merkismadr (standardbearer), was now to exercise authority over all Iceland. Some of the provisions in the new code met with opposition, but after much discussion it was adopted in 1281, the revision of the objectionable articles being left to the king's own good will. The new law reduced the number of the members of the Althing to eighty-four, and established the title sýslumadr for the royal district magistrates in Iceland. It adhered as closely as possible to to the new Norwegian laws, the \"Code of Magnus Lagaboter\", prepared a few years previous. The work was greatly superior to the \"Jarnsída\". It proved very satisfactory, and remained in force ill in the nineteenth century.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 215§REF§ Legal practice became more formalized in the Norwegian period: 'These new codes wrought a fundamental change in the conception of positive law as well as in legal practice in Iceland. The old court procedures with its intricacies and formalities was replaced by the simpler Norwegian system. The king was ruler and lawgiver was regarded as the source of justice, and behind the laws now stood the royal authority, ready to execute the decrees of the courts even against the most powerful offenders. Violation of the law was no longer viewed as a private affair to be settled by the offender and the party injured, but as a crime for which the wrong-doer had to answer to the government. The fines to be paid and other punishments to be inflicted were still to be determined by twelve men according to ancient usage. The old punishment of banishment for serious offenses was retained, but fines payable to the king were instituted in numerous cases, and capital punishment was to be inflicted for grave crimes, like murder, robbery, rape, counterfeiting, forgery, and seduction. Other severe punishments were also established. [...] But care had been taken by the lawgiver to guard against hasty action and undue harshness in the treatment of wrong-doers. In a chapter about legal decisions he advises the judges to consider carefully truth, justice, patience and mercy, in order that their decisions not bear the marks of cruelty and hatred. [...] The first lawmen appointed under the new law were Stural Thordsson and Jon Einarsson. The first royal magistrates who received the title of sýslumadr were Hrafn Oddsson in western Iceland, and Thorvard Thorarinsson for the southern and eastern districts, and Asgrim Thorsteinsson in the south-western districts. Others may have been appointed, but their names are not known. In 1279 Hrafn Oddsson became royal merkismadr with authority over all Iceland, as already noted.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 215pp§REF§ Some bishops became very powerful: 'Bishop Arni gradually assumed the rôle of ruler in Iceland. In many cases he opposed the sýslumadr Thorvard Thorarinsson, so that the people at the Althing appealed to the decision of the bishop in purely secular matters, contrary to all law. Of these complaints were made to the king. [...] In 1277 the king sent Eindride Böngull a second time to Iceland as his commissioner, accompanied by the Icelander Nicolas Oddsson. They brought letters addressed to both the sýslumadr and and the bishop forbidding any appeal to the bishop in cases brought before the Althing. The kind had already written to the people warning them that not to accept any law before he and the archbishop had considered the measure, as the right to alter the laws of the church or any other statute belong to them alone. The church code given by Bishop Arni was accordingly rejected, and [...] the people felt that the royal government was henceforth the supreme authority in the land.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 219p§REF§ The imposition of royal rule may have enabled the decline in feuding experienced in the Norwegian period: 'The royal executive authority and the new efficiency of the courts of law created through the union with Norway terminated the bloody feuds which had hitherto raged between the Icelandic chieftains. An uneventful era of peace followed the turmoils of the Sturlung period. Even the struggle between church and state was now adjusted so that economic life and the pursuits of peace could receive the undivided attention of the people. But the few sources which deal with the political conditions in Iceland during the years following the death of Bishop Arni show that conditions created by the union were causing dissatisfaction and unrest. The chief cause of public discontent was the unsatisfactory arrangement with regard to commerce, the insufficient Norwegian exports to Iceland, together with the policy pursued by the Norwegian government of bringing Icelanders to Norway for trial, and of appointing Norwegians for sýslumenn and lawmen, contrary to the spirit of the union agreement. The chieftains undoubtedly had thought that their political and social organization would be left undisturbed under the union; that they would only be required to pledge their allegiance to the king, pay him taxes, and receive a jarl as his personal representative, as the union agreement expressly stated. But the most far-reaching changes had been wrought. The godors had been abolished, the Althing had been reorganized, Norwegian jurisprudence had been introduced, Norwegians had been appointed to the leading public offices, and Icelanders had been summoned abroad for trial. The Norwegian government had shown an unmistakable disposition to treat Iceland as a dependency.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 227§REF§ The royal court consulted with prominent Icelanders in matters relating to the island: 'In 1303 many prominent Icelanders were summoned to Norway, among others Bishop Jörund of Hólar, and Abbot Runolf, who had served as vicar in the diocese of Skálholt after the death of Bishop Arni. The king's purpose seems to have been to obtain their advice regarding changes in the Icelandic code of laws which had been demanded, possibly also to secure their consent to new taxes to be levied in Iceland. The Icelandic annals for the year 1304 state that in that year the king collected Peter's pence (Roma skattr) in Iceland. The supplement to the code resulting from this conference is dated June 23, 1305. It contains provisions dealing with Iceland, but it does not touch the issues bearing on the relations between the two countries. These issues do not even seem to have been considered, but the Icelandic leaders probably consented to the levying of new taxes.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 231§REF§ The kings came to view Iceland as a dependency of the motherland: 'The willingness of the king to grant privileges to the church hitherto denied reveals a growing indifference of the Norwegian government to the real welfare of Iceland. An administration by royal officials had been established as a result of the union. Two lawmen were appointed by the king, one for the southern and eastern, and one for the western and northern quarters; sýslumenn were appointed as administrative officials for larger districts, as in Norway, and hirdstjórar were placed as royal governors over the island. But Iceland was now treated so much like other dependencies that the chief interest of the government was to secure from its inhabitants revenues for the royal purse. Víseyrir, or taxes payable to the king, were levied upon the whole country, and became a definite income payable to the king's purse, like the taxes from the Norwegian colonies. This system of taxation gave rise to a royal monopoly on trade with the colonies which proved disastrous to their economic well-being, and hindered their progress. The royal officials usually asserted the authority of the government with stern harshness, and severe punishments for crimes were introduced. In some cases criminals were even buried alive; but law and order were but imperfectly maintained. Even the higher officials themselves would engage in quarrels which sometimes resembled the bloody feuds of earlier periods.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 239p§REF§ When met with Icelandic opposition, some compromise agreements were reached after protracted disagreement, as evidenced in the practice of summoning Icelanders to Norway for trial and its eventual abandonment: 'This reminder had the result that in 1315 a full representation again met at the Althing from all parts of Iceland. In 1314 he issues a new supplement to the Icelandic code, in which he sought to right some of the wrongs complained of in the remonstrance submitted by the Althing. Regarding the bringing of Icelanders to Norway for trial, the law was made to conform to the remonstrance. A provision was inserted stating that such a step should be taken only if the sýslumenn and lawmen were unable to try the case. The demand for new taxes was definitely dropped. But nothing was said regarding the appointment of native Icelanders for office; nor was any assurance given that six ships would be sent to Iceland every year, though this matter was now of greater importance than ever, since the trade with Iceland had become a Norwegian monopoly. No guarantee existed that the king would respect the provisions in the union agreement. Hitherto he had shown a disposition to place Iceland on the level with the Norwegian dependencies. What the future relation between the two countries was to be seemed as much as ever an unsettled question.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 233§REF§ Karlsson's description seems to bear out Gjerset's, although he stresses the degree of internal autonomy that Iceland maintained: 'The Icelanders also received two new law codes during Magnus' reign. In 1271 the king sent to Iceland a new legal code known as Járnsída (Ironside), followed by another book which bears the name of its main author, Jón Einarsson, Jónsbók (Jón's Book). But, contrary to developments in Norway, this second revision led Iceland further from conformity with Norwegian law. Jónsbók was admittedly based largely on Norwegian law, but it was drawn up for Iceland alone, and it remained in force there for four to five centuries, while Norwegian law underwent many revisions. Jónsbók thus made Iceland a separate jurisdictional area under royal rule. Iceland's system of government was radically altered by Járnsída and Jónsbók. Alpingi continued to meet, but the Law Council, which had been a legislative body, became primarily a court of law. The four regional courts, the Fifth court and the spring assemblies were abolished; new officials, lögmenn (lawmen) and sýslumenn (district commissioners) presided over regional court proceedings as required. Iceland was also assigned its own administrative officials. Around 1300 a demand was first put forward at Alpingi that Icelanders of the old chieftain clans should be apointed royal representatives in Iceland. For centuries after this, most administrative offices were held by Icelanders. Only the office of governor (hirdstjóri), the supreme royal official in Iceland, was held by foreigners as often as Icelanders.' §REF§Karlsson, Gunnar 2000. \"A Brief History of Iceland\", 18p§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 183,
            "polity": {
                "id": 82,
                "name": "pe_cuzco_6",
                "long_name": "Cuzco - Late Intermediate II",
                "start_year": 1250,
                "end_year": 1400
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 4,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>4. Paramount qhapaq/capac §REF§(Covey 2006a, 119)§REF§<br>3.Central administrationAfter the 3rd Inca new elite terms known §REF§(Covey 2003, 340)§REF§<br>2.State administrator\"state appointed administrators governed through local elites\" §REF§(Covey 2003, 353)§REF§<br>1.Local elitee.g. paramount chief of ayllus (kinship unit)<br>\"Conquered groups came to be governed by state administrators who often retained local elites to enact state policies locally.\" §REF§(Covey 2006a, 137)§REF§<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 184,
            "polity": {
                "id": 83,
                "name": "pe_inca_emp",
                "long_name": "Inca Empire",
                "start_year": 1375,
                "end_year": 1532
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 6,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.§REF§(D'Altroy 2014)§REF§§REF§(Bauer 2004)§REF§§REF§(Kaufmann and Kaufmann 2012)§REF§§REF§(Covey 2003)§REF§§REF§(Covey 2006)§REF§<br>Administrative levels, in theory:§REF§(D'Altroy 2014, 354-355)§REF§<br>1. Sapa Inca2. apu chincahaysuyu / apu antisuyu / apu kollasuyu / apu cuntisuyu (Lord of region_name)Four territorial units called suyu<br>\"Individuals holding this rank would have been close relatives of the ruler, usu- ally brothers, cousins, or uncles.\" §REF§(McEwan 2006, 114)§REF§<br>3. Provincial governor (20,000 households)territorial unit called huamani. at least 80 provinces.<br>The governor (tokrikoq) reported directly to the Inca and was assisted by local elites and functionaries, such as quipucamayoc (record-keepers) §REF§(D'Altroy 2014, 353)§REF§<br>4. hunu kuraka (theoretical jurisdiction: 10,000 householdsterritorial unit called saya \"Each province was composed of two or three ranked parts called saya\" §REF§(D'Altroy 2014, 353)§REF§<br>5. pichkawaranqa kuraka (theoretical jurisdiction: 5,000 households)6. waranqa kuraka (theoretical jurisdiction: 1,000 households)7. pichkapachaka kuraka (theoretical jurisdiction: 500 households)8. pachaka kuraka (theoretical jurisdiction: 100 households)territorial unit called marca<br>9. pichkachunka kamayuq (theoretical jurisdiction: 50 households)10. chunka kamayuq (theoretical jurisdiction: 10 households)<br>\"In practice, the government consisted of an umbrella of Inca officials who oversaw a hierarchy of hereditary ethnic lords drafted into state service.\" §REF§(D'Altroy 2014, 351)§REF§\"In terms of levels of hierarchy, I don't know that the Incas had so many more than I would expect for Wari. Most high-ranking Inca officials were close relatives of the ruling couple, and there were provincial lords and ladies who ruled client kingdoms. Beneath the noble level, the Incas had their decimal hierarchy, which organized from 10,000 household units down to about 10, but the lower-order positions were not full-time bureaucrats, as much as local people charged with organizing a bunch of their own relatives and neighbors to do their turn of labor service.\" §REF§Alan Covey 2017, pers. comm.§REF§Administrative levels, in practice:§REF§Alan Covey 2017, pers. comm.§REF§<br>1. Sapa Inca2. apu chincahaysuyu / apu antisuyu / apu kollasuyu / apu cuntisuyu (Lord of region_name)Four territorial units called suyu<br>\"Individuals holding this rank would have been close relatives of the ruler, usu- ally brothers, cousins, or uncles.\" §REF§(McEwan 2006, 114)§REF§<br>3. Provincial governor (20,000 households)territorial unit called huamani. at least 80 provinces.<br>The governor (tokrikoq) reported directly to the Inca and was assisted by local elites and functionaries, such as quipucamayoc (record-keepers) §REF§(D'Altroy 2014, 353)§REF§<br>4. hunu kuraka (theoretical jurisdiction: 10,000 householdsterritorial unit called saya \"Each province was composed of two or three ranked parts called saya\" §REF§(D'Altroy 2014, 353)§REF§<br>Coded as 4-6 to allow for a certain degree of flexibility.(AD)"
        },
        {
            "id": 185,
            "polity": {
                "id": 80,
                "name": "pe_wari_emp",
                "long_name": "Wari Empire",
                "start_year": 650,
                "end_year": 999
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 2,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>Alan Covey: \"For Wari, it seems plausible from the archaeological evidence that there were royalty, and the royal tombs in Huarmey suggest client rulers or Wari nobles in at least one distant location (although probably not as many as in Inca times). There is no evidence of a decimal hierarchy for Wari (but the Inca one is not demonstrated archaeologically, either), but pretty good evidence of internal hierarchies in urban and provincial settings. Overall, the Incas had tons more of the units that were administered (a lot more population over a much greater area), but not necessarily a qualitative difference in the levels of hierarchy.\" §REF§Alan Covey 2017, pers. comm.§REF§\"A range of 2-5 administrative levels seems realistic based on mortuary differences. I still think the Inca hierarchy was modestly more complex and vastly more prevalent, but in terms of structure, I don’t think I would treat the levels of the Inca decimal hierarchy as distinct administrative levels, so it probably wasn’t qualitatively more hierarchical.\" §REF§Alan Covey 2017, pers. comm.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 186,
            "polity": {
                "id": 445,
                "name": "pg_orokaiva_pre_colonial",
                "long_name": "Orokaiva - Pre-Colonial",
                "start_year": 1734,
                "end_year": 1883
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 3,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>1. Leaders of Ad Hoc Alliances<br>2. Village Elders and Big Men (Embo Dambo)3. Wives and retainers.<br>Political authority was confined to the informal leadership of elders and local big men who \"command[ed] the respect of the village, based upon observed qualities of generosity, diligence, wealth, ability to make wise decisions, and skill in arranging ceremonial activities\" but whose authority did not extend beyond their immediate community.§REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ Big men relied on the support of wives and retainers.§REF§Newton, Janice 1985. “Orokaiva Production And Change”, 204§REF§ According to Williams, village and clan clusters occasionally formed ad hoc alliances when facing external threats,§REF§Rimoldi, Max, Cromwell Burau, and Robert Ferraris 1966. “Land Tenure And Land Use Among The Mount Lamington Orokaiva”, 36§REF§ so we included them in the code as well."
        },
        {
            "id": 187,
            "polity": {
                "id": 446,
                "name": "pg_orokaiva_colonial",
                "long_name": "Orokaiva - Colonial",
                "start_year": 1884,
                "end_year": 1942
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 2,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. According to the Ethnographic Atlas' variable 33 'Jurisdictional Hierarchy Beyond Local Community' was ‘1’ or 'No levels (no political authority beyond community) (.0)'. SCCS variable 76 'Community Leadership' is coded as ‘3’ or 'Single local leader and council'. SCCS variable 237 'Jurisdictional Hierarchy Beyond Local Community' is coded as ‘1’ or 'No levels (no political authority beyond community)'. We have excluded the central colonial government and the colonial district government from the code here.<br>(1) [Central Colonial Government]<br>(2) [Colonial District Government](3) Village Constables and other local officials(4) Village Elders and Big Men (Embo Dambo)<br>Initially, political authority was confined to the informal leadership of elders and local big men: 'Political organization incorporates no central authority or hereditary leadership. Instead, it is characterized by big-men(EMBO DAMBO) and an ascendancy of elders who have proved themselves equal to the task. Such men command the respect of the village, based upon observed qualities of generosity, diligence, wealth, ability to make wise decisions, and skill in arranging ceremonial activities. This status confers no sanctioning authority, however. The Orokaiva tribes, around twelve in number, are very loose units politically and recognize no single leader. The largest unit is the tribe, which has a common territory usually demarcated from neighboring tribal territories by a belt of uninhabited land.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ The labour and support of wives and younger men was key in the career of big men: 'Without multiple wives or a pool of single men retainers, the scope for a leader in large-scale exchange is limited. The lack of retainers attaching themselves to leaders' households could perhaps be due to the end of warfare and to improved community health so that there are now few orphans or fatherless sons. Almost every youth has a father or older brother to guarantee the payment of his brideprice. The productive relations between old men and young men are interesting in that they provide the possibility for a form of exploitation or unequal return for equal work, with the old men withholding the young men's access to a bride.' §REF§Newton, Janice 1985. “Orokaiva Production And Change”, 204§REF§ 'The social system is characterized by flexibility in arrangements for group membership and for transmission of rights to land. A village normally contains more than one clan branch and consequently is not necessarily a landholding unit. Residents may have closer kinship ties to residents of other villages than with some of their coresidents. Nevertheless, common residence implies some community of interest and a degree of group solidarity that is reinforced by government policy, which recognizes villages rather than descent groups as functional entities. Marriages between members of different clan branches within the village also reinforce this solidarity, which is expressed in ways such as daily food gifts, cooperation in certain tasks, and joint ceremonial activities. On the average, a lineage comprises three households. Usually, several clans are represented in a village, with members of a single clan (clan branches) being scattered among a number of neighboring villages. Lineages are more localized in cha racter, frequently being confined to a single village and tending to occupy one section of it.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ 'There were ordinarily no persons who could command the allegiance of the tribe as a whole, nor was there any status with authority to effect the settlement of disputes between different subgroups or their individual members. Sometimes persistent intratribal conflicts led to short-term migration or to a splinter-group's secession from the tribe. However, these disturbances were very minor in comparison with the ‘flight, dispersal and migration’ in general resulting from incessant intertribal feuds (see p. 35).' §REF§Rimoldi, Max, Cromwell Burau, and Robert Ferraris 1966. “Land Tenure And Land Use Among The Mount Lamington Orokaiva”, 30§REF§ According to Williams, village and clan clusters occasionally formed ad hoc alliances when facing external threats: 'Williams ascribes the formation of ‘somewhat loose’ and temporary ‘confederacies of clans’, which conducted raids upon the tribe's kitoho, to a local spirit. But it is not clear whether by this he means the identification of members of a tribe with one territory or the unity of the ‘locality group’ which usually takes in a number of ‘clan-village units’ (see p.34) and which he describes as a more restricted ‘sympathy-group’ than the tribe (1930:107, 157, 163, 309-12). When he states (1925:407) that ‘over and above clan patriarchs there are recognised leaders of small clan confederacies and even - in war-time - of tribes’, he seems to equate the tribe with the district among the mountain Orokaiva (in particular Wasida and Isivita; see W.23, 124).' §REF§Rimoldi, Max, Cromwell Burau, and Robert Ferraris 1966. “Land Tenure And Land Use Among The Mount Lamington Orokaiva”, 36§REF§ 'This combination for better defence may have been characteristic of tribes throughout the Orokaiva area. We believe, however, that the subdividing of the tribe into discrete named groups of named villages (either district or ‘hamlet group’) would be unique to the mountain Orokaiva in the culture area; we do not have enough evidence to show if this feature is related to the earlier clustering for safety, and to the greater population density in this tribe.' §REF§Rimoldi, Max, Cromwell Burau, and Robert Ferraris 1966. “Land Tenure And Land Use Among The Mount Lamington Orokaiva”, 37§REF§ During the colonial period, British and Australian authorities superimposed their own administrative structure on the native system, installing village constables as intermediaries: 'In response to Australian pressure, the British government annexed Papua in 1888. Gold was discovered shortly thereafter, resulting in a major movement of prospectors and miners to what was then the Northern District. Relations with the Papuans were bad from the start, and there were numerous killings on both sides. The Protectorate of British New Guinea became Australian territory by the passing of the Papua Act of 1905 by the Commonwealth Government of Australia. The new administration adopted a policy of peaceful penetration, and many measures of social and economic national development were introduced. Local control was in the hands of village constables, paid servants of the Crown. Chosen by European officers, they were intermediaries between the government and the people. In 1951 an eruption occurred on Mount Lamington, completely devastating a large part of the area occupied by the Orokaiva.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAf Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ [Janice Newton (pers. comm.): After official British annexation in 1884 and Crown colony status in 1888, in 1890 a police force was formed and a Resident Magistrate appointed for each administrative division. It seems there was not much training. The early constabulary were taught a little English and some of the rules for living like the white man (latrines, cleanliness etc). The British administration appointed village officials, village constables and armed constabulary. Often the Orokaivans were captured, taken back to stations taught some English and some of the English ways and laws. Imprisonment of villagers for offences was another way of imparting British principles of law. By 1924 many adult males had passed through the Armed Constabulary and hardly an adult male had not worked for Europeans (Cyndi Banks Women in Transition: Social Control in PNG Australian Institute of Criminology 1993).]"
        },
        {
            "id": 188,
            "polity": {
                "id": 117,
                "name": "pk_kachi_enl",
                "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Aceramic Neolithic",
                "start_year": -7500,
                "end_year": -5500
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 1,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. “Agriculture and herding were well established by the beginning of Stage Two and some subsistence surpluses were possible. The excavators think that this does not imply that we can reconstruct the social stratigraphy that would be associated with an archaic state, but some internal differentiation of the Stage Two society is possible, in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.”§REF§Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 189,
            "polity": {
                "id": 118,
                "name": "pk_kachi_lnl",
                "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic",
                "start_year": -5500,
                "end_year": -4000
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 1,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. “Agriculture and herding were well established by the beginning of Stage Two and some subsistence surpluses were possible. The excavators think that this does not imply that we can reconstruct the social stratigraphy that would be associated with an archaic state, but some internal differentiation of the Stage Two society is possible, in view of the sophistication of craft production documented at Mehrgarh.”§REF§Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi.§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 190,
            "polity": {
                "id": 119,
                "name": "pk_kachi_ca",
                "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Chalcolithic",
                "start_year": -4000,
                "end_year": -3200
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>An urban community of thousands suggests Mehrgarh likely had some degree of hierarchy for dispute resolution, perhaps a chief or collective decision making body. Evidence of dispute exists in the changing use of communal storage. In the previous periods Mehrgarh residents had organized communal food storage facilities. In this period food storage was located in individual houses.§REF§Wright, R. P. (2010) The Ancient Indus: urbanism, economy and society. Cambridge, Cambridge University Press. p53§REF§ Why was this change necessary? The growth in size and population of Mehrgarh does not imply that communal organization decreased - which is what is immediately suggested by loss of communal granaries. Possibly a greater degree of communal organization now existed, that replaced communal granaries, in form of cooperation with a chief or collective decision making body. However we have no evidence of state organisation at Mehrgarh. §REF§Gregory L. Possehl. The Indus Civilization. A Contemporary Perspective. Walnut Creek, Altamira, 2002, p. 6§REF§§REF§Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge§REF§ At this stage such a formal organization, if it existed, might best be classed as emergent."
        },
        {
            "id": 191,
            "polity": {
                "id": 126,
                "name": "pk_indo_greek_k",
                "long_name": "Indo-Greek Kingdom",
                "start_year": -180,
                "end_year": -10
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 4,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " Based on the structure in place in the Seleucid empires.§REF§Daryaee, Touraj, ed. <i>The Oxford handbook of Iranian history</i>. Oxford University Press, 2012. p. 158§REF§<br>Seleucus and his successors had maintained the policy of Alexander in appointing a satrap to oversee a province. Below this level, the hyparchy was a subdivision. Below this level, the direct supporters of the ruler were the 'friends'based on favor or eunoia. The power was further strengthened by vast land holding, villages, slaves and other wealth. Below this level was the topoi and overseen by dioikites or oikonomos.§REF§Daryaee, Touraj, ed.<i>The Oxford handbook of Iranian history</i>. Oxford University Press, 2012. p. 158§REF§<br>The Seleucid Empire did have full time bureaucrats, and this system in the Greco-Bactrians also seems to have existed. It is therefore inferred that some element of this system was preserved.§REF§Mairs, Rachel. 2012. \"The Hellenistic Far East: From the Oikoumene to the Community.\" Shifting Social Imaginaries in the Hellenistic Period: Narratives, Practices, and Images.§REF§§REF§Rougemont, Georges. 2012. \"Hellenism in Central Asia and the North-West of the Indo-Pakistan Sub-Continent: The Epigraphic Evidence.\" Ancient Civilizations from Scythia to Siberia 18, no. 1. p.175-182.§REF§<br>1. King<br>2. Topio overseen by the dioikites§REF§George Woodcock, The Greeks in India (1966), pp. 106-107§REF§<i>(Note that under the Seleucids the title Dioketes denoted the individuals responsible for finances, royal land, revenue and expenditure and whom possibly also supervised royal mints and registry offices.§REF§Aperghis, G. G. 2004. The Seleukid Royal Economy: The Finances and Financial Administration of the Seleukid Empire. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. p295§REF§)</i><br>3. Epistates§REF§George Woodcock, The Greeks in India (1966), pp. 106-107§REF§Note: if it translates directly as the Ancient Greek term, an overseer or superintendent.<br>4. Scribes <i>inferred</i><br><br>5. Panchayat (council of elders.) §REF§\"History gives no information...about the lower levers of administration under Menander and his fellow Greek kinds in India\", George Woodcock, The Greeks in India (1966), pp. 106-107§REF§<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 192,
            "polity": {
                "id": 120,
                "name": "pk_kachi_pre_urban",
                "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Pre-Urban Period",
                "start_year": -3200,
                "end_year": -2500
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels."
        },
        {
            "id": 193,
            "polity": {
                "id": 124,
                "name": "pk_kachi_proto_historic",
                "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Proto-Historic Period",
                "start_year": -1300,
                "end_year": -500
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. Archaeological evidence, mostly in the form of seals, suggests the existence of some kind of bureaucratic system through Pirak II and III, of one or two levels at least§REF§Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017)§REF§."
        },
        {
            "id": 194,
            "polity": {
                "id": 133,
                "name": "pk_sind_abbasid_fatimid",
                "long_name": "Sind - Abbasid-Fatimid Period",
                "start_year": 854,
                "end_year": 1193
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 3,
            "administrative_level_to": 3,
            "comment": null,
            "description": "Governors of districts and divisions were appointed directly by the king, and were often closely related to the king, being close blood relatives such as brothers and close kin. &lt;§REF§Panhwar, M.H, An illustrated Historical Atlas of Soomra Kingdom of the Sindh p. 134§REF§<br>1. Emir (King)<br>2. Governor of region (Uch, Bakhar, Mansura)<br>3. Governor of district"
        },
        {
            "id": 195,
            "polity": {
                "id": 121,
                "name": "pk_kachi_urban_1",
                "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Urban Period I",
                "start_year": -2500,
                "end_year": -2100
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " \"Many inscribed materials, including seals, copper tablets, and stoneware bangles, hint at a well developed bureaucracy organized from this center.\"§REF§(McIntosh 2008, 212) Jane McIntosh. 2008. <i>The Ancient Indus Valley</i>. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.§REF§ It does not seem that anyone has attempted to estimate the number of levels within this \"well developed bureaucracy\", though it seems reasonable to infer a minimum of 2."
        },
        {
            "id": 196,
            "polity": {
                "id": 122,
                "name": "pk_kachi_urban_2",
                "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Urban Period II",
                "start_year": -2100,
                "end_year": -1800
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 1,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " \"Many inscribed materials, including seals, copper tablets, and stoneware bangles, hint at a well developed bureaucracy organized from this center.\"§REF§(McIntosh 2008, 212) Jane McIntosh. 2008. <i>The Ancient Indus Valley</i>. Santa Barbara; Denver; Oxford: ABC-CLIO.§REF§ It does not seem that anyone has attempted to estimate the number of levels within this \"well developed bureaucracy\", though it seems reasonable to infer a minimum of 2."
        },
        {
            "id": 197,
            "polity": {
                "id": 194,
                "name": "ru_sakha_early",
                "long_name": "Sakha - Early",
                "start_year": 1400,
                "end_year": 1632
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 2,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels.<br>(1) Councils of Clan Unions and Tribal Units (Dzhon/Ulus) (2) Clan (Aimak/Nasleg) and Lineage (Aqa-Usa) Councils comprised of Elders, Prophets (Sesen) and Leaders (Toyon) or 'Princelings'<br>Until at least the 19th century, lineage councils were the primary administrative bodies: 'Kinship and politics were mixed in the hierarchical council system that guided AQA-USA, AIMAK, and DZHON. Yakut explanations of DZHON in the nineteenth century included concepts like \"people,\" \"community,\" or \"tribe,\" territorially defined. Councils were composed of ranked circles of elders, usually men, whose leaders, TOYONS, were called nobles by Russians. A lineage head was BIS-USA-TOYON; respected warriors and hunters were BATYR. Lineage councils decided major economic issues, interfamily disputes, and questions of blood revenge for violence committed against the group. AIMAK and DZHON councils were infrequent, dealing with issues of security, revenge, alliance, and, before Russian control, war. Through war, slaves were captured for service in the wealthiest TOYON households. Kin-based councils were rare by the nineteenth century and had little influence on twentieth-century politics.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'Key kin relations are based on a patrilineage (AQA-USA) that traces membership back nine generations. Within this, children born to a specific mother are distinguished as a group (YE-USA), and may form the basis for different households (KORGON). Historically, more distant kin were recognized on two levels, the AIMAK (or territorial NASLEG), with one to thirty lineages, and the DZHON (or territorial ULUS), composed of several AIMAK. These larger units were united by alliances, including for common defense, alliances, and by economic relations; these links were renewed at councils and festivals.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'Prophets' and other elders dominated most councils: 'According to tradition, the seseny played no minor role in assemblies in the past. The word sesen comes from the same root as the verb sesenibin - I advise, I think, I predict. Legend portrayes the seseny as white-haired, honored, experienced elders.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 736§REF§ 'This dignity was neither elective nor hereditary, but not every old man was considered to be a sesen. For this he had to have a special gift of prophecy - in other words: an acknowledged intellect, experience, and knowledge. In difficult moments the heroes of olongo frequently turn to such advice-giving, honored, light-eyed Old Men-Talkers.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 737§REF§ 'In the past we did not decide anything without sesen. (Namsk Ulus, 1888). I will note that in this testimony sesen is used in the sense of sorcerer. The sesen decided disputed questions on the basis of custom, and gave advice when the clan was undergoing hard times. At ysyakh, before the games and contests began, the sesen of each clan or clan union would look over their own wrestlers; and they would remove those who were not good enough, who had recently sinned with a woman, who did not restrain themselves sufficiently in eating and drinking, so that they would not bring shame to their own people. They found all this out by feeling the body of the wrestlers, and by looking into their eyes and face. (Namsk Ulus, 1891). In the Bayagantaysk Ulus, when I asked who had named the rivers, hills, and other natural features, they answered: It must be the sesen - the old, ancient men, who knew everything! (Bayagantaysk Ulus, 1885).' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 737§REF§ Sesens were often from the toen class: 'Since within the clan many sesen were at the same time toen, i.e., the representatives of separate groups, they wielded enormous influencein clan councils. Usually in legends they are simply called old men - ogonior.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 737§REF§ Clan unions and tribal units also held council: 'They wielded less importance in councils of clan unions: there the first place was held by the heads of the clans, bis' usa toeno.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 737§REF§ It seems that the Russian period was preceded by a period of heightened social stratification favouring the Toyons: 'At this period, however, the clan-tribal structure was already in a state of decomposition. The tribes and clans were headed by the military aristocracy-the toyons. These possessed large herds of cattle and employed the labor of slaves and dependent fellow clansmen on their farms; they were also the military leaders. Heading detachments of armed servants and junior fellow clansmen, the toyons raided each other’s territory, and frequently looted the farms of the free members of the community, seizing their cattle and destroying their economic independence. These toyon wars and raids were one of the factors which speeded up the decomposition of the clan commune. The ruined members of the commune were reduced to the status of “balyksyts” (poor people without cattle, or fishermen), or else became the indentured slaves of the toyons. Most of the slaves (kuluts or bokans) originated in this way.' §REF§Tokarev, S. A., and Gurvich I. S. 1964. “Yakuts”, 270§REF§ The Russian administration later reinforced kin-based hierarchies and superimposed a supratribal structure onto the Sakha system (see next sheet): 'The system of tsarist administration was no different here from what existed in any other part of Northern Siberia. The Dolgans, Yakuts and Evenks had to pay the fur-tax as “natives” and formed “clans” headed by princelings, while the tundra peasants were forced to pay a poll tax, were formed into a “community” and headed by an elder. People living many hundreds of kilometers away from the nearest centers were economically dependent on the merchants who monopolized supplies to the region, bought up all the furs, and cruelly exploited the population.' §REF§Popov, A. A. 1964. “Dolgans”, 656§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 198,
            "polity": {
                "id": 195,
                "name": "ru_sakha_late",
                "long_name": "Sakha - Late",
                "start_year": 1632,
                "end_year": 1900
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 2,
            "administrative_level_to": 2,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. According to the Ethnographic Atlas' variable 33 'Jurisdictional Hierarchy Beyond Local Community' was '3' 'Two levels (e.g., larger chiefdoms)'.<br>[(5) Russian Imperial Authorities; (4) Russian District Governors; (3) the Russian District Administration;] (2) Councils of Clan Unions and Tribal Units (Dzhon/Ulus) (1) Clan (Aimak/Nasleg) and Lineage (Aqa-Usa) Councils comprised of Elders, Prophets (Sesen) and Leaders (Toyon) or 'Princelings'<br>Until at least the 19th century, lineage councils were the primary administrative bodies: 'Kinship and politics were mixed in the hierarchical council system that guided AQA-USA, AIMAK, and DZHON. Yakut explanations of DZHON in the nineteenth century included concepts like \"people,\" \"community,\" or \"tribe,\" territorially defined. Councils were composed of ranked circles of elders, usually men, whose leaders, TOYONS, were called nobles by Russians. A lineage head was BIS-USA-TOYON; respected warriors and hunters were BATYR. Lineage councils decided major economic issues, interfamily disputes, and questions of blood revenge for violence committed against the group. AIMAK and DZHON councils were infrequent, dealing with issues of security, revenge, alliance, and, before Russian control, war. Through war, slaves were captured for service in the wealthiest TOYON households. Kin-based councils were rare by the nineteenth century and had little influence on twentieth-century politics.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'Key kin relations are based on a patrilineage (AQA-USA) that traces membership back nine generations. Within this, children born to a specific mother are distinguished as a group (YE-USA), and may form the basis for different households (KORGON). Historically, more distant kin were recognized on two levels, the AIMAK (or territorial NASLEG), with one to thirty lineages, and the DZHON (or territorial ULUS), composed of several AIMAK. These larger units were united by alliances, including for common defense, alliances, and by economic relations; these links were renewed at councils and festivals.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'Prophets' and other elders dominated most councils: 'According to tradition, the seseny played no minor role in assemblies in the past. The word sesen comes from the same root as the verb sesenibin - I advise, I think, I predict. Legend portrayes the seseny as white-haired, honored, experienced elders.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 736§REF§ 'This dignity was neither elective nor hereditary, but not every old man was considered to be a sesen. For this he had to have a special gift of prophecy - in other words: an acknowledged intellect, experience, and knowledge. In difficult moments the heroes of olongo frequently turn to such advice-giving, honored, light-eyed Old Men-Talkers.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 737§REF§ 'In the past we did not decide anything without sesen. (Namsk Ulus, 1888). I will note that in this testimony sesen is used in the sense of sorcerer. The sesen decided disputed questions on the basis of custom, and gave advice when the clan was undergoing hard times. At ysyakh, before the games and contests began, the sesen of each clan or clan union would look over their own wrestlers; and they would remove those who were not good enough, who had recently sinned with a woman, who did not restrain themselves sufficiently in eating and drinking, so that they would not bring shame to their own people. They found all this out by feeling the body of the wrestlers, and by looking into their eyes and face. (Namsk Ulus, 1891). In the Bayagantaysk Ulus, when I asked who had named the rivers, hills, and other natural features, they answered: It must be the sesen - the old, ancient men, who knew everything! (Bayagantaysk Ulus, 1885).' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 737§REF§ Sesens were often from the toen class: 'Since within the clan many sesen were at the same time toen, i.e., the representatives of separate groups, they wielded enormous influencein clan councils. Usually in legends they are simply called old men - ogonior.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 737§REF§ Clan unions and tribal units also held council: 'They wielded less importance in councils of clan unions: there the first place was held by the heads of the clans, bis' usa toeno.' §REF§Sieroszewski, Wacław 1993. “Yakut: An Experiment In Ethnographic Research”, 737§REF§ The Russian administration reinforced kin-based hierarchies and superimposed a supratribal structure onto the Sakha system: 'The system of tsarist administration was no different here from what existed in any other part of Northern Siberia. The Dolgans, Yakuts and Evenks had to pay the fur-tax as “natives” and formed “clans” headed by princelings, while the tundra peasants were forced to pay a poll tax, were formed into a “community” and headed by an elder. People living many hundreds of kilometers away from the nearest centers were economically dependent on the merchants who monopolized supplies to the region, bought up all the furs, and cruelly exploited the population.' §REF§Popov, A. A. 1964. “Dolgans”, 656§REF§ 'If they have claims against their subordinate clansmen, the clan-chiefs bring complaints: 1. The headman--to the nasleg princelings and clan elders. If unsatisfied with their decision, or in case of noncompliance, they may complain to the authorities. 2. The princelings--first, to the clan elders in their jurisdiction, and in the case of noncompliance or dissatisfaction with their decision, to the ulus headmen, and finally, to the authorities. 3. The clansmen among themselves--to the clan elders and nasleg princelings, and in the case of noncompliance to the ulus headman; and finally to the authorities.' §REF§Samokvasov, D. I. A. 1876. “Collection Of Customary Law Of The Siberian Natives\", 4p§REF§ Sakha leaders cooperated with Russian imperial administrators, collecting taxes for them and contributing to the establishment of the emerging postal system in Siberia: 'Most Yakut, however, remained in the central meadowlands, sometimes assimilating Russians. Yakut leaders cooperated with Russian commanders and governors, becoming active in trade, fur-tax collection, transport, and the postal system. Fighting among Yakut communities decreased, although horse rustling and occasional anti-Russian violence continued.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§"
        },
        {
            "id": 199,
            "polity": {
                "id": 521,
                "name": "eg_kushite",
                "long_name": "Egypt - Kushite Period",
                "start_year": -747,
                "end_year": -656
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 5,
            "administrative_level_to": 5,
            "comment": null,
            "description": "<i>Argument in favour of the existence of a central administration:</i> \"As far as we can see Kushite rule did not alter the way in which Egypt was administered: the alterations were more straightforwardly related to the holders of office, whether individuals or families.\"§REF§(Morkot 2014, 963) Robert G Morkot. 2014. 'Thebes under the Kushites' in <i>Tombs of the South Asasif Necropolis: Thebes, Karakhamun (TT 223), and Karabasken (TT 391) in the Twenty-fifth Dynasty</i> edited by Elena Pischikova. American University in Cairo Press.§REF§ - however, others (E.g. Exell and Naunton) argued that central authority and administration had disappeared by 25th Dynasty.<br><i>Argument against the existence of a central administration:</i> \"Exell and Naunton have concluded that New Kingdom analogies are of little help for ascertaining the governing principles of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 203) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§ Exell and Naunton argue: \"Maat having been achieved, the pharoah was perhaps content to leave the mundane business of running the country to those individuals and systems already in place: which, if true, confirms that, by this point, central authority and administration had disappeared.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 203) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>1. King<br>autocratic ruler. Royal residence (likely Meroe) centre of political rule. §REF§(Mokhtar ed. 1981, 304-305)§REF§<br>Period saw the decline of centralized state, emergence of \"direct regency of god\". §REF§(Török 1997, 156)§REF§<br>\"The Kushites followed Libyan practice by making marriage alliances with the elite, probably throughout Egypt.\"§REF§(Morkot 2013, 961)§REF§<br>_ Central government line_ §REF§(Mokhtar ed. 1981, 304-305)§REF§ <i>NOTE: Central government may not have existed</i><br>2. The position of vizier continued but was \"deprived of effective power.\" §REF§(Taylor 2000, 348)§REF§King did not delegate power to an office of vizier or high priest.<br>Government had \"federate character.\"<br>However: Morkot refers to a Vizierate §REF§(Morkot 2013, 963)§REF§<br>2. Known titles of officials: Chiefs of treasury; army commanders; seal bearers; heads of archives; chiefs of granaries; the chief scribe of Kush.Officials played a role in the election of a king<br>high priests were in the key offices of government §REF§(Török 1997, 179-180)§REF§<br>3. ... ? ...<br>Note: the granaries administration could involve than 5 levels<br>_Provincial line_ §REF§(Mokhtar ed. 1981, 304-305)§REF§<br>2. Regional viceroyRegional viceroy (\"pesto\") directly responsible to king. §REF§(Welsby 1998, 35)§REF§<br>Key offices in Upper Egypt: Southern Vizierate, High Steward of the Divine Adoratrice, Mayor of Thebes; Lower Egypt: (local dynasties and ancestral territories of unknown dependence). §REF§(Török 1997, 179-180)§REF§<br>3. Provincial governorsProvinces: traces of royal palaces in localities. §REF§(Mokhtar ed. 1981, 304-305)§REF§<br>Provincial centres. §REF§(Török 1997, 172)§REF§<br>\"In the north ... the local dynasts were left in control of their provinces \" until the Kushite reconquest of Egypt in 716 BCE when Shabaqo \"forcibly imposed his authority over the provincial governors.\" §REF§(Taylor 2000, 347)§REF§<br>4. MayorE.g. Mayor of Thebes §REF§(Török 1997, 179-180)§REF§§REF§(Morkot 2013, 961)§REF§<br>5. Village chief<br>Jeremy Pope, The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo.<br>\"Naunton has argued that Kushite diplomacy in Thebes was then extended to all Egypt\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 279) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>\"Nevertheless, the absence of evidence for either centralized administration or state investment should not be taken to signify a political vacuum. A more defensible scenario would instead posit Taharqo's immediate subordinates within the region as 'invisible elites' - merchants, pastoralists, and local potentates essential to the functioning of the state who neither held office within centralized institution nor manifested their wealth and influence through biographical inscriptions and private statuary. In this regard, Lower Nubia under the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty present a striking contrast with the bureaucratic formalization of Upper Egypt.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 191) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>\"Semna West, Buhen, Qasr Ibrim, and Philae can be viewed primarily as loci for the 'formulation, demonstration, and explanation of royal authority' - i.e., as sites for the promotion of ritual suzerainty in lieu of centralized administration. ... However, the intra-site and inter-site sustainability networks of Egyptian-style temple-towns are not well-reflected in the surviving evidence from the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 179) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>\"Across the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty, neither a Vizier, a God's Wife of Amun, her Chief Steward, nor any other state official below the pharaoh is attested iconographically or textually between the First and Third Cataracts. The marked contrast between this circumstance and the elaborate hierarchy of officialdom in Upper Egypt and Upper Nubia on either side would suggest that Lower Nubia was rather treated as a separate unit.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 174) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>\"the Kushite kings of the Napatan era were evidently not averse to delegating responsibility from afar - much as Taharqo appears to have done during the temple constructions at Kawa and Sanam.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 148) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>\"Immediately below the king were the royal kinsmen (sn.w. nsw), from among whom the heir apparent was chosen by means of the Amun oracle.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 148) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>Royal kinsmen \"did not hold a monpoloy on upon the highest offices of government for as in Aspelta's Enthronement Stela the royal kinsmen were sent before the oracle by a separate group of commanders ..., palace officials ..., and 'friends'...\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 148) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§ <i>Aspelta is post-25th Dynasty</i><br>\"a variety of more specific offices are attested, all clearly named after Egyptian precedents\": these include Mayor, Palace Treasurer, Royal Sealer, Superior of the Tribunal, Chief Scribe, Royal Scribe, Overseer of the Gold of the Hill-Countries, Overseer of the Granary, Royal Scribe of the Granary, Scribe of the Temple-Compound, Sistrum-Player, Prohet, Great Priest, Chief Official of the God.§REF§(Pope 2014, 149) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>Inscriptional record suggests there was not a royal monopoly on these positions.§REF§(Pope 2014, 149) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>One analysis is \"Upper Egypt was the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty state - the only Egyptian region in which Kushite hegemony approached the time-honored pharaonic ideal of centralized governance ... An alternative view ... articulated by Naunton ... Upper Egypt was not exceptional but rather microcosmic - even formative - for Kushitenherrschaft and its development over the course of the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 194) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>\"The Amun cult belonged in large part to the Kushite house, but the civil administration of Upper Egypt evidently did not.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 202) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>Civil administration in Delta region, titles: \"Grandee in the Towns of the East\", \"Grandee of the East\", \"Prophet of Bastet, mistress of Bubastis\". Montuhotep was also a Northern Vizier.§REF§(Pope 2014, 266) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>In the Dongola-Napata Reach \"the details of local administration found in the royal corpus of the Napatan period speak quite forcefully against the assumptions that Upper Nubian officialdom was peopled by Egyptian emigres or controlled by a small oligarchy. Authority appears instead to have been dispersed across a number of kin groups; there is odddly little pyramidal hierachy of governmental positions; and offices which might otherwise be equated with the king's unique deputy are found divided among several individuals.\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 276) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§ <i>this provides possible inferrence for 25th Dynasty</i><br>\"the most recent attempt at a comprehensive analysis of Theban officials and their duties during the Twenty-Fifth Dynasty has concluded that even in Upper Egypt 'it is not possible to speak of a \"court\" for the centuries following the New Kingdom,' as 'central authority and administration had disappeared' [quoting Naunton]\"§REF§(Pope 2014, 277) Pope, Jeremy. 2014. The Double Kingdom Under Taharqo. BRILL. Leiden.§REF§<br>O'Conner (1983)§REF§(O'Connor 1983) O'Connor, David. \"New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period 1552-664 BC\" in Trigger, B G. Kemp, B J. O'Connor, D. LLoyd, A B. 1983. Ancient Egypt: A Social History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.§REF§<br>\"Kushite rule was based on military strength, and local civil government was left largely to the Egyptian dynasts.\"§REF§(O'Connor 1983, 243) O'Connor, David. \"New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period 1552-664 BC\" in Trigger, B G. Kemp, B J. O'Connor, D. LLoyd, A B. 1983. Ancient Egypt: A Social History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.§REF§<br>\"At Thebes, the Kushites continued the politically useful office of 'god's wife'; the High Priesthood, held by a Kushite prince and his son, was revived but stripped of military and civil authority. The former was surely exercised by Kushite commanders, the latter first by Kushite governors, and later by Theban bureaucrats.\"§REF§(O'Connor 1983, 243) O'Connor, David. \"New Kingdom and Third Intermediate Period 1552-664 BC\" in Trigger, B G. Kemp, B J. O'Connor, D. LLoyd, A B. 1983. Ancient Egypt: A Social History. Cambridge University Press. Cambridge.§REF§<br>"
        },
        {
            "id": 200,
            "polity": {
                "id": 44,
                "name": "th_ayutthaya",
                "long_name": "Ayutthaya",
                "start_year": 1593,
                "end_year": 1767
            },
            "year_from": null,
            "year_to": null,
            "tag": "TRS",
            "is_disputed": false,
            "is_uncertain": false,
            "name": "Administrative_level",
            "administrative_level_from": 6,
            "administrative_level_to": 6,
            "comment": null,
            "description": " levels. \"Ranks and titles were conferred on the bureaucratic and military nobility until the end of the absolute monarchy in 1932, a rank and title usually being associated with an office. The <i>chaophraya</i> were highest on the list, the equivalents of cabinet ministers, generals, and the governors of the most important provincial cities. On a descending scale came <i>phraya</i>, <i>phra</i>, <i>luang</i>, and <i>khun</i>.\" §REF§(Wyatt 1984, p. xviii)§REF§ Presumably the king should be added to this hierarchy--RA's guess.<br>1. King<br>2. Chaophraya<br>3. Phraya<br>4. Phra<br>5. Luang<br>6. Khun"
        }
    ]
}