Polity Degree Of Centralization List
A viewset for viewing and editing Polity Degrees of Centralization.
GET /api/general/polity-degree-of-centralizations/?format=api&page=7
{ "count": 499, "next": "https://seshat-db.com/api/general/polity-degree-of-centralizations/?format=api&page=8", "previous": "https://seshat-db.com/api/general/polity-degree-of-centralizations/?format=api&page=6", "results": [ { "id": 301, "polity": { "id": 439, "name": "mn_shiwei", "long_name": "Shiwei", "start_year": 600, "end_year": 1000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " \"Productive activities were organized by the tribal leaders, as described in the Xin Tangshu, \"in hunting (the tribes) were banded together, and dispersed afterward; the tribes did not rule over one another or submitted to one another\".103 It can be seen that no united tribal confederation had been formed yet by the Shiwei. \" §REF§(Xu 2005, 180)§REF§" }, { "id": 302, "polity": { "id": 440, "name": "mn_turk_khaganate_2", "long_name": "Second Turk Khaganate", "start_year": 682, "end_year": 744 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "loose", "comment": null, "description": " \"It had a core of “inner tribes” (the ruling clan and its allies, including “in-law” tribes), a second tier of tribes that joined freely (retaining their ruling houses), a third tier of tribes that joined under constraint (and whose ruling houses were usually replaced by state officials), and finally tribute-paying sedentary populations. Subject populations retaining their own kings included the Sogdians, with their major centers at Bukhara and Samarkand and farflung merchant colonies, willing collaborators with a nomadic state that possessed the military power to force open the Chinese markets.76\" §REF§(Findley 2005, 43)§REF§" }, { "id": 303, "polity": { "id": 440, "name": "mn_turk_khaganate_2", "long_name": "Second Turk Khaganate", "start_year": 682, "end_year": 744 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "confederated state", "comment": null, "description": " \"It had a core of “inner tribes” (the ruling clan and its allies, including “in-law” tribes), a second tier of tribes that joined freely (retaining their ruling houses), a third tier of tribes that joined under constraint (and whose ruling houses were usually replaced by state officials), and finally tribute-paying sedentary populations. Subject populations retaining their own kings included the Sogdians, with their major centers at Bukhara and Samarkand and farflung merchant colonies, willing collaborators with a nomadic state that possessed the military power to force open the Chinese markets.76\" §REF§(Findley 2005, 43)§REF§" }, { "id": 304, "polity": { "id": 286, "name": "mn_uygur_khaganate", "long_name": "Uigur Khaganate", "start_year": 745, "end_year": 840 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "confederated state", "comment": null, "description": " \"The Uighur polity began from an initial coalition of nine smaller groups. Together this coalition was responsible for the fall of the second Turkic empire.\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 226)§REF§ \"Uighur political organization was relatively centralized, with several levels of administration, including a system of tax collection. Still, a leader often served dual civil and military functions. Some evidence indicates that local leaders were relatively autonomous and that royal edicts were not always the law of the land (Mackerras 1990, p. 328).\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 226)§REF§" }, { "id": 305, "polity": { "id": 438, "name": "mn_xianbei", "long_name": "Xianbei Confederation", "start_year": 100, "end_year": 250 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "nominal", "comment": null, "description": " \"Like the Wuhuan, their political organization was not highly centralized, with leadership reportedly based on merit, although given other evidence this could not have been the only criterion. This may have allowed lesser leaders to operate relatively independently, which served to limit Xianbei effectiveness against the later Han dynasty (A.D. 25-220) in China (Barfield 1989, p. 86; Gardner and de Crespigny 1977, p. 2).\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 223)§REF§" }, { "id": 306, "polity": { "id": 438, "name": "mn_xianbei", "long_name": "Xianbei Confederation", "start_year": 100, "end_year": 250 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "loose", "comment": null, "description": " \"Like the Wuhuan, their political organization was not highly centralized, with leadership reportedly based on merit, although given other evidence this could not have been the only criterion. This may have allowed lesser leaders to operate relatively independently, which served to limit Xianbei effectiveness against the later Han dynasty (A.D. 25-220) in China (Barfield 1989, p. 86; Gardner and de Crespigny 1977, p. 2).\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 223)§REF§" }, { "id": 307, "polity": { "id": 274, "name": "mn_hunnu_late", "long_name": "Late Xiongnu", "start_year": -60, "end_year": 100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "confederated state", "comment": null, "description": "\"Before 50 B.C., the Xiongnu split into a northern and southern polity. Both remained well organized and expansionistic at first, but eventually the southern Xiongnu (estimated at 200,000 people) became a vassal state of the Han Chinese, and by A.D. 150 their political control was virtually nonexistent.\"§REF§(Rogers 2012, 222)§REF§" }, { "id": 308, "polity": { "id": 272, "name": "mn_hunnu_emp", "long_name": "Xiongnu Imperial Confederation", "start_year": -209, "end_year": -60 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "confederated state", "comment": null, "description": " \"There were three main geographical divisions consisting of the east and west, otherwise known as the ‘‘left and right’’ kingships, with an implied third division being the core central region administered directly by the paramount leader. Within this system there were 24 regional leaders, each with the title of ‘‘ten thousand horsemen.’’ The 24 regional leaders represent a dispersed control hierarchy, probably composed of the leaders of long-standing aristocratic lineages (e.g., Sneath 2007, p. 116).\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 220)§REF§ \"Unlike the Xiongnu, the Wuhuan maintained a dispersed set of control hierarchies, with only partial evidence for a single paramount leader.\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 222)§REF§" }, { "id": 309, "polity": { "id": 444, "name": "mn_zungharian_emp", "long_name": "Zungharian Empire", "start_year": 1670, "end_year": 1757 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "confederated state", "comment": null, "description": " \"Atwood (2006, p. 209) describes the Zunghar political structure as ‘‘a confederated pattern of several ruling lineages competing for domination, and linked by marriage alliance.’’ Such a system contrasts sharply with the single-lineage type of power structure found in the earlier Mongol empire.\" §REF§(Rogers 2012, 236)§REF§" }, { "id": 310, "polity": { "id": 224, "name": "mr_wagadu_3", "long_name": "Later Wagadu Empire", "start_year": 1078, "end_year": 1203 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": "\"The persistently arid conditions which for centuries had been a primary determinant of human population trends and movements in sub-Saharan Africa yielded to more amenable conditions around AD 300. Rainfall increased and became plentiful during the period up to about AD 1100, promoting the expansion of both local and long-distance trade networks. Population densities increased too - of both humans and livestock - and a conjunction of internal and external influences transformed the political structure of some ethnic groups from the age-set system which dispersed authority through the community to a system favouring centralized control and the formation of states.\"§REF§(Reader 1998, 277-278)§REF§<br>\"the only area in which we can convincingly assert that a kingdom existed in the period under review was at the western edge of the Sudan, where the kingdom of Ghana was certainly in existence by +700 and could have been emerging for up to a thousand years.\"§REF§(Posnansky 1981, 723, 731)§REF§" }, { "id": 311, "polity": { "id": 216, "name": "mr_wagadu_2", "long_name": "Middle Wagadu Empire", "start_year": 700, "end_year": 1077 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": "\"The persistently arid conditions which for centuries had been a primary determinant of human population trends and movements in sub-Saharan Africa yielded to more amenable conditions around AD 300. Rainfall increased and became plentiful during the period up to about AD 1100, promoting the expansion of both local and long-distance trade networks. Population densities increased too - of both humans and livestock - and a conjunction of internal and external influences transformed the political structure of some ethnic groups from the age-set system which dispersed authority through the community to a system favouring centralized control and the formation of states.\"§REF§(Reader 1998, 277-278)§REF§<br>\"the only area in which we can convincingly assert that a kingdom existed in the period under review was at the western edge of the Sudan, where the kingdom of Ghana was certainly in existence by +700 and could have been emerging for up to a thousand years.\"§REF§(Posnansky 1981, 723, 731)§REF§" }, { "id": 312, "polity": { "id": 525, "name": "mx_monte_alban_1_early", "long_name": "Early Monte Alban I", "start_year": -500, "end_year": -300 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "uncoded", "comment": null, "description": " probably unknown. The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of this period is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people (as shown by distinct pottery assemblages).§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). \"The Cloud People.\" New York, p84§REF§" }, { "id": 313, "polity": { "id": 526, "name": "mx_monte_alban_1_late", "long_name": "Monte Alban Late I", "start_year": -300, "end_year": -100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "confederated state", "comment": null, "description": " The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of Monte Albán Early I is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people, based on distinctions of pottery assemblages.§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). \"The Cloud People.\" New York, p84§REF§ At the beginning of this phase (Late I), the people at Monte Albán began to expand beyond the valley and conquered Cañada de Cuicatlán (as well as other areas including: Ejutla, Peñoles, Miahuatlán and the San Francisco Arriba area)§REF§Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). \"Primary state formation in Mesoamerica.\" Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p183§REF§, which remained in a subordinate, possibly tributary, relationship with Monte Albán until around 200 CE (the end of the Monte Albán II phase).§REF§Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). \"Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70.§REF§" }, { "id": 314, "polity": { "id": 526, "name": "mx_monte_alban_1_late", "long_name": "Monte Alban Late I", "start_year": -300, "end_year": -100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": " The establishment of a confederation (although not yet a state) at the beginning of Monte Albán Early I is suggested by the simultaneous abandonment of settlements and founding of Monte Albán, which itself was internally divided into different groupings of people, based on distinctions of pottery assemblages.§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). \"The Cloud People.\" New York, p84§REF§ At the beginning of this phase (Late I), the people at Monte Albán began to expand beyond the valley and conquered Cañada de Cuicatlán (as well as other areas including: Ejutla, Peñoles, Miahuatlán and the San Francisco Arriba area)§REF§Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2004). \"Primary state formation in Mesoamerica.\" Annual Review of Anthropology: 173-199, p183§REF§, which remained in a subordinate, possibly tributary, relationship with Monte Albán until around 200 CE (the end of the Monte Albán II phase).§REF§Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). \"Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70.§REF§" }, { "id": 315, "polity": { "id": 527, "name": "mx_monte_alban_2", "long_name": "Monte Alban II", "start_year": -100, "end_year": 200 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": " There is evidence for the conquest of Cañada de Cuicatlán by the Zapotec polity from the Late I period, and a continued tributary relationship throughout the Monte Albán II period.§REF§Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). \"Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70, p29§REF§ Although other areas, such as the Tlacolula arm of the Valley of Oaxaca, may not have had such a subordinate relationship with the Zapotecs: Dainzu, the main settlement of the Tlacolula arm, has a different style of monumental architecture and carving to the standard shown at Monte Albán, suggesting some measure of independence even after the area had been overtaken by the Zapotecs during this period.§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). \"The Cloud People.\" New York, p113-4§REF§§REF§Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). \"Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70, p31§REF§" }, { "id": 316, "polity": { "id": 528, "name": "mx_monte_alban_3_a", "long_name": "Monte Alban III", "start_year": 200, "end_year": 500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": " The Zapotec polity reached its peak of centralisation during this period, even though the territorial extent of the state declined.§REF§Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p127-8§REF§§REF§Blanton, R. E., et al. (1982). The Prehispanic Settlement Patterns of the Central and Southern Parts of the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico, Regents of the University of Michigan, the Museum of Anthropology, p85, 88-9§REF§" }, { "id": 317, "polity": { "id": 529, "name": "mx_monte_alban_3_b_4", "long_name": "Monte Alban IIIB and IV", "start_year": 500, "end_year": 900 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " The Zapotec state began to fragment at the end of the IIIA period, and eventually formed numerous smaller competing \"kingdoms\", each politically independent of the others.§REF§Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p183§REF§§REF§Caso, et al, 1967 and Acosta, 1965, cited in Balkansky, A. K. (1998). \"Origin and collapse of complex societies in Oaxaca, Mexico: Evaluating the era from 1965 to the present.\" Journal of World Prehistory 12(4): 451-493.§REF§" }, { "id": 318, "polity": { "id": 532, "name": "mx_monte_alban_5", "long_name": "Monte Alban V", "start_year": 900, "end_year": 1520 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " The Zapotec state fragmented into numerous competing polities after the end of the IIIA period, each politically independent of the others.§REF§Flannery and Marcus (1983) The Cloud People: divergent evolution of the Zapotec and Mixtec civilizations. Museum of Anthropology, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. Academic Press, New York. p183§REF§§REF§Caso, et al, 1967 and Acosta, 1965, cited in Balkansky, A. K. (1998). \"Origin and collapse of complex societies in Oaxaca, Mexico: Evaluating the era from 1965 to the present.\" Journal of World Prehistory 12(4): 451-493.§REF§" }, { "id": 319, "polity": { "id": 8, "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_3", "long_name": "Early Formative Basin of Mexico", "start_year": -1200, "end_year": -801 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " Numerous, well-spaced, relatively small scale, 1-3 tier settlement hierarchies seem to indicate numerous autonomous tribe and/or chiefdom-level political economies.§REF§Charlton, Thomas H., & Deborah L. Nichols. (1997). \"Diachronic studies of city-states: Permutations on a theme—Central Mexico from 1700 BC to AD 1600.\" In Charlton and Nichols, eds. <i>The Archaeology of City-States: Cross-Cultural Approaches</i>. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, pp.169-207.§REF§§REF§Plunket, P., & Uruñuela, G. (2012). Where east meets west: the Formative in Mexico’s central highlands. <i>Journal of Archaeological Research</i>, 20(1), 1-51.§REF§§REF§Niederberger, Christine. (1996). \"The Basin of Mexico: Multimillenial Development toward Cultural Complexity.\" In <i>Olmec Art of Ancient Mexico</i>, edited by Emily P. Benson and Beatriz de la Fuente. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, pp. 83-93.§REF§§REF§Niederberger, Christine. (2000) \"Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC.\" In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) <i>The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization.</i> Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-7, 305-334.§REF§§REF§Santley, Robert S. (1977). \"Intra-site settlement patterns at Loma Torremote, and their relationship to formative prehistory in the Cuautitlan Region, State of Mexico.\" Ph.D. Dissertation, Depatartment of Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State University, pp. 365-425.§REF§§REF§Steponaitis, Vincas P. (1981). \"Settlement hierarchies and political complexity in nonmarket societies: the Formative Period of the Valley of Mexico.\" <i>American Anthropologist</i>, 83(2): 320-363.§REF§§REF§Earle, Timothy K., (1976). \"A nearest-neighbor analysis of two formative settlement systems.\" In Flannery, Kent V. (Ed.), <i>The Early Mesoamerican Village.</i> San Diego: Academic Press, pp. 196-223.§REF§" }, { "id": 320, "polity": { "id": 10, "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_5", "long_name": "Late Formative Basin of Mexico", "start_year": -400, "end_year": -101 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 321, "polity": { "id": 9, "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_4", "long_name": "Middle Formative Basin of Mexico", "start_year": -800, "end_year": -401 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " Numerous, well-spaced, relatively small scale, 1-3 tier settlement hierarchies seem to indicate numerous autonomous tribe and/or chiefdom-level political economies.§REF§Charlton, Thomas H., & Deborah L. Nichols. (1997). \"Diachronic studies of city-states: Permutations on a theme—Central Mexico from 1700 BC to AD 1600.\" In Charlton and Nichols, eds. <i>The Archaeology of City-States: Cross-Cultural Approaches</i>. Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian Institution Press, pp.169-207.§REF§§REF§Plunket, P., & Uruñuela, G. (2012). Where east meets west: the Formative in Mexico’s central highlands. <i>Journal of Archaeological Research</i>, 20(1), 1-51.§REF§§REF§Niederberger, Christine. (1996). \"The Basin of Mexico: Multimillenial Development toward Cultural Complexity.\" In <i>Olmec Art of Ancient Mexico</i>, edited by Emily P. Benson and Beatriz de la Fuente. Washington, D.C.: National Gallery of Art, pp. 83-93.§REF§§REF§Niederberger, Christine. (2000) \"Ranked Societies, Iconographic Complexity, and Economic Wealth in the Basin of Mexico Toward 1200 BC.\" In Olmec Art and Archaeology in Mesoamerica, edited by John E. Clark and Mary E. Pye. New Haven: Yale University Press, pp. 169-192.§REF§§REF§Sanders, William T., Jeffrey R. Parsons, and Robert S. Santley. (1979) <i>The Basin of Mexico: Ecological Processes in the Evolution of a Civilization.</i> Academic Press, New York, pg. 94-7, 305-334.§REF§§REF§Santley, Robert S. (1977). \"Intra-site settlement patterns at Loma Torremote, and their relationship to formative prehistory in the Cuautitlan Region, State of Mexico.\" Ph.D. Dissertation, Depatartment of Anthropology, The Pennsylvania State University, pp. 365-425.§REF§§REF§Steponaitis, Vincas P. (1981). \"Settlement hierarchies and political complexity in nonmarket societies: the Formative Period of the Valley of Mexico.\" <i>American Anthropologist</i>, 83(2): 320-363.§REF§§REF§Earle, Timothy K., (1976). \"A nearest-neighbor analysis of two formative settlement systems.\" In Flannery, Kent V. (Ed.), <i>The Early Mesoamerican Village.</i> San Diego: Academic Press, pp. 196-223.§REF§" }, { "id": 322, "polity": { "id": 11, "name": "mx_basin_of_mexico_6", "long_name": "Terminal Formative Basin of Mexico", "start_year": -100, "end_year": 99 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 323, "polity": { "id": 524, "name": "mx_rosario", "long_name": "Oaxaca - Rosario", "start_year": -700, "end_year": -500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " The largest of the three chiefdoms in the valley at this time was in the Etla arm and consisted of 18-20 villages focused around the central settlement (San José Mogote).§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (1983). \"The Cloud People.\" New York, p55§REF§ It is assumed that this network of settlements formed a complex chiefdom because of their proximity and hierarchy in relation to San José Mogote (the largest settlement). It is unlikely that there were alliances between the three chiefdoms based on evidence for violence and inter-village raiding between the three arms of the valley.§REF§Spencer, C. S. and E. M. Redmond (2003). \"Militarism, resistance, and early state development in Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Social Evolution & History 2: 25-70, p32§REF§" }, { "id": 324, "polity": { "id": 523, "name": "mx_san_jose", "long_name": "Oaxaca - San Jose", "start_year": -1150, "end_year": -700 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " There is very limited evidence for social stratification and centralisation of settlements at San José Mogote. Some neighbouring smaller settlements may have been influenced by people at San José Mogote, as suggested by the importing of limestone and travertine from up to 5km away, but there is otherwise little evidence for a unified polity.§REF§Flannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p11§REF§" }, { "id": 325, "polity": { "id": 522, "name": "mx_tierras_largas", "long_name": "Oaxaca - Tierras Largas", "start_year": -1400, "end_year": -1150 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " This phase was characterised by a number of small settlements, with the exception of one larger site (San José Mogote) §REF§Blanton, R. E., et al. (1979). \"Regional evolution in the Valley of Oaxaca, Mexico.\" Journal of Field Archaeology 6(4): 372.§REF§. The Tierras Largas phase was a period of “egalitarian or “autonomous village” society, where status could be achieved but not inherited (as suggested by three burials of potentially higher status individuals at San José Mogote and Tierras Largas)§REF§lannery, K. V. and J. Marcus (2005). Excavations at San José Mogote 1: The Household Archaeology, University of Michigan Museum, p6§REF§." }, { "id": 326, "polity": { "id": 116, "name": "no_norway_k_2", "long_name": "Kingdom of Norway II", "start_year": 1262, "end_year": 1396 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "loose", "comment": null, "description": " With the acceptance of the union agreement, Icelanders formally pledged their allegiance to a higher political authority embodied by the Norwegian crown: 'The agreement by which Iceland was formally brought under Norwegian rule created only a confederate union, adn did not materially change the status of the Icelandic chieftains. They were now to hold their rights from the king, and were forbidden to wage war on each other; but since the Icelandic laws were still in force, the union agreement really involved only an acknowledgment of the king's sovereignty, and the payment of a small tribute to the crown. It appear from the Icelandic code, the \"Jónsbók\", adopted in 1280, that the taxes to be paid were very moderate, as the twenty alnar vaomál payable by each freeholder for himself and his household, and by unmarried persons who owned property to the value of ten hundred unincumbered by debts, included also the old tax of thingfararkaup. Only one-half of the whole sum was to be paid to the king. The other half was to be kept in Iceland for the payment of the usual taxes. To the common people the union with Norway brought the distinct advantage of the termination of the bloody conflicts in which they had been forced to take part. Peace was established, and the conviction that henceforth the government would safeguard life and property must have created a new sense of security and well-being. Freedom from lawless terror, established by the altered relation to the mother country, must have been welcomed by the people in general as a new freedom rather than as foreign oppression.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 208§REF§ But the first jarl, i.e. the personal representative of the Norwegian crown on the island, only had limited influence on the chieftains: 'During the first years following the establishment of the union conditions in Iceland remained quite unchanged. The godords were still in the hands of the leading chieftains. Gizur, who was to exercise the highest authority as jarl, was unpopular, and his power was very limited. Royal commissioners were sent to Iceland to exercise control with or without his consent, and and he had to share his nominal authority with the powerful Oddaverjar chieftains of southern Iceland, Hrafn Oddsson of the Borgarfjord district, and Orm Ormsson of eastern Iceland. The king regarded him with suspicion; the chieftains hated him because of his rank and title; opposition and difficulties confronted him everywhere. Even his own character and previous record rendered him unfit to maintain peace and order, which was his principal official duty. He was unable to see the need of any change in the general régime, and the last chapter of his stormy life formed a fitting close to the drama of bloody feuds in which he had played so conspicuous a part. Shortly after the meeting of the Althing of 1264, while visiting in southern Iceland, he was suddenly attacked by Thord Andrisson, the head of the Oddaverjar family. With great difficulty he escaped from his assailants, and after gathering an army of 750 men he cruelly ravged the Rangarvalla district, where the Oddaverjar chieftains were dwelling.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 211p§REF§ The crown established several offices for the purpose of governance: 'After Gizur's death no new jarl was appointed, and for a time there was no real head of Icelandic affairs. In 1267 Orm Ormsson and Thorvard Thorarinsson went to Norway, Hrafn Oddsson following in 1268. Both Hrafn and Orm seem to have aspired to succeed Gizur, but the king found it advisable not to elevate another chieftain to the rank of jarl, as the title had been very unpopular. After some delay, and probably with the advice of Sturla Thordsson, he gave both ranks as hirdmenn and placed them in charge of Icelandic affairs with no other title than that of valdsmadr, or royal magistrate. Hrafs was to govern the western and Orm the eastern districts. Hrafn assumed the duties of his office, but Orm was drowned shortly after his appointment, probably on the homeward voyage.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 213§REF§ After the changes introduced to the Icelandic legal structre, royal officials and representatives were to preside over the Icelandic general assembly: 'Some of the most important parts of the code were, nevertheless, sanctioned already in 1271, as the thingfararbölkr, or constitution of the thing, the thegngildi, or laws governing the payment of fines to the king in cases of murder of freemen, and a part of the arfabölkr, or laws about inheritance. The remaining portions of the code received sanction in 1272 ad 1273. The introduction of this code wrought a fundamental change in the Icelandic constitution and jurisprudence. Norwegian law had been substituted for the old Icelandic code, the \"Grágás\"; the godords were abolished, so also the characteristic features of the Althing: the fjordungsdómar, the fimtardómr, and the office of lögsögumadr. The thing system was reorganized according to Norwegian pattern. The valdsmadr should choose a certain number of men from each thing district, 140 in all, to constitute the thing, and from these the lawman should select three from each thing district, in all-thirty-six, to sit in the lögrétta. Instead of the lögsögumadr there should be a lawman, after 1277 two lawmen, as in Norway. Royal officials and representatives of the crown should preside over the Althing and take part in its decisions.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 214§REF§ The law received more institutional backing: 'These new codes wrought a fundamental change in the conception of positive law as well as in legal practice in Iceland. The old court procedures with its intricacies and formalities was replaced by the simpler Norwegian system. The king was ruler and lawgiver was regarded as the source of justice, and behind the laws now stood the royal authority, ready to execute the decrees of the courts even against the most powerful offenders. Violation of the law was no longer viewed as a private affair to be settled by the offender and the party injured, but as a crime for which the wrong-doer had to answer to the government. The fines to be paid and other punishments to be inflicted were still to be determined by twelve men according to ancient usage. The old punishment of banishment for serious offenses was retained, but fines payable to the king were instituted in numerous cases, and capital punishment was to be inflicted for grave crimes, like murder, robbery, rape, counterfeiting, forgery, and seduction. Other severe punishments were also established. [...] But care had been taken by the lawgiver to guard against hasty action and undue harshness in the treatment of wrong-doers. In a chapter about legal decisions he advises the judges to consider carefully truth, justice, patience and mercy, in order that their decisions not bear the marks of cruelty and hatred. [...] The first lawmen appointed under the new law were Stural Thordsson and Jon Einarsson. The first royal magistrates who received the title of sýslumadr were Hrafn Oddsson in western Iceland, and Thorvard Thorarinsson for the southern and eastern districts, and Asgrim Thorsteinsson in the south-western districts. Others may have been appointed, but their names are not known. In 1279 Hrafn Oddsson became royal merkismadr with authority over all Iceland, as already noted.' §REF§Gjerset, Knut [1924]. \"History of Iceland\", 215pp§REF§ The presence of the government in the day-to-day life of 'commoners' might not have been considerable, though." }, { "id": 327, "polity": { "id": 78, "name": "pe_cuzco_2", "long_name": "Cuzco - Early Intermediate I", "start_year": 200, "end_year": 499 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "none", "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 328, "polity": { "id": 79, "name": "pe_cuzco_3", "long_name": "Cuzco - Early Intermediate II", "start_year": 500, "end_year": 649 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": "\"Pottery distributions indicate that this polity was not organized as a centralized state.\" §REF§(Covey 2006, 69)§REF§<br>\"Settlement patterns from the Sacred Valley and Paruro study regions indicate that the polity in the Cusco Basin was capable of dominating an area within about 20 kilometers of its principal settlements (fig. 4.8). Groups living outside of that area interacted with the Cusco polity but probably were not under its control.\" §REF§(Covey 2006, 68)§REF§<br>However, the Cuzco polity may have been large enough to influence small polities to the north and south. §REF§(Bauer 2004, 54)§REF§" }, { "id": 329, "polity": { "id": 81, "name": "pe_cuzco_5", "long_name": "Cuzco - Late Intermediate I", "start_year": 1000, "end_year": 1250 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": "Two main polities are known for this period; the Killke (Inca) and Pinagua of the Lucre Basin.<br>For the Incas, chroniclers say earliest rulers had a small territory and lacked control over neighbouring groups. Mayta Capac* consolidated Inca control over the Cusco Basin. Military hierarchy increased from these times. §REF§(Covey 2006, 112)§REF§ *(c1290 CE)<br>Cuzco/Killke polity in the 1000-1200 CE period §REF§(Covey 2006, 135)§REF§<br>influenced the Masca and Tambo regions<br>had sustained interaction with the Chillque<br>Paruro were possibly under Cusco domination §REF§(Covey 2006, 105)§REF§" }, { "id": 330, "polity": { "id": 82, "name": "pe_cuzco_6", "long_name": "Cuzco - Late Intermediate II", "start_year": 1250, "end_year": 1400 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": "Chroniclers say earliest rulers had a small territory and lacked control over neighbouring groups. Mayta Capac* consolidated Inca control over the Cusco Basin. Military hierarchy increased from these times. §REF§(Covey 2006a, 112)§REF§ *(c1290 CE)<br>Incas employed both an indirect form of rule through local elites and a direct rule within provinces organized under a state administrator.§REF§(Covey 2006a, 112-116)§REF§<br>\"Control was not territorially continuous, nor was it stable until the imperial period.\"§REF§(Covey 2003, 347)§REF§" }, { "id": 331, "polity": { "id": 77, "name": "pe_cuzco_1", "long_name": "Cuzco - Late Formative", "start_year": -500, "end_year": 200 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "none", "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 332, "polity": { "id": 83, "name": "pe_inca_emp", "long_name": "Inca Empire", "start_year": 1375, "end_year": 1532 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": "\"The archaeological evidence and chronicle accounts indicate that a centralized state formed in the Cusco region and expanded over a period of several generations leading up to the explosive territorial expansion of the 15th and early 16th centuries.\"" }, { "id": 333, "polity": { "id": 80, "name": "pe_wari_emp", "long_name": "Wari Empire", "start_year": 650, "end_year": 999 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": "\"Wari was clearly a centralised state whose people settled outside of the Ayacucho region.\" §REF§(Covey, Bauer, Bélisle, Tsesmeli 2013, 538-552)§REF§ Centralized state in the heartland. Loose control over regions that might be considered colonies." }, { "id": 334, "polity": { "id": 445, "name": "pg_orokaiva_pre_colonial", "long_name": "Orokaiva - Pre-Colonial", "start_year": 1734, "end_year": 1883 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " Orokaiva political organization was fluid and not centralized: 'Political organization incorporates no central authority or hereditary leadership. Instead, it is characterized by big-men(EMBO DAMBO) and an ascendancy of elders who have proved themselves equal to the task. Such men command the respect of the village, based upon observed qualities of generosity, diligence, wealth, ability to make wise decisions, and skill in arranging ceremonial activities. This status confers no sanctioning authority, however. The Orokaiva tribes, around twelve in number, are very loose units politically and recognize no single leader. The largest unit is the tribe, which has a common territory usually demarcated from neighboring tribal territories by a belt of uninhabited land.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ 'The social system is characterized by flexibility in arrangements for group membership and for transmission of rights to land. A village normally contains more than one clan branch and consequently is not necessarily a landholding unit. Residents may have closer kinship ties to residents of other villages than with some of their coresidents. Nevertheless, common residence implies some community of interest and a degree of group solidarity that is reinforced by government policy, which recognizes villages rather than descent groups as functional entities. Marriages between members of different clan branches within the village also reinforce this solidarity, which is expressed in ways such as daily food gifts, cooperation in certain tasks, and joint ceremonial activities. On the average, a lineage comprises three households. Usually, several clans are represented in a village, with members of a single clan (clan branches) being scattered among a number of neighboring villages. Lineages are more localized in cha racter, frequently being confined to a single village and tending to occupy one section of it.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§" }, { "id": 335, "polity": { "id": 446, "name": "pg_orokaiva_colonial", "long_name": "Orokaiva - Colonial", "start_year": 1884, "end_year": 1942 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "loose", "comment": null, "description": " Orokaiva political organization was fluid and not centralized: 'Political organization incorporates no central authority or hereditary leadership. Instead, it is characterized by big-men(EMBO DAMBO) and an ascendancy of elders who have proved themselves equal to the task. Such men command the respect of the village, based upon observed qualities of generosity, diligence, wealth, ability to make wise decisions, and skill in arranging ceremonial activities. This status confers no sanctioning authority, however. The Orokaiva tribes, around twelve in number, are very loose units politically and recognize no single leader. The largest unit is the tribe, which has a common territory usually demarcated from neighboring tribal territories by a belt of uninhabited land.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ 'The social system is characterized by flexibility in arrangements for group membership and for transmission of rights to land. A village normally contains more than one clan branch and consequently is not necessarily a landholding unit. Residents may have closer kinship ties to residents of other villages than with some of their coresidents. Nevertheless, common residence implies some community of interest and a degree of group solidarity that is reinforced by government policy, which recognizes villages rather than descent groups as functional entities. Marriages between members of different clan branches within the village also reinforce this solidarity, which is expressed in ways such as daily food gifts, cooperation in certain tasks, and joint ceremonial activities. On the average, a lineage comprises three households. Usually, several clans are represented in a village, with members of a single clan (clan branches) being scattered among a number of neighboring villages. Lineages are more localized in cha racter, frequently being confined to a single village and tending to occupy one section of it.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ During the colonial period, a British and Australian administrative structure was superimposed on the native system: 'In response to Australian pressure, the British government annexed Papua in 1888. Gold was discovered shortly thereafter, resulting in a major movement of prospectors and miners to what was then the Northern District. Relations with the Papuans were bad from the start, and there were numerous killings on both sides. The Protectorate of British New Guinea became Australian territory by the passing of the Papua Act of 1905 by the Commonwealth Government of Australia. The new administration adopted a policy of peaceful penetration, and many measures of social and economic national development were introduced. Local control was in the hands of village constables, paid servants of the Crown. Chosen by European officers, they were intermediaries between the government and the people. In 1951 an eruption occurred on Mount Lamington, completely devastating a large part of the area occupied by the Orokaiva. Survivors were provided with food, medicine, and other relief by the government and were maintained in evacuatio n camps. Large-scale, expertly planned social, economic, and political development began in Papua around 1960 with the introduction of cash crops, agricultural extension work, land-title improvement, road improvement, and educational development.' §REF§Latham, Christopher S.: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Orokaiva§REF§ The colonial period also saw the emergence of new supralocal religious movements: 'We have already noted the mutual amity which prevails among all branches of the cult, and have discovered cause to suspect that it is based on the fear of sorcery (p. 47). This general amity or fraternity, however, whatever its basis may be, is not only a striking, but on the whole a commendable feature of the cult. Clashes of arms-part in fun, part in earnest-are still common enough among the clans of the north; the warlike display at the welcome of visitors which sometimes leads to these affrays is in fact a regular custom. But although the Taro parties are constantly engaged in travel and visiting, I know of no serious quarrel between rival parties qua Taro parties. It is not necessary to observe that, but for the previous pacification of the Division, the Taro cult could never have spread itself so widely in so short a time. But it is still true that the cult is consolidating the work to which it was in the first place indebted. In fine, by arousing this elementary tendency toward cohesion, by establishing the intertribal power of a few individuals, and by advancing the spirit of intertribal friendliness, the Taro cult has played its part in emphasizing the unity of the Orokaiva. No movement of native origin has, since European occupation, made the same universal appeal to all the clans and tribes of this people.' §REF§Williams, F. E. (Francis Edgar) 1928. “Orokaiva Magic”, 96§REF§" }, { "id": 336, "polity": { "id": 117, "name": "pk_kachi_enl", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Aceramic Neolithic", "start_year": -7500, "end_year": -5500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": "With limited archaeological (and no literary) evidence, it is not clear what sort of polity (or polities) were present at this time. §REF§Rita Wright: The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy and Society; Cambridge: CUP, 2010, pp. 79-105§REF§<br>The earliest sedentary populations in South Asia thus appear to have been relatively small, and to have favoured specific ecological zones for the establishment of their settlements. In this earliest stage, it is likely that sedentary populations co-existed with hunter gatherers, and at least at Mehrgarh, it appears that the initial farming populations also engaged in hunting. §REF§Petrie, C. A. (in press) Chapter 11, Case Study: Mehrgarh. In, Barker, G and Goucher, C (eds.) Cambridge World History, Volume 2: A World with Agriculture, 12,000 BCE - 500 CE. Cambridge University Press: Cambridge§REF§" }, { "id": 337, "polity": { "id": 118, "name": "pk_kachi_lnl", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Ceramic Neolithic", "start_year": -5500, "end_year": -4000 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " With limited archaeological (and no literary) evidence, it is not clear what sort of polity (or polities) were present at this time §REF§Rita Wright: The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy and Society; Cambridge: CUP, 2010, pp. 79-105§REF§. However, it is much more likely that we are dealing with a quasi-polity rather than a polity, and that there was nothing resembling a state at this time§REF§A. Ceccarelli, pers. comm. to E. Cioni, Feb 2017§REF§." }, { "id": 338, "polity": { "id": 119, "name": "pk_kachi_ca", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Chalcolithic", "start_year": -4000, "end_year": -3200 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " With limited archaeological (and no literary) evidence, it is not clear what sort of polity (or polities) were present at this time. §REF§Rita Wright: The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy and Society; Cambridge: CUP, 2010, pp. 79-105§REF§" }, { "id": 339, "polity": { "id": 126, "name": "pk_indo_greek_k", "long_name": "Indo-Greek Kingdom", "start_year": -180, "end_year": -10 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "nominal", "comment": null, "description": " The two and a half centuries between Diodotus I and the last Indo-Greek king Strato II (10 CE) the names of more than thirty kings have been in recorded the region. Power seems to have been collaborative. The lack of consistent or reliable sources from either Western or Chinese sources means that any answer is largely speculative. As with so much with central Asian history, this is largely as a result of a reliance on numismatic evidence. §REF§Guillaume, Olivier. \"An Analysis of the Modes of Reconstruction of the Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek History.\" Studies in History 2, no. 1 (1986): 1-16.§REF§<br>Numismatic evidence suggests kingship was collaborative but there are few reliable sources to provide details.§REF§Guillaume, Olivier. 1986. \"An Analysis of the Modes of Reconstruction of the Graeco-Bactrian and Indo-Greek History.\" Studies in History 2, no. 1. p.1-16.§REF§ It is likely the rulers, who simultaneously produced their own coinage, ruled different parts of the Indo-Greek polity and employed their own administrators. That few of the rulers who succeeded Menander \"could easily be named as his relatives, and the Indo-Greek realms were scarcely united after his death\"§REF§(Jakobsson 2009) Jakobsson, Jens. Who Founded the Indo-Greek Era of 186/5 B.C.E.? Dec 2009. The Classical Quarterly. New Series. Vol. 59. No.2. pp. 505-510.§REF§ suggests the Indo-Greek region was for the most part not a united state and organization extended only to the limits of a particular king's power. \"Hellenistic kingship was personal, not defined by exact borders.\"§REF§(Jakobsson 2009) Jakobsson, Jens. Who Founded the Indo-Greek Era of 186/5 B.C.E.? Dec 2009. The Classical Quarterly. New Series. Vol. 59. No.2. pp. 505-510.§REF§" }, { "id": 340, "polity": { "id": 123, "name": "pk_kachi_post_urban", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Post-Urban Period", "start_year": -1800, "end_year": -1300 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "loose", "comment": null, "description": " According to Coningham, there is no evidence of centralized systems of government during this period. Attempts by scholars such as Maurizio Tosi to find evidence of differentiation and increasing complexity were not born out by the evidence. While recording systems are present, stamp seals and sealing, these appeared to be quite localized in terms of their production.§REF§Coningham pers. comm. interview with Harvey Whitehouse and Christina Collins, Jan 2017§REF§" }, { "id": 341, "polity": { "id": 120, "name": "pk_kachi_pre_urban", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Pre-Urban Period", "start_year": -3200, "end_year": -2500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " The settlements and artefacts from this period suggest increasing complexity, although it is not clear what sort of polity (or polities) were present. It is likely that there was a form of centralised authority, based on the complexity of urban planning, but whether this was a chiefdom or incipient state is debated.§REF§Rita Wright: The Ancient Indus: Urbanism, Economy and Society; Cambridge: CUP, 2010, pp. 79-105§REF§" }, { "id": 342, "polity": { "id": 124, "name": "pk_kachi_proto_historic", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Proto-Historic Period", "start_year": -1300, "end_year": -500 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 343, "polity": { "id": 133, "name": "pk_sind_abbasid_fatimid", "long_name": "Sind - Abbasid-Fatimid Period", "start_year": 854, "end_year": 1193 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": " unitary state: 854-1218 CE; loose: 1297-1317 CE; nominal: 1318-1352 CE Independence and cohesion in the polity from 854-1218 CE. After this annexation by the Delhi sultanate and then civil war saw a loss of cohesion within the polity. The rise of the Samma Jams saw a degree unity return. §REF§Panhwar, M. H. \"Chronological Dictionary of Sindh, (Karachi, 1983) pp. 184-206§REF§ §REF§Panhwar, M.H, An illustrated Historical Atlas of Soomra Kingdom of the Sindh, Karachi, 2003, pp.19-71§REF§" }, { "id": 344, "polity": { "id": 133, "name": "pk_sind_abbasid_fatimid", "long_name": "Sind - Abbasid-Fatimid Period", "start_year": 854, "end_year": 1193 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "loose", "comment": null, "description": " unitary state: 854-1218 CE; loose: 1297-1317 CE; nominal: 1318-1352 CE Independence and cohesion in the polity from 854-1218 CE. After this annexation by the Delhi sultanate and then civil war saw a loss of cohesion within the polity. The rise of the Samma Jams saw a degree unity return. §REF§Panhwar, M. H. \"Chronological Dictionary of Sindh, (Karachi, 1983) pp. 184-206§REF§ §REF§Panhwar, M.H, An illustrated Historical Atlas of Soomra Kingdom of the Sindh, Karachi, 2003, pp.19-71§REF§" }, { "id": 345, "polity": { "id": 133, "name": "pk_sind_abbasid_fatimid", "long_name": "Sind - Abbasid-Fatimid Period", "start_year": 854, "end_year": 1193 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "nominal", "comment": null, "description": " unitary state: 854-1218 CE; loose: 1297-1317 CE; nominal: 1318-1352 CE Independence and cohesion in the polity from 854-1218 CE. After this annexation by the Delhi sultanate and then civil war saw a loss of cohesion within the polity. The rise of the Samma Jams saw a degree unity return. §REF§Panhwar, M. H. \"Chronological Dictionary of Sindh, (Karachi, 1983) pp. 184-206§REF§ §REF§Panhwar, M.H, An illustrated Historical Atlas of Soomra Kingdom of the Sindh, Karachi, 2003, pp.19-71§REF§" }, { "id": 346, "polity": { "id": 136, "name": "pk_samma_dyn", "long_name": "Sind - Samma Dynasty", "start_year": 1335, "end_year": 1521 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "unitary state", "comment": null, "description": null }, { "id": 347, "polity": { "id": 121, "name": "pk_kachi_urban_1", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Urban Period I", "start_year": -2500, "end_year": -2100 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": "The extent to which people in the Mature Harappan period were unified in a single polity is debated. Evidence suggests that there was a certain degree centralised authority to ensure the standardisation of weights, craft specialisation and the uniform urban planning at sites including Nausharo, Mohenjo Daro and Kalibangan (Rajasthan)§REF§Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. p44§REF§; but different forms of material culture suggest several distinct areas in the Indus Valley.§REF§Schug, G. R., Gray, K., Mushrif-Tripathy, V., and Sankhyan, A. R. (2012) A peaceful realm? Trauma and social differentiation at Harappa. International Journal of Paleopathology 2, pp136-147. p136§REF§" }, { "id": 348, "polity": { "id": 122, "name": "pk_kachi_urban_2", "long_name": "Kachi Plain - Urban Period II", "start_year": -2100, "end_year": -1800 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": "The extent to which people in the Mature Harappan period were unified in a single polity is debated. Evidence suggests that there was a certain degree centralised authority to ensure the standardisation of weights, craft specialisation and the uniform urban planning at sites including Nausharo, Mohenjo Daro and Kalibangan (Rajasthan)§REF§Agrawal, D. P. (2007) The Indus Civilization: An interdisciplinary perspective. Aryan Books International: New Delhi. p44§REF§; but different forms of material culture suggest several distinct areas in the Indus Valley.§REF§Schug, G. R., Gray, K., Mushrif-Tripathy, V., and Sankhyan, A. R. (2012) A peaceful realm? Trauma and social differentiation at Harappa. International Journal of Paleopathology 2, pp136-147. p136§REF§" }, { "id": 349, "polity": { "id": 194, "name": "ru_sakha_early", "long_name": "Sakha - Early", "start_year": 1400, "end_year": 1632 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "quasi-polity", "comment": null, "description": " Sakha clan and tribal organization was decentralized: 'Kinship and politics were mixed in the hierarchical council system that guided AQA-USA, AIMAK, and DZHON. Yakut explanations of DZHON in the nineteenth century included concepts like \"people,\" \"community,\" or \"tribe,\" territorially defined. Councils were composed of ranked circles of elders, usually men, whose leaders, TOYONS, were called nobles by Russians. A lineage head was BIS-USA-TOYON; respected warriors and hunters were BATYR. Lineage councils decided major economic issues, interfamily disputes, and questions of blood revenge for violence committed against the group. AIMAK and DZHON councils were infrequent, dealing with issues of security, revenge, alliance, and, before Russian control, war. Through war, slaves were captured for service in the wealthiest TOYON households. Kin-based councils were rare by the nineteenth century and had little influence on twentieth-century politics.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'Key kin relations are based on a patrilineage (AQA-USA) that traces membership back nine generations. Within this, children born to a specific mother are distinguished as a group (YE-USA), and may form the basis for different households (KORGON). Historically, more distant kin were recognized on two levels, the AIMAK (or territorial NASLEG), with one to thirty lineages, and the DZHON (or territorial ULUS), composed of several AIMAK. These larger units were united by alliances, including for common defense, alliances, and by economic relations; these links were renewed at councils and festivals.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'The Sakha are thought to be an admixture of migrants from the Lake Baikal region with the aborigines of the Lena-probably mostly Evenk (Evenki), who have contributed much to their culture. Other evidence, however, points to a southern ancestry related to the Turkic-speaking tribes of the steppe and the Altai Mountains. The early history of the Sakha is little known, though epic tales date from the 10th century. In the 17th century they had peacefully assimilated with other northern peoples and consisted of 80 independent tribes, subdivided into clans.' §REF§<a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people</a>§REF§ During the early Russian period, the Czarist administrative structure was superimposed on the Sakha system: 'No less significant changes occurred in the administrative organization of the Yakut country. In the seventeenth century Yakutsk was the center of a great independent country directly subordinate to Moscow, although for some specific questions it was dependent on the governors of Tobolsk. In the time of Peter the Great, Yakutsk entered into the newly organized Siberian Goubernyia (government) and with the division of the Siberian government into provinces was included in Irkutsk Province. In 1775 Irkutsk Province was organized into a government and the Yakut country formed one of the provinces of the new government. ' §REF§Jochelson, Waldemar 1933. “Yakut”, 224§REF§" }, { "id": 350, "polity": { "id": 195, "name": "ru_sakha_late", "long_name": "Sakha - Late", "start_year": 1632, "end_year": 1900 }, "year_from": null, "year_to": null, "tag": "TRS", "is_disputed": false, "is_uncertain": false, "name": "Polity_degree_of_centralization", "degree_of_centralization": "loose", "comment": null, "description": " Sakha clan and tribal organization was decentralized: 'Kinship and politics were mixed in the hierarchical council system that guided AQA-USA, AIMAK, and DZHON. Yakut explanations of DZHON in the nineteenth century included concepts like \"people,\" \"community,\" or \"tribe,\" territorially defined. Councils were composed of ranked circles of elders, usually men, whose leaders, TOYONS, were called nobles by Russians. A lineage head was BIS-USA-TOYON; respected warriors and hunters were BATYR. Lineage councils decided major economic issues, interfamily disputes, and questions of blood revenge for violence committed against the group. AIMAK and DZHON councils were infrequent, dealing with issues of security, revenge, alliance, and, before Russian control, war. Through war, slaves were captured for service in the wealthiest TOYON households. Kin-based councils were rare by the nineteenth century and had little influence on twentieth-century politics.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'Key kin relations are based on a patrilineage (AQA-USA) that traces membership back nine generations. Within this, children born to a specific mother are distinguished as a group (YE-USA), and may form the basis for different households (KORGON). Historically, more distant kin were recognized on two levels, the AIMAK (or territorial NASLEG), with one to thirty lineages, and the DZHON (or territorial ULUS), composed of several AIMAK. These larger units were united by alliances, including for common defense, alliances, and by economic relations; these links were renewed at councils and festivals.' §REF§Balzer, Marjorie Mandelstam and Skoggard, Ian: eHRAF Cultural Summary for the Yakut§REF§ 'The Sakha are thought to be an admixture of migrants from the Lake Baikal region with the aborigines of the Lena-probably mostly Evenk (Evenki), who have contributed much to their culture. Other evidence, however, points to a southern ancestry related to the Turkic-speaking tribes of the steppe and the Altai Mountains. The early history of the Sakha is little known, though epic tales date from the 10th century. In the 17th century they had peacefully assimilated with other northern peoples and consisted of 80 independent tribes, subdivided into clans.' §REF§<a class=\"external free\" href=\"http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people\" rel=\"nofollow\">http://www.britannica.com/topic/Sakha-people</a>§REF§ During the early Russian period, the Czarist administrative structure was superimposed on the Sakha system: 'No less significant changes occurred in the administrative organization of the Yakut country. In the seventeenth century Yakutsk was the center of a great independent country directly subordinate to Moscow, although for some specific questions it was dependent on the governors of Tobolsk. In the time of Peter the Great, Yakutsk entered into the newly organized Siberian Goubernyia (government) and with the division of the Siberian government into provinces was included in Irkutsk Province. In 1775 Irkutsk Province was organized into a government and the Yakut country formed one of the provinces of the new government. In 1783 the government was again reorganized into a vice-royalty composed of four provinces, one of which was Yakutsk Province. In 1797 the vice-royalty was abolished and the government restored. In [Page 225] 1805 under the Emperor Alexander I, the Yakut country was made a separate province dependent upon Irkutsk. In 1852 the Yakut country was given a separate governor. After the revolution in February, 1917, a commissar was appointed by the Provisional Government.' §REF§Jochelson, Waldemar 1933. “Yakut”, 224§REF§" } ] }